Bulletin of Portuguese - Japanese Studies ISSN: 0874-8438 [email protected] Universidade Nova de Lisboa Portugal Ribeiro, Madalena Reseña de "The Junk Trade from Southeast Asia. Translations from the Tôsen Fusetsu- Gaki, 16741723" de Ishii Yoneo (ed.) Bulletin of Portuguese - Japanese Studies, núm. 2, june, 2001, pp. 158-160 Universidade Nova de Lisboa Lisboa, Portugal Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=36100210 How to cite Complete issue More information about this article Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Scientific Information System Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative 158 Book Reviews Edition by Ishii Yoneo. Preface by Anthony Reid. The Junk Trade from Southeast Asia. Translations from the Tôsen FusetsuGaki, 1674-1723 (Singapore, Institute of Southeast Asia Studies, 1998) In the mid sixteenth century, Japan initiated the process that would culminate in the centralization of power and, at the same time, came into contact with foreigners coming from abroad. A little later, at the end of the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth century, a commercial expansion also took place, that encompassed a large part of Southeast Asia. One of the main measures implemented by the Tokugawa Shogunate to promote external trade consisted of the creation of official travel and commercial licenses for Japanese merchants. The ships that these traders sent abroad had a capacity of 200 men and were called the “red seal ships” or goshui-sen. Japanese immigrants - merchants, sailors, rônin, etc - fomented trade relations between the areas in which they had settled and Japan. Scattered throughout Southeast Asia were to be found Japanese quarters in which these immigrants lived together in groups and remained a closed community1. After the mid seventeenth century, at the same time that their main source of income dried up, these Japanese would also discover that they had no possibility of returning to their country of origin. In effect, at the same time that the ships of the go-shui-sen ploughed the seas, internal Japanese politics underwent a profound change with the advent of the Tokugawa Shogunate (1603-1868). In the second quarter of the seventeenth century the dynasty implemented the policy of the sakoku and effectively closed Japan’s doors to the rest of the world during more than two centuries2. The Shogunate did not intend to isolate the country by this policy but, rather, aimed to eradicate Christianity and control external relations so as to avoid any possible revival3. Other reasons cited for this isolationist policy are related to issues of an economic nature, arising from the decrease in the extraction of silver and the fear that some daimyô could enrich themselves greatly with this trade and instigate revolts against the newly established central authority.4 However, this isolationist policy did not diminish the demand for certain commodities in the archipelago and, from this point onwards, Japanese commerce, that had initially been realized by Portuguese and Japanese, passed into the hands of Chinese and Dutch merchants. From 1639 onwards, the latter were to be the sole Europeans authorized to trade with the Empire of the Rising Sun. The presence of the Chinese junks - the tôsen - and the ships of the VOC at the port of Nagasaki (which was the only Book Reviews port open to foreign trade till 1853) was implacably controlled by the Japanese authorities. This was to prove to be the only way by which Japan could obtain certain products that were essential components of the Japanese market, as well as the only means by which Japan could have access to any kind of information about the happenings of the world beyond the archipelago. In this manner, these Chinese and Dutch sailors and merchants, who arrived annually at the port of Nagasaki from the most varied parts of the world, were the principal sources of information about the outside world for the Japanese authorities. From 1644 onwards, the captains of these ships were obliged to prepare reports the fûsetsu-gaki - with this information. Three copies were then made: one for the authorities in Edo, the other for the bugyô of the city, and the last copy for the interpreter5. According to Ishii Yoneo, fûsetsu - that literally means “rumour” - refers to the interview to which the Dutch and Chinese were subjected to when they arrived at Nagasaki. Once this interview was transcribed onto paper, it was then known as the fûsetsu-gaki: Tôsen fûsetsu-gaki were the reports by the Chinese and Oranda fûsetsu-gaki were those by the Dutch6. A Chinese interpreter was nominated from amongst the Chinese population resident in the Nagasaki quarter, to elaborate the former, the Tôsen fûsetsu-gaki. Accor- 159 ding to the aforementioned author, the creation of the post of “Inspector of Chinese Interpreters”, in 1696, was proof of the extreme caution taken in the nomination of these interpreters. This was followed three years later, in 1699, by the establishment of the “Officer in Charge of the Fûsetsu”7 Ishii Yoneo informs us that there currently exist three collections of manuscripts of the Tôsen fûsetsugaki: the Kai-Hentai, the KikôShosetsu and lastly, the texts known simply as the Tôsen fûsetsu-gaki, that is to be found in the “Matsudaira Bunko of the Shimabara Municipal Library”. The first two were published in 1958-59 and the last one in 1974. The English edition, prepared by Ishii Yoneo, was based on the Japanese edition of 1958-59, and does not therefore include the last manuscript indicated above, that covers the years between 1724 and 17288. On the other hand, as the very title of the work indicates, Ishii has opted to include only the reports by the Chinese who junks came from Southeast Asia, namely, from “Siam, Pattani, Ligor, Songhkla, Cambodia, Kelapa, Malacca and Banten” - following the order of the respective chapters of this book. The reports of the junks coming from China and the Vietnamese coast which, according to Ishii, constitute the major part of the documentation, have been excluded. Here, we would like to further elaborate upon the source itself, and its 160 Book Reviews importance for the study of Southeast Asia and the Far East. As a general rule, from the thematic point of view, we can divide these reports into two parts. In one part, the Chinese recount information about their journey, from the point of departure up until their arrival at the port of Nagasaki. Here, they generally give details of the port from which they set sail, of the other ships which were anchored there, any chance encounters - peaceful or not with other ships on the high seas, of the nationalities of the crews, of the scarcity or lack of provisions and water, and of the climatic conditions in which the voyage was made - storms, winds or currents which they encountered and their consequences. Here we find some references to the socio-political disorder within China, resulting from the tumultuous dynastic change, and other references that show how this war was transported to the China Seas. This data is also an important indication of the interest that Japan continued to show for whatever happened in China. On the other hand, in another part of the same report, the Chinese take great pains to give information - both political as well as socioeconomic, which we would classify as being the “latest news” - about the kingdoms of Southeast Asia from which they set sail. In the context of Japan, the Tôsen fûsetsu-gaki is an important source for information such as, for example, the frequency with which the junks visited Japan to trade their goods and the commodities that were of greatest interest for the internal market. It also indicates the kind of information that the Japanese tried to obtain from the Chinese with regard to the “outside world”. In conclusion, we can say that the Tôsen fûsetsu-gaki is clear proof of the efficiency of the sakoku policy, which was implemented by the Tokugawa Shogunate, and is an indication of the way in which they maintained strict control of all the information that came from outside. Madalena Ribeiro Holder of a scholarship from the Fundação Oriente. 1 With regard to the Japanese quarters scattered throught Southeast Asia, see Ishizawa Yoshiaki, “Les quartiers japonais dans l’Asie du sud-est au XVIIème siècle” in Guerre et Paix en Asie du Sud-Est, Nguyên the Anh and Alain Forest Edition, Paris, 1998, pp. 85-94. 2 With regard to the establishment of the policy of the sokoku see the chapter entitled “Foreign Relations” in the classic work by George Sansom, A History of Japan, 1615-1867, 9th Edition, Tokyo, Vol. 3, pp. 35-45. 3 See Michel Vié, Histoire du Japon, des origines à Meiji, 5th Edition, Paris, 1995, p. 89. 4 See Francine Hérail, Histoire du Japon, des origines à la fin de Meiji, Paris, 1986, pp. 332333 and Marius B. Jansen, China in the Tokugawa World, Harvard, 1992, p. 28. 5 See Marius B. Jansen, Op.Cit. p. 12. 6 See Ishii Yonei, The Junk Trade from Southeast Asia. Translations from the Tôsen Fusetsu-Gaki, 1674-1723. p. 6. 7 See Ibidem, p. 6. 8 See Ibidem, pp. 6-7.
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