Gambling in a Fantasy World:
An Exploratory Study of
Rotisserie Baseball Games
Bo J. Bernhard
Vincent H. Eade
Abstract
The purpose of this article is to map the social landscape of the burgeoning fantasy
baseball gaming phenomenon. This study relies upon two approaches: an analysis of the
existing gambling literature to look for useful theory and research applications, and
observations of fantasy baseball players to better understand their behaviors. The
authors seek to provide an exploratory framework that will aid in the development of
future theory and research on these phenomena.
Key words: fantasy baseball, sports, sports gambling
The most recent (2003) Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary contains, for the first
time, a separate entry for the definition of the word "rotisserie:"
2
rotisserie adj, often cap
[fr. La Rotisserie Francaise, restaurant in New York City where a group of fans began
the organization of a fantasy baseball league in 1979] (1980): of, relating to, or being a
sports league consisting of imaginary teams whose performance is based on the statistics
of actual players < a - baseball league >
Introduction
Dr. Bo J. Bernhard
Assistant Professor
Director of Gambling
Research
Dept. of Sociology
University of Nevada,
Las Vegas
[email protected]
Vincent H. Eade
Professor
Dept. of Hotel Management
William. F. Harrah College
of Hotel Administration
University of Nevada,
Las Vegas
[email protected]
This article seeks to provide an introductory framework for an understanding of
"fantasy" or "rotisserie" baseball, 1 a gaming phenomenon that has thus far escaped
serious academic inquiry. According to recent estimates, fantasy sports have ballooned
into a billion-dollar industry - and one that is growing at a phenomenal rate (Ballard
2004).
What is more, for our purposes here, fantasy baseball play may be considered a
form of gambling, with profound similarities to more familiar gambling activities. As in
table poker, participants contribute money to the league "pot" before play begins, and
then additional monies are added depending on the dynamics of subsequent play. The
pot grows, and it is ultimately divided up among the winners at the end of the season/
game. The winners (and losers) are determined by the strategic decisions that are made,
the skill of the other players involved, and luck- a combination that is noticeably
present in many types of popular gambling games. If we broadly define gambling as an
activity that risks something of value (substantial amounts of money) on an event whose
outcome is undetermined (such as the whims of a professional baseball season), fantasy
baseball clearly qualifies.
1
In this paper, the terms "fanlasy baseball," "rotisserie baseball," and "roto" (an abbreviation for rotisserie) will be used
interchangeably.
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The Rules of the Game
As the cliche states about table poker, fantasy baseball's rules are deceptively
simple, but a mastery of the nuances of game strategy may well consume a lifetime. The
rules are themselves part of the fantasy baseball legend, and can be traced to a single
moment in the history of the game.
The founding figure of fantasy baseball is Dan Okrent, a prominent writer who will
forever be known, despite his status as a New York Times editor, as the inventor of the
game. In 1987, Okrent concocted the basic rules on a plane trip, and then communicated
them to a group of friends at a Manhattan restaurant called La Rotisserie. The idea was
that each participant in the league would select an original "team" of baseball players
from the Major Leagues, and then use those players' statistics to see who had picked the
best team. Though the restaurant has since gone out of business, the name "rotisserie" has
stuck (Diamond, 2004 ).
Whether its participants call their group a rotisserie, roto, or fantasy league, there
are two common foundations. First, major league baseball players' current season
statistics and performances provide the basis for scoring and determining league
winners. The original "4x4" rotisserie rules use four hitting categories (batting average,
home runs, runs batted in, and stolen bases) plus four pitching categories (total wins,
saves, earned run average, and the WHIP ratio [essentially the number of baserunners a
pitcher allows per inning pitched] (ESPN Fantasy Baseball, 2004).
The second apparent universal is that leagues begin the season with a draft, in
which the players that will represent fantasy participants' "teams" (and that will
therefore, in many instances, dictate their moods over the course of the six-month
baseball season) are selected.
Aside from these fundamentals, the following represent some of the more
frequently used rules and league guidelines:
• A Commissioner. The commissioner manages the league by establishing league
rules and resolving disputes over rule interpretations. Commissioners may also be
responsible for publishing league standings (or selecting the Internet service that
will do so), ensuring that all fees are paid, and organizing drafts, league parties,
and/or award ceremonies.
• Team Names. League participants can be quite creative in selecting a name for
their fantasy "team." Some use variants of actual major league baseball team
names; many create their own unique ones. In our observations, some of the more
memorable names included: Stud Bubbas, Hollywood Love Doctors, Parts
Unknown, Flying Rearendos, Dr. Terror's Team of Horrors, Ain't Worth Spit,
Batsmen of the Kalahari, Wally Wayback & the Popcorn Kings, The Mojo
Workers, Minimum Wagers, Darwin's Finches, Silver Slugs, Shaky Alibis, Field
Weenies, Fowl Bawlers, Foulic Cymbals, Hit or Myth, Sultans of Squat, Urine
Troubles, Bums of Steal, Hand Gestures, The Drunken Cheapskates, Not Ready
for Pastime Players, and Grumpy Old Men.
• Draft. Teams may physically convene for their draft or they may conduct a cyberdraft online. Players are either auctioned to the highest bidder (in an "auction
draft"), or team managers take turns selecting players (in a "straight draft").
Fantasy teams usually consist of players from each of the baseball positions; for
instance, teams normally need to draft a shortstop, a second baseman, a first
baseman, pitchers, and so on -in the same way that real teams need players to
cover each position.
• The Season. During the season, teams score points based on how their major
league players perform in the statistical categories pre-selected by the league. For
instance, to take the simplest example, all of the home runs hit by all of a fantasy
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Gambling in a Fantasy World: An Exploratory Study of Rotisserie Baseball Games
team's players are added, and then players receive points based on this
performance (the team with the most home runs receives the most points, the team
with the second most home runs receives the second most points, and so on). As is
the case in major league baseball, when a player is injured, he may be placed on a
disabled list (DL), and another player may temporarily replace him. Teams are
typically allowed to trade players (though commissioners may have to sanction
these trades, to assure fairness).
• Conclusion of the Season. The season ends when the regular baseball season
concludes. At the end of the season, the team with the most points overall (in all of
the pre-selected categories) wins the league. Prizes are typically awarded to the
top finishers.
Research Approach and Methods
Because this is an exploratory study, the authors relied on methodologies
appropriate for an area of study that is in its infancy. Guided by Zikmund's (2003)
suggestions that exploratory studies proceed modestly and qualitatively, this study will
rely upon qualitative analyses of the behaviors discussed. Specifically, this study relies
upon our participant observations as well as a qualitative content analysis of fantasy
baseball web sites. The objective of this paper is to introduce these ideas to the academic
community, with hopes of providing some exploratory frameworks that will aid in the
development of future theory and research on these phenomena.
An eclectic methodological approach is employed in this work- as is at times
necessary with activities that take place on the Internet. In noting the challenges of
Internet-based social research, Wakeford claims that "there is no standard technique, in
communication studies or in allied social science disciplines for studying the Web" and
suggests an eclectic approach that "plunder(s) existing research for emerging
methodological ideas which have been developed in the course of diverse research
projects, and weighing up whether they can be used" (2000, p. 39).
In conducting our analyses, we draw from our extensive experiences as longtime
participant-observers: we have collectively played in 42 fantasy baseball seasons dating
back for 20 years. While we have not been systematic in our observations over the past
20 years, this experience profoundly informs our commentary here. As outlined by
Krippendorf (2004: 175), this kind of extensive "familiarity" with the research topic
provides a vital foundation for a content analysis.
In addition, because the more frequent medium of communication for fantasy
baseball play is the Internet, and because fantasy players are often active on fantasy
baseball "bulletin boards," Internet "postings" from four different fantasy baseball web
sites have been analyzed using a qualitative content analysis. This analysis was
conducted using guidelines developed by Krippendorf (2004); however, because even
this substantial (some would say definitive) recent volume on content analysis lacks a
substantial section on the content analysis of Internet postings, we have proceeded
eclectically.
Generally, qualitative content analyses involve close readings of text, interpretations
of these texts into "new narratives," and analyses of social and cultural perspectives that
inform (more positivistic researchers might say "bias") these proceedings (Kroppendorf
2004, p. 17). This particular content analysis is "text-driven," an approach that takes
advantage of rich and relevant texts in an exploratory manner (Krippendorf 2004, p. 340).
As Altheide eloquently describes it, in conducting qualitative content analyses. it is
important to employ an approach that "offers a perspective for analysis of human action
in the field and in documents; the key is to reconceptualize the latter as the former and
vice versa" (1987, p. 76). Here, relying upon our extensive experience in these fields,
we attempt to analyze the "field as documents," and we seek to analyze these documents
as "the field(s)." In this sense, ethnographic sensibilities also inform our work.
UNLV Gaming Research & Review Journal • Volume 9, Issue 1
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On the fantasy baseball sites we studred, postings are conducted anonymously, and
they provide insight into the everyday emotions and decision-making processes involved
in fantasy play. If each bulletin board "posting" is considered a separate document, in
our estimation we examined well over 2,000 documents. On a small number of
occasions, in order to clarify themes discussed, the study authors would post questions
on the topics at hand.
More generally, this analysis was informed by the conventions articulated by
Atkinson and Coffey, who suggest that
... documentary materials should be regarded as data in their own right. They often
enshrine a distinctively documentary version of social reality. They have their own
conventions that inform their production and circulation. They are associated with
distinct social occasions and organized activities. This does not mean that there is
a documentary level of reality that is divorced from other levels, such as the
interactional order. Documents are used and exchanged as part of social
interaction, for instance (1997, pp. 47-48).
Over the course of five months, we recorded our qualitative observations of these
postings, developed a series of study themes or "guideposts" (reflected in the headings
of this paper), and met frequently to discuss our emerging findings. Ultimately, our
methodological approach was iterative, in that each round of analysis was informed by
the previous one, and then in turn informed the next one.
Of course, this approach is not without its own limitations. For one thing, the
findings presented here may not be applicable in all fantasy baseball settings, and the
representativeness of either the authors' leagues or the bulletin boards cannot be assured
(or even determined). However, because our goal was to present a modest and
exploratory account of an activity that has not yet been accounted for in the academic
literature, we felt that our methodological approach was appropriate. Perhaps in the
future more systematic analyses can further expand our knowledge about these settings
and these activities.
The structure of this article is as follows: after an overview of the most recent data
on fantasy baseball, insights into the cultural components of fantasy play will be
discussed. Next, positive consequences and negative consequences of fantasy baseball
play will be considered, and finally, suggestions will be made regarding potential
trajectories for future research.
Fantasy Baseball as a Mass Phenomenon
To truly understand the sociologies and psychologies of the American sports scene,
one must at some point engage the "national pastime," baseball. In much the same way,
to understand the dynamics of fantasy sports one must begin with fantasy baseball. As
the prototypical and first fantasy game, the development of fantasy baseball follows a
familiar trajectory: this was originally considered an activity for outcasts, engaged by
those presumed to be overly bookish and socially challenged ("geeks" more
colloquially).
More recently, however, this has evolved into a mainstream activity -and
consequently, big, big (gaming) business. According to a recent analysis, a total of $1.65
billion is spent annually on fantasy sports (Ballard, 2004), but
more importantly, these dollar figures reflect a broad
demographic shift in participation. Like the Internet itself
According to a recent analysis,
(interestingly, the tool that has enabled and simplified fantasy
a total of $1.65 billion is spent
baseball's allure), fantasy baseball no longer belongs solely to
annually on fantasy sports.
an enthusiastic but socially disconnected cult. And just as
Internet gaming has forced gambling researchers to rethink any
number of assumptions about the ways in which gambling will
evolve in the 21" century (see Woolley 2003), so too does
I
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fantasy baseball challenge some of our conventional wisdom about common patterns of
gambling and social interaction.
As other researchers of gambling behavior have noted (Abt, Smith, and Christenson
1985), prevalence and demographic information can provide vital starting points for
more complex analyses of gambling activities. However, as some observers have noted,
the online and quasi-anonymous nature of fantasy baseball limits our ability to provide
accurate estimates of its size (Burka, 1999). Indeed, at this stage, a representative and
scientific study of this population would probably be either unfeasible or cost
prohibitive.
Nevertheless, estimates of the size and demographics of fantasy sports do exist, and
reputable publications cite them. Most recently, a 2004 Sports Illustrated article cited a
survey of 449 fantasy players (note that these figures include all fantasy sports). This
survey asserts that the average fantasy player is 41 years old, with a bachelor's degree
and an average household income of $89,566. Players appear to be overwhelmingly
male (93% ofthe sample) and Caucasian (also 93% of the sample), but these are not
necessarily bachelors: the average household size in the sample was 2.4. Most notable,
perhaps, was the contention that 15 million Americans participate in fantasy play
(Ballard, 2004). 2
In fact, these games' growing popularity makes it easy to argue, as we do, that for
many players one of the positive consequences of fantasy baseball play appears to be its
capacity to encourage social connectedness among (an increasing number of) fellow
players. This runs counter to oft-stated assumptions about the nature of gambling and
social interaction- specifically, that the gambling games of today explicitly discourage
socializing with other players (Putnam 2001).
Cultural Aspects of Fantasy Baseball Play
Cultures of Gambling and Gaming
Over the years, the concept of "culture" has played a central role in the field of
sociology. The term itself has been defined in a wide variety of ways and applied to a
wide variety of settings; however, in most instances, the term "culture" 3 in sociology
incorporates the values, norms, symbols, and language produced and deemed
meaningful by a specific group.
It is useful here to turn to the work of one of the most thoughtful sociological
commentators on gambling behavior, John Rosecrance. What Rosecrance says about the
social worlds (Strauss, 1978) of gambling is also true of the social worlds of fantasy
baseball:
The major gambling games have all fostered the development of activity-related
social worlds. Within these worlds, gambling holds center stage; more accurately,
it is the stage. Relationships that develop in these contexts provide the participants
with important sources of social interaction ( 1988, p. 71 ).
With fantasy baseball, the game serves as the stage. and the developments upon that
stage provide material for the players' interactions. We might even extend these
dramaturgical metaphors to incorporate Goffman's (1967) perspectives on game settings
as a place to demonstrate valued character traits; in this instance. traits such as
2
Nor is this an activity restricted to American players. Anthropologically speaking. a growing ,·ariet~ of cultures are adapting
fantasy play to their own national pastimes- from cricket in India to football (soccer I in England 1Ballard. 2004).
3
Traditionally, the term "culture" refers to both material culture (the tangible things produced by a group) and non-material
culture; however, these distinctions have become predictably murky when applied to Internet-based environments (where
"tangible things" are often more difficult to identify). The defirtitions here are derived primarily from (Hughes, Kroehler,
and Vander Sanden, 2002).
UNLV Gaming Research & Review Journal • Volume 9, Issue 1
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competitiveness, sportsmanship, and negotiating skill are valued and revealed through
the dynamics of play.
Furthermore, Rosecrance's phrase "activity-related social worlds" is especially
appropriate here; posters and participants often discuss the dominance of fantasy
baseball in their lives, and how central the game is to their social worlds: "Revvin," for
instance, laments that "I can honestly say most of the friends I speak to have something
or other to do with fantasy sports. The friends I had that stopped playing kind of faded
away."
Rosecrance also distinguishes among sub-types of gamblers, again with striking
parallels to fantasy baseball players:
Gamblers can be divided into two broad categories: occasionals and regulars.
Although these categories are based to some extent on the frequency of
participation, they are essentially self-designated groupings. Regulars would agree
that their lives have been changed and influenced by their gambling; occasionals
would not. Obviously, within the two categories there are various stages and
levels; these general terms can nonetheless be useful (1988, p. 72).
We suggest that fantasy players can also be effectively divided into two similar
groups - serious players and casual players. The former group would also "agree that
their lives have been changed and influenced" by their play; the latter would not. While
membership in these groups can be fluid, these distinctions can provide a useful
framework for understanding fantasy baseball play.
In expanding upon these themes, Rosecrance notes that:
Those who consider themselves regular gamblers feel that gambling is an
important part of their everyday lives, whereas occasionals view gambling as a
recreational diversion. Gambling is conducted in settings that can be considered
social worlds. Within these worlds, gambling is the central activity and the main
topic of discussion. Gamblers develop continuing relationships with other
participants that for regulars often become an important source of social
interaction (1988, p. 86).
For serious players, fantasy baseball represents an important part of their everyday
lives. They engage in daily rituals to check the performance of their team, to explore
trading possibilities with other teams, and to check the standings of the league to see
where they stand relative to the performances of other teams.
Furthermore, these activities feed social interaction with other
Just as specific values, norms,
players- as well as with other players in other leagues through
and language exist within the
Internet bulletin boards. In the next section (on positive
social worlds of traditional
consequences of fantasy baseball play), we will expand upon
these important sources of social interaction and how they
gamblers, these components of
affect players' lives.
Values, norms, and language
culture have also developed in
fantasy sports worlds.
Just as specific values, norms, and language exist within
the social worlds of traditional gamblers, these components of culture have also
developed in fantasy sports worlds. In fantasy baseball, values, or culturally defined
standards of "goodness," include sportsmanship, competition, fun, and fair play. Norms,
or specific rules that guide group members' behavior, are both dictated by national
organizations and adapted to fit local leagues -usually in order to preserve the values
discussed above. Within these cultures, probably the most important symbols are
linguistic. Fantasy baseball players have developed their own vocabulary, often
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indecipherable to the uninitiated, including terms such as 5x5, H2H, LIMA, and so
forth. 4
Bulletin board posters are vocal when values-oriented debates are introduced to the
group. Typically, these offerings outline a series of "don'ts" rather than "do's," and
involve complaints about behaviors observed in the posters' leagues. One poster,
"Shell,"5 complains about attempts "to trade a player who is injured and out for the year
to another team who doesn't (yet) know it"- an apparent subversion of this player's
conceptions of fair play. Other "fair play" complaints reveal a concern about trades
offered in good faith, only to be pulled off of the table after the would-be trading partner
agrees.
On occasion, norms and values collide in discussions about individual league's rules
and the "spirit of the rules" (i.e., values) behind them. Players regularly seek other
players' counsel when confronted with a challenge to the rules, and the ongoing
discussions serve to provide dynamic guidelines and boundaries. One player wonders
whether his league should accept a transaction that was filed a mere 22 seconds after the
league's deadline for transactions. "Mister A" responds, quite memorably, that
exceptions to these rules are "four-lane on ramps to the trouble and discontent
expressway," indicating support for a strong adherence to the rules as written in these
leagues.
Interestingly, many leagues sprout up in work environments, which means that
disputes over these matters can spill over into work and everyday life. In a later section,
we will address these kinds of negative impacts on work environments (prompting at
least one office in Chicago to hang signs that read "No Rotisserie" in company common
areas (Wolff, 1995).
A Quest for Metrics
Fantasy baseball players are perhaps the most recent wagerers to engage in an ageold quest to find metrics that the others somehow have neglected; put another way, they
seek to discover and employ variables that predict better than those currently used by
their fellow players. Many fantasy participants engage in seemingly endless hours of
research in an effort to develop a more comprehensive portrait of a performer (i.e., a
baseball player) - and his worth.
Once more, the parallels to other "gambling cousins" such as the stock market are
undeniable, and indeed, these connections have been commented upon by business
writers (Bianco, 2003, Roberts, 2003). In both fantasy sports and the stock market,
financial risks are involved, and research is extraordinarily helpful. Furthermore. in both
pastimes unforeseen events can positively or negatively affect "performance," and
performance consistency is far from certain. In both "games" expert opinions are
available (for a price), and there are appropriate times to buy and sell "performers." As
one fantasy baseball observer recently insightfully opined, with both fantasy play and
stocks, "(a) combination of blue chips and undervalued gems in a diversified portfolio is
the way to riches" (Cotter, 2004, p. 16). Fantasy baseball, it seems, links a passion for
the national sports pastime with a passion for the national business pastime (the stock
exchange).
In his work on sports betting, Furst (1974) notes connections between quantitative
analysis of sports and sports fanaticism. He observes "a tendency for upwardly mobile
'white-collar' workers to apply analytical assessments to a diversity of social
phenomena. Sports offer an excellent opportunity for those so inclined to demonstrate
their analytical expertise" (52). These tendencies (not to mention these demographics)
4
5
These tenns refer, respectively, to a specific configuration of fantasy play involving five pitching categories and five hitting
categories, "head to head" forms of game play, and "Low Investment Mound Ace" strategies. which argue for a sort of
"betting the house" on established hitters and cheap pitchers.
Names have been changed from the original (and often anonymous) names posted on these sites.
UNLV Gaming Research & Review Journal • Volume 9, Issue 1
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seem to appear frequently among populations of fantasy sports players. For instance,
"Marcol260" heaps praise on particular fantasy baseball web site for "teach(ing) me
which indicators are important." "Soulman" concurs by saying that "the numbers used
by (the site) are incredible" and raves about their ability "to create a pool of players
likely to perform at or above expectations."
Among aficionados of statistical analysis and baseball, this trend is invariably
referenced by citing Moneyball, a 2003 book by Michael Lewis that glorified both
professional baseball general managers and the appropriate use of improved metrics.
Moneyball details a professional baseball franchise (the Oakland A's) and its successful
efforts to compete against teams with substantially larger payrolls. The book argues that
the A's general managers accomplish this through a new appreciation for improved
metrics in an effort to better evaluate the performance of baseball players.
In an Internet posting, "FinnTenn" summarizes one Moneyball theme as follows:
"Performance can best be predicted by appropriate quantitative measures of skill and
production. I think its message was that traditional baseball circles consistently under/
overvalue talent because they don't have their eyes on what actually makes a player a
good contributor and they don't know how to measure it." Another key component of
Moneyball's story, in which those who run actual baseball franchises are unmasked and
heroicized, leads us to our next discussion.
Living the Vicarious Life
Fantasy baseball leagues allow players to engage in what might be called "vicarious
participation" upon the hallowed stages of professional baseball. In a world in which
many of our recreational games are trending toward the vicarious and virtual, these
activities deserve our research attention. Like fantasy camps (an altogether different
phenomenon, in which adult participants live out their "fantasies" by going away to a
camp where they receive instruction from baseball legends), fantasy baseball allows
participants to imagine themselves in a different role - one that is admired by millions
of sports spectators in everyday life.
Many who play fantasy sports invoke this "dream" when talking about their
participation. One letter-writer to the editor of Sports Illustrated described his interest in
by saying "I dream of the day that I can get a chance to (play the general manager role)
for a pro team" (Lynch, 2004, p. 16). In describing the allure of his fantasy baseball play
on a web site, BigEasy notes that "you get to live through the players you own." While
the pursuit of vicarious pleasures through sports spectatorship is hardly a new
phenomenon, fantasy sports allows participants to link their individual skills with the
skills of professional athletes (as well as the skills of those who manage them).
A Gambling Culture
Whatever the cultural components of fantasy baseball play may be, it is clear that
this has become, for many, a gambling culture. As is the case with more conventional
forms of sports wagering, many claim to find the game more interesting when money is
risked and awarded to the winners. On the web sites, posters brag about substantial
amounts of money won from fantasy baseball play. "Jasonl9" cleverly and cryptically
alludes to these potentialities when he claims that his wife became a passionate
supporter of his play after he told her "baby, I could win $xxx (deleted in case IRS is
reading)." This statement brings to mind the anxieties gamblers have with reporting their
winnings to tax authorities.
"JG5784," on the other hand, describes a more friendly relationship with his
winnings - and his spouse: "I have the typical agreement with my wife - she takes home
any and all winnings (less expenses) from my exploits in fantasy baseball. To date that is
well over $20K so she is more than willing to let me watch a little hardball now and
again." While some proceed to marvel at the amount of money that this well-known
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poster has taken horne, this appears to be a less than spectacular (although certainly
atypical) amount for an experienced fantasy baseball player.
Other players discuss more subtle ways that gambling creeps into the fantasy
baseball game: "BigPoppa" brags about his league, where "side bets are optional and
can be very lucrative!" Meanwhile, "BigEasy" sounds a warning that fantasy baseball
"is also a form of gambling for some. I know plenty of big money leagues that award
thousands to the winners. Because of that some friendships have been ruined because of
an argument regarding roto." These more problematic consequences of fantasy play will
be addressed in a later section.
Evidence is also mounting that suggests that in the near future, large jackpots will
entice participants to risk (and win) even more money. One fantasy sports web site
offers "Over $750,000 in cash and prizes" as well as a "$250,000 Grand Prize" (Grogan
Sports, 2004). Another web site, fantasycup.corn, advertises "grand prizes" of $5,000
and $10,00 for a variety of games (Fantasy Sports Enterprises, 2004). CDM Fantasy
Sports, which bills itself as "The Worldwide Leader in Fantasy Sports," also appears to
be a leader in terms of offering large jackpots to fantasy players as well - they advertise
"high roller" games in a variety of sports with jackpots exceeding $50,000 (CDM
Fantasy Sports, 2004). As these fantasy games develop, it will be interesting to track the
degree to which they will converge with conventional jackpot-based gaming formatsand in a related note, the degree to which they will attract gaming regulatory attention
(as yet, it appears that they have attracted little or none).
At the very least, suggestions that the amounts wagered here are trivial appear to be
disingenuous. According to the Sports Illustrated analysis, by far the largest category of
expenditures in an accounting of the billion-dollar fantasy industry is "league entry fees"
-fees that are directly tied to the amounts that are ultimately won by skilled (and
fortunate) players. 6
Positive Consequences of Fantasy Baseball Play
In much the same way that the gambling literature is largely devoid of research that
attempts to identify the gambling act's positive consequences, few speak about the
benefits of fantasy baseball play. In fact, there is good reason to believe that many
players are experiencing a wide variety of positive consequences from their play.
On the cognitive level, it may well be that fantasy players are developing analytical
and problem solving skills. While this may sound a bit dubious at first, a recent
Curriculum Review article raves about the potential for these kinds of statistical games
in educational settings ("Fantasy Baseball Activity Leads to Fantastic Math Learning,"
2003). The article cites a pre-algebra course that encourages students to form (and then
follow) their own fantasy baseball teams. The course has been administered to 15,000
students, and is hailed as a way to encourage students to embrace math.
Of course, these kinds of benefits are obviously not limited to math students:
probabilities, bell curves, operationalization, and measurement are all regularly
referenced -directly and indirectly -in bulletin board postings discussing fantasy
baseball strategy. In fact, a number of (presumably adult) posters cite an improvement in
their analytical skills (or "fanalytical" skills, as they are sometimes called). As we noted
in the previous section, sophisticated discussions take place on bulletin boards in an
effort to improve upon current rnetrics and to develop new ones. While these
connections with cognitive learning processes may at first sound strange, these learning
connections have already been established with other interactive technology-based
recreations such as video games (Provenza, 1991).
Fantasy baseball games also may provide both an outlet for competitive drives as
well as an effective extension of "bar room debates" over sports knowledge. Friends
6
League entry fees are also devoted in some instances to commissioner fees and party costs; however, what is left over from
these fees and "transaction'' fees is awarded to the winners of the game.
UNLV Gaming Research & Review Journal • Volume 9, Issue 1
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have long engaged in friendly and not-so-friendly sports arguments grounded ostensibly
in their knowledge of the game; fantasy sports, it would seem, serve as yet another way
to keep score (Burka, 1999). In addition to providing a scoreboard, fantasy sports games
provide material- for conversation and connectedness (as well as for disputes and
disconnectedness)- in short, for social and competitive interaction.
In fact, the most commonly cited benefits to fantasy baseball play are social in
nature. "Tiger2'' says that one of the "pros of playing fantasy baseball" is a "surprising
bond with all sorts of friends (even a waiter at a restaurant who overheard a
conversation about fantasy baseball)." "OK1994" says that playing "creates different
friends," while "BigEasy" likes that players get to interact on message boards like this
with people you would never have met otherwise."
Though it is most often referenced as a negative. there are those who find that their
marital relationships are actually enhanced through their joint love of all things fantasy
baseball. "Ted" says that "my wife will often be looking through the paper and say
brightly stuff like 'Hey! Orlando Hudson went 4-for-4last night!' Because she knows
he's on my squad. She also assigns my team each year a different name. Nomar
Garciaparra was the linchpin of both my 'Funny Names Team' (with Magglio, Kazuhiro,
Dmitri, D'Angelo) and my 'Big Noses' team."
Given these observations, it may well be that Robert Putnam's (2000) speculations
on the potentially positive benefits of the Internet- in which geographically dispersed
individuals with common interests can unite in unprecedented ways -can be easily
applied to the social worlds of fantasy baseball players. Overall, it seems to us that the
primary social benefit of fantasy play is similar in nature: the game can provide a unique
form of "connective tissue" for those who participate. As Putnam notes, these kinds of
connections can prove valuable:
By analogy with notions of physical capital and human capital- tools and training
that enhance individual productivity -the core idea of social capital theory is that
social networks have value (2000, pp. 18-19).
At the same time, it is worth wondering, as Putnam does, whether "virtual social
capital," as is observed in fantasy play, "is itself a contradiction in terms" (2000, p. 170).
In the future, research may help improve our understanding of whether social capital
that is facilitated by the Internet is indeed social capital as it has been conventionally
configured - or whether it requires a new theoretical formulation entirely.
Negative Consequences of Fantasy Baseball Play
As might be expected with any mass cultural (and mass revenue) phenomenon, a
backlash has developed in response to fantasy sports' popularity. In responding to a
generally positive article in Sports Illustrated, one letter-writer invokes a series of
familiar sports values in a scathing criticism: "(Fantasy sports) are a plague. Because
individual statistical gluttony is the objective, the fantasy player's rooting interests are
perverted (who cares who wins, as long as my guys get their numbers?), and the true
virtues of sports- teamwork and sacrifice- are obliterated" (Carney, 2004).
In addition to these alleged perversions of common sports values, a number of
negative psychological consequences potentially exist- many of which can also be
framed by the existing gambling studies literature. In our observations, we saw at least
five of the DSM-IV's ten diagnostic criteria for pathological gambling (American
Psychiatric Association, 1994). Of course, it should not be inferred that those who
display these tendencies are "pathological" - diagnoses need to be conducted
professionally, and are usually determined only when 5 of these criteria cluster together
within a relatively brief period of time. Nevertheless, the DSM framework provides an
interesting and fruitful theoretical framework for discussion. The following list outlines
DSM criteria that may well be present in these settings:
1. Preoccupation: excessive thinking about the game. Posters on the Internet are
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Gambling in a Fantasy World: An Exploratory Study of Rotisserie Baseball Games
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
clearly preoccupied with their team(s): the author of one mainstream article
(Burka, 1999) talks about starting his work with the first pitch of East Coast
games and then finishing with the last pitch of West Coast games ("I wear out
mice during the season the way ballplayers wear out shoes," he quips). Another
articles mocks the commitment of the fantasy player thusly: "he wakes up and
runs to check out game scores, and he goes to sleep examining atrociously boring
statistics" in popular magazines (Wolff, 1995).
Tolerance: needing more where less used to do the trick. Many posters note that
they are playing with an increasing number of teams, and that their fantasy play
consumes an increasing number of hours. Several cite this development as
evidence that they need to (or at least they are told that they need to) cut back on
their play.
Loss of control: inability to stop or cut back. One poster, "JG5784," alludes to
these very sorts of issues: "Just about every August I hit a huge wall where I go to
my wife and say I hate baseball and am never playing fantasy baseball again. I
can't wait for the season to end. Then December rolls around and the hot stove
reports heat up and the game is on once again." An introspective poster, "Buck,"
adds that "I get to the point where sometimes I worry that it is too muchb I try to
limit myself to 1 hr a day -not good at it."
Restlessness/Irritability when stopping: In an interesting article that appears to be
the only academic treatise relating to this topic, Hiltner and Walker conduct an
electronic communication analysis of a day in which a fantasy baseball web site
went down, thus interrupting their play (1996). Needless to say by now, perhaps,
during this episode emotions ran high and many players expressed extraordinary
levels of irritability.
Escape: playing to get away from problems. "ElCapitan" cites this directly saying
that a player can effectively "escape from the real world." BigEasy concurs ... for
some, it is an escape from real life." Of course, everyone needs an "escape" from
time to time - with addicts, however, this kind of escapism comes at a severe cost
(Jacobs, 1988).
Family/work/school problems: playing leads to problems in one's personal life.
One article interviewed a pained "rotisserie widow" (Wolff, 1995). Another player
in a recent article shares the following: "if you ask my wife, I do it too much", and
then proceeds to self-identify as an "addict" (Hiestand, 2002). On the bulletin
boards, "Moto" posits that most posters are single, and half-jokingly wonders
whether they "were single before they got into roto sports." BigEasy adds that. .. it
can take away time from friends and family. I am sure some relationships have
failed because of it." Most likely, the majority of fantasy players are like
"Idaho3920," who falls somewhere in the middle: his wife "accepts that its
something I enjoy and occasionally obsess over." A similarly ambivalent poster,
OK1994, notes that his play "took a lot of time away from studying," although he
claims that "I probably would have done something else
Terms like "addiction" and
"obsession" are frequently
mentioned in fantasy sports
settings.
anyway."
More generally, terms like "addiction" and "obsession" are
frequently mentioned in fantasy sports settings. Indeed, as
happens often with any number of problem behaviors from
shopping to sex, addiction vocabularies are thrown about
casually and frequently - and even, on occasion, affectionately
and pridefully. 7 In Business Week, reporter Ronald Grover titles
a 1998 article "Confessions of a Fantasy Baseball Junkie," and proceeds to call himself
a "poster child" for the overwhelming time and money investments involved.
7
In fact. Gerdy also invokes this affinity for addiction vocabularies by entitling his 2003 book on sport in society Sports: The
All-American Addiction.
UNLV Gaming Research & Review Journal • Volume 9, Issue 1
39
In a revealing commentary, Wolff half-seriously calls fantasy baseball play a
"dangerous addiction that feeds on good, old-fashioned male competitiveness and chest
thumping" (2003). Others more directly self-label: one Internet poster uses the byline of
"addict." Another poster states with an alarming degree of certitude that "80% of the
players in my fantasy leagues are obsessed with the stuff." JG5784, meanwhile, delivers
a bluntly familiar posting: "Hi, my name is _ _ , and I am a Rotoholic."
And yet amid all of this intensity, there is a familiar tendency toward self-mockery
and irony (required, perhaps, of any reputable postmodern social trend). Players
frequently ridicule their own bad luck, their own faltering expertise, their own poor
decisions, and their own team's characteristics. Laughter (of the real and virtual kind)
can be induced by referencing a fantasy team's "clubhouse chemistry" or its intestinal
fortitude. Of course, none of these characteristics can exist in any conventional sense in
these fantasy worlds, but there is fun to be found in a playful and ironic interaction
between the virtual and the real.
Overall, it appears that most players display no serious signs of pathology. In much
the same way that the gaming industry has encouraged "responsible gaming" and
discouraged play "when the fun stops," some fantasy players articulate a similar
sensibility. It is probably this sensibility that can best convey the normative parameters
of fantasy baseball play. "Salmon" claims that ultimately, "roto is supposed to be fun.
When it becomes a chore or a heavy obligation I think we lose sight of the point of
playing a game. Of course that happens to a lot of people with a lot of different games."
Conclusions and Recommendations for Future Research
The purpose of this article is to map the landscape of the burgeoning fantasy sports
gaming phenomenon, and to provide an exploratory framework that will hopefully aid in
the development of future theory and research on these phenomena. As Putnam (2001)
says of the Internet, the jury is still out on fantasy baseball, which (again like the
Internet) can both bond and bind its participants. In a world in which gambling
expansion is taking place at a phenomenal rate, and in which "gambling's" parameters
can no longer be confined within casino walls, considering the act of gambling in any
singular way seems less appropriate than ever. Too often, we hear about "the gaming
industry," singular, as if it were easily categorizable into something less than plural. As
we begin to contemplate the rapidly evolving worlds of gaming and wagering, fantasy
sports play may provide us with a laboratory that is at once cutting-edge and
increasingly typical.
For most players, it appears that fantasy sports are a healthy and salutary recreation,
in ways similar to those observed by Smith and Paley in their (2001) study of golf
wagering- specifically, players "orchestrate their own wagering conditions" (2001, p.
127), the game serves as an outlet for social interaction, and the activity provides some
psychological benefits. Of course, it is reasonable to question whether these kinds of
social interactions are hampered (or at the very least affected) to the degree they take
place on the Internet.
In turning our attention to potential future research on fantasy play, we might
wonder about shifts in demographics. After all, in its early days, the Internet was
dominated by males (Hiltner and Walker, 1996), only to evolve recently into something
more "democratized" - at least as it pertains to the gender variable. Will fantasy play or for that matter, sports spectatorship -follow a similar trajectory?
Though it is beyond the scope of this exploratory essay to delve into the complex
social relationships that have been explored in the men's lives literature, this is a field
that should prove fruitful for future inquiry. Dolgin, for instance, describes "(t)he
masculine friendship style- specialized, activity-based friendships filled with
impersonal talk and competition" (2001, p. 106) as a simplistic but nevertheless useful
framework for men's interactions in general. Will this provide a productive framework
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for an enhanced understanding of this predominantly male social activity?
In conclusion, though some still criticize those who play as "fantasy baseball
geeks" (Reilly, 2003), the sheer number of current participants indicate that the very
least, fantasy players are hardly "deviant" by any reasonable statistical calculation. This
alone makes it worthy of our research attention. More broadly, however, as our
understanding of gambling behavior matures, it makes sense to examine "gambling
acts" that are not confined within the walls of traditional gaming establishments, in
order to more fully understand the complex wagering passions of the masses.
Note
The authors would like to thank Blythe Bernhard, Don Levy, Marshall Smith and Garry
Smith for their support and suggestions.
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Article submitted: 6/18/04
Sent to peer review: 6/28/04
Reviewers' comments sent to authors: 9/08/04
Authors' revised version received: 12/03/04
Article accepted for publication: 1/24/05
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