Perception of India in Korean colonial print media
Santosh Kumar Ranjan
Paper presentation at 7th World congress of Korean Studies
Abstract:
The historical linkage between Korea and India can be traced back to the ancient period when
cultural ties were forged through the introduction of Buddhism. The cultural relationship via Buddhism
led to the creation of several myths including that of marriage between King Kim Su-Ro of Korea and
Princess Ho Hwang-Ok of India. The Samguk Yusa associates that Indian princess of the kingdom of
Ayodhya (Ayuta) in North India reached the Korean peninsula and got married with King Suro of Kaya
(Karak)Dynasty. The relationship got further strengthened when Korean travelers visited India for the
purpose of learning and pilgrimage. One of these travelers, Hyecho wrote about India which is a valuable
source to understand the Indian History. The last monk is Chikong (Chinese translation of his Buddhist
name is Sunyadisya) who visited Korea for propagating Buddhism in the Koryo period.
It is pertinent to note that many centuries passed but the Indo-Korean association did not
disappear, rather it was revived with greater strength in modern times. The colonial subjugation of India
and Korea and the anti-colonial movements in two countries revived interest in each other. Korea highly
appreciated India’s epic struggle for freedom and held its political leaders and intellectuals in high regard
especially after the historic March First Movement. In 1929 Tagore composed a poem, praising Korea as
“lamp of the East”. Tagore’s poem authenticated the notion of Korean identity and Korean nationalism.
Gandhi, the great leader of the Indian independence movement also wrote on Korean nationalist
movement. The Indian leaders viewed colonialism as a root cause of the suffering of Asian countries and
proposed pan-Asian nationalism which included China, Korea and Southeast Asia. Though there was a
lull in the relations between the two countries for some time after the war. It was not until 1962 that Korea
established her Consulate General in India and Delhi reciprocated this gesture only in 1968.
In this paper, an attempt is made to trace the Korean view of India during the Korean colonial
period. What was the view and how was the perception about India formed and progressed during the
period? This paper analyses the perception of India in Newspapers and periodicals of colonial Korea. This
was a time when the direct exchange between India and Korea was almost nonexistent and there was
dearth of information on anything foreigner. Nonetheless, the colonial Korean print media devoted space
to carry several articles and reports on India.
1
I- Perception about Indian leaders in the Korean Colonial Print media: Gandhi and Tagore
Mahatma Gandhi:
The common colonial experiences served as a major reference point between India and Korea.
Mahatma Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore are the two major leaders of modern India in political and
cultural spheres respectively, who ignited a spark in the bilateral relationship between India and Korea
during the early decades of the 20th century. This section analyses the portrayal of Indian political and
spiritual leaders in newspapers and periodicals of colonial Korea.
Japan's annexation of Korea (1910-11) was a sad development which agitated the nationalist
leaders in India. Leaders of Indian and Korean National movements were bound by strong ties of mutual
inspiration. Thus, globally recognized Gandhi was at the center of interest in Korean Print Media in terms
of Indian affairs, while editorials and news articles in Korean language media frequently reported on him
and his activities. Gandhi reflected the Korean media’s sense of affinity with India, which led readers to
empathize with India’s freedom movement and almost perceived it as their own.
Korean newspapers of colonial times were mostly interested to report on various aspects of Indian
national movement and its leaders. 54 editorials were published in Dong-A-Ilbo and Choson Ilbo, then the
leading newspapers in Korea, on the political situation of India. Also there were almost daily reports on
India’s Non-Cooperation Movement of 1920-22 and the Civil Disobedience Movement of 1931-34. Thus
in Korea, Gandhi and his movement became a subject of debate and it became a large report for various
newspapers and magazines.
When the Non-cooperation movement reached its peak, Gandhi was introduced to Koreans as
“Mr. Gandhi, the real enemy of England”1 on 9th September 1921 in Chosun Ilbo. Since then the articles
on Gandhi in Korean news paper began. Dong-A-Ilbo published series of articles on Gandhi from 24th
October to 30th October 1921, entitled ‘Issues of India’ and Gandhi called as “The Savior of New India”.2
Again Donga-A-Ilbo carried out article entitled “Gandhi: the hope of entire India” on 1 January 1922. On
2nd February 1922, the Dong-A-Ilbo carried a Gandhi’s article, originally published in the London Times
paper. Same year on March 9 the paper published an article entitled “Gandhi’s hard-line challenge”. On
16 March 1922 the paper projected Gandhi`s spiritual aspect, introducing him as “Mahatma Gandhi”.3
This article pointed out that “We respect Gandhi neither because of his status and position nor for his
leadership qualities or political abilities. In fact, his commitment to truth and violence and his sacrifice of
1
2
3
Chosun Ilbo, September 9 ,1921
Donga-A- Ilbo, October 24-30,1921
Dong-A-Ilbo, March 16,1922, p.2.
2
luxury and family pieties to come up with different hope of actions is respected by us.”4 It needs to be
emphasized that Gandhi was arrested on March 10, 1922 and sent to jail for six years. The Korean
nationalists took deep interest in Gandhi, influenced as they were by this agitation.
After the introduction as Mahatma, a series of studies on Gandhi began and from 16 August 1922
to 21 August 1922 there were five series published on “Study of Gandhian Thought”. Another 5 series
carried out between 31st October to 8th November, 1922 titled “Revolutionary Gandhi”.5 This kind of
regular reports on Gandhi might have played a leading role in the launching of Self Production
Association (Chajakhoe) movement in Korea in December 1922. Such point could also be attested with
other scholar’s views. With the reference of the editorial on 13 November 1922, Prof. Lee Chong-Sik has
pointed out that Gandhi’s strategy of non-co-operation influenced the Korean mind. He quotes a Dong-AIlbo editorial dated 13 November, 1922 as given below: “It is well known that the Indian revolutionary
leader Gandhi preached national unity and encouragement of cotton spinning, the greatest industry in
India, as the only way to attain complete independence for India…. Although Gandhi’s advocating the
revival of Primary industry may seem un-modern, we admire him for his sagacity in pointing out the way
towards the eternal welfare and happiness of the Indian people…. When we reflect upon ourselves and
think about the future, we desperately feel the necessity of devising a means of self-Production.” 6
Following year, “Development of India’s Swaraj movement” was published on 6 January 1923. In the
same year the paper carried out an article titled “Sage- hero of India”.7 And from 11 July 1924 to 16 July
1924, published four series of English articles “Mahatma Gandhi, the maker of new India”.8
On October 12,1926, Sungsoo Kim, the president of the Donga-A-Ilbo, in a letter to Gandhi
marked the influence of Gandhi on Korea in following words:
“You have inspired us, the Korean people, with hope and courage to follow
after you; especially considering the cultural relationship which has existed between
these two ancient nations since the past seventeen centuries, it is natural that the
Korean people cherish the most sincere fellow-feeling with the people of “Love” for
whose deliverance you stand. India lives in our veins. It is a great joy to me to say that
your name and especially among the young generation. The name Gandhi, along with
his four principles, is our jewel which is most treasured by us. To us you are not a
4
5
6
7
8
Dong-A-Ilbo, March 16,1922, p.2.
Dong-A-Ilbo, October 31, 1922 to November 8, 1922, p.1.
Chong Sik Lee,1965, p243.
Dong-A-Ilbo, October 29, 1923,p 3.
Dong-A-Ilbo, July 11-16, 1924.
3
stranger; you are our own beloved leader. Whenever you succeed, we share the joy;
failed, the sorrow. And we are ever sure that your ideal shall be realized for the
righteous of the world are backing you up.”9
Through this letter he requested Gandhi to send an autographed portrait with message to Korean
people. In reply, 21 November 1926, the letter of Gandhi, contained the following words: “The message I
can send is to hope that Korea will come to her own through ways absolutely truthful and Nonviolent,”10
was published on 5th January 1927 in Dong-A-Ilbo.
On March 3,1929, Dong-A- Ilbo published an article comparing the power of British as lesser
than of Gandhi’s dedication and astonishment.11 It also needs to be noted that from 16 March 1930 to 30
March 1930, eleven parts were published as Political Star of Indian Freedom Movement: life and
achievements of sage hero Gandhi. On December29,1930, Chosun Ilbo carried an article where Gandhi’s
leadership was recognized and Gandhi and his role was considered.12 Again twelve series, on Studies of
Gandhian Thought, was published from 12 August 1931 to 26 August 1931.13 Lee Ock soon has noted
that “in the year of Salt March movement of 1930, maximum number of articles published, recorded to be
total as 13 with an average of at least one article a month. This year had the maximum number of India
related articles.” 14 These facts illustrate that Gandhi was not only highly respected in Korea but his
philosophy was believed to be relevant to the Korean nationalists and which further shaped the
movements. It would be appropriate to conclude that Gandhi’s independence movement and the
experiments were not confined to India rather; these were significant to nations who were experiencing
colonial subjugation. It is obvious that Gandhi’s objective had a pan-Asian nationalist dimensional
because he understood the mechanism of imperialist network that spread throughout Asia. He also
understood the malicious intention of imperial nexus developed between Western colonialists and Japan.
Gandhi was highly respected in Korea and his instrumental tool for achieving political and social
progress during freedom movement influenced the Korean National movement. Gandhi’s internationalist
character, his writings and the works on him in Korean language gave a new wave of inspiration to the
Korean nationalist leaders and the Korean Society as well.
9
Dong-A- Ilbo, July 7, 2010, 36. and also see http://www.gandhimedia.org
Dong- A –Ilbo, January 5, 1927.
11
Dong-A- Ilbo, March 3, 1929.
12
Chosun Ilbo, December 29,1930.
13
Dong-A-Ilbo, August 12-26, 1931.
14
Ock soon Lee,2003, 식민지 한국의 인도 인식 I, 한국학술진흥재단, p.260.
10
4
Rabindranath Tagore :
Rabindranath Tagore is well known as a poet, artist and spiritual leader of India. He was the first
Asian who won the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1913. During the first decades of the twentieth century
there was a tendency to the Korean literary works to focus on didactic aims such as inspiring patriotism,
and Korean intellectuals first became interested in Tagore as a writer with an international reputation who
shared their plight as colonial subjects. After he received the Nobel Prize, he provided great
encouragement to the Koreans, who shared with India the cultural background as well as the experiences
of living under the black umbrella of colonial domination.
Translator of literary works, Kim Ok introduced Tagore through his article which was published
in the literary magazine Sinmun Kye (New Literary World) in February 1916. This magazine was
published by the Korean exchange students in Tokyo.15 Consequently Ch’oe Nam-son, a nationalist leader
and founder of a magazine Chongchun (Youth) wanted to encourage Tagore to visit Korea. The objective
of this magazine was to encourage Korean youth to develop nationalism and a new Social consciousness.
This magazine survived the annexation of Korea in 1910, when Korean newspaper and many magazines
were forced to cease publication. The magazine managed to survive under the harsh military rule by the
strategy of not highlighting the spread of political interests of the Korean people, but focusing on Korea’s
cultured and ethnic identity.16He asked his fellow Chin Hak-Mun to interview Tagore during his first visit
to Japan in 1916. Although Tagore was unable to visit Korea, Chin Hak-Mun’s article appeared in
Chongchun(Youth) in 1917, giving details of the interview and introducing Tagore’s poem “The Song of
the Defeated”.17 This poem became very popular in Korea at that time. More works of Tagore’s were
translated than writers from other countries. Chong Han-Mo mentioned that “Tagore was the most
influential foreign poet in Korea in 1920s. Not only through his works, Tagore exists very much through
academic research on various aspects of his works in the mind of the Koreans.”18
In 1917 Chin Sun-Song wrote an article in the magazine Chongchun (Youth) that referred to
Tagore “as a great prophet of the twentieth century who would spread the spiritual culture of India to the
whole world, over-coming Asia's inferiority complex and correcting the image of the defeated East. As a
15
Theresa Hyun(2009), “Translating Indian poetry in the Colonial period in Korea, In Decentering Translation Studies: India
and beyond, edited by Kothari, Rita and Wakabayashi, Judy, Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company,p.146.
16
Keehyung Han(2009), “Formation of the Minganhak and Modern Magazines in Colonial Korea: The case of Gaebyeok”,
Korea Journal, Spring , p.106.
17
Yang-Shik Kim (1988), “Rabindranath Tagore and Korea”, Korea Journal ,December, p.25
18
Ramesh Divik (2011), “Tagore: A Song of Hope in Despair”, In Korean-Indian Culture, Mohan, Pankaj(ed.), Korea: Tagore
Society of Korea, Vol-18,p.174.
5
result, Tagore would receive the praise of the West and bring about a cultural revival of the East.”19 Kim
Ok translated Tagore’s Gitanjali into Korean language in 1923, ‘The Crescent Moon’( Sinwol) and
‘Gardener’( Wonjong) in 1924. Tagore’s famous play ‘Post Office’ and many other essays were translated
in 1926.20 Translator Lee Ok-Sun pointed out that there were two types of responses to Tagore during the
colonial period in Korea. The first one was “Korea’s identification with Tagore and his spiritual East,
highly appreciated by the civilized and masculine West. And another one was Korea’s negation of Tagore
and his ancient and non-material East, considered by the West as inferior other.”21 On 1st May 1924 the
Dong-A-Ilbo published an article commenting on the Korean translation of Tagore’s poetry ‘The Crescent
Moon(Sinwol)’, referring Tagore as a “wise man of the East (Tongbanui Cholin) and a harmonizer of
East-West culture.”22 It needs to be mentioned that ‘The Crescent Moon(Sinwol)’ played a very important
role to give a new dimension of Korean literature with introduction of Korean children Literature. 23
Tagore was not well known for his literally work, but was also regarded as a great spiritual leader. In 1925,
Kim Ok mentioned in Dong-A-Ilbo article that “Tagore’s poetry represented hope for Asia and it
illuminated spiritual culture.”24
During Tagore's third visit to Japan in 1929 he gave a four-line poem written in English to
encourage the nationalistic aspirations of the Korean people to a reporter and asked that it be printed in
the Dong-A-ilbo. The poem was translated by the poet Chu Yo-Han and published in April 1929 under the
title ‘Tongbang ui Tung- bul’ (Lamp of the East). Tagore’s original poem reads as follows:
In the golden age of Asia
Korea was one of its lamp bearers.
And that lamp is waiting to be lighted once again
For the illumination of the East.25
The year 1929 marked the tenth anniversary of Korea’s March First Movement against Japan.
The strong message of the poem deeply stimulated the emotion of the Korean people and gave
encouragement to them in their dark hours.
Tagore’s work exercised great influence on Korean nationalist leaders and intellectual class. Han
Yong Un (Manhae) and Yi Kwang-Su were the most influential nationalists of Korea who respected
Tagore’s work and his philosophy. Tagore’s mysticism, naturalism and humanism touched Han Yong Un
19
Theresa Hyun ,2009, 147 and Ramesh Divik,2011,174.
Yang-Shik Kim,1988,25.
21
Theresa Hyun,2009,147.
22
Hyun Theresa, 2009, 147.
23
Ramesh Divik,2011,177.
24
Hyun Theresa,2009, 147 and Ramesh Divik,2011.174.
25
Yang-Shik Kim,1988,23.
20
6
very deeply. The influential poetry book of Nim ui Chimmuk (The silence of love) written by Han Yong
Un influenced by Tagore’s work.
Yi Kwang-su, the most representative writer, poet and nationalist leader at that time pointed out
that “the poems of Tagore had glowing warmth not a boiling turmoil, spoken in soft grateful tears not an
outcry of anguish and smothered by his inarticulateness. On the other hand compared to Tagore, Han’s
poems cry out loud in suffering torment, in his inner anguish. His poems touch the self-surrendering
resignation of the Korean people heritage, and thus are unable to draw the sympathy of the world, and
here lies the innate difference.”26 Both Tagore and Manhae use patriotic mood, oriental and meditative
characteristics in their poem. The writings of above mentioned two leaders, however, appear to be
divergent, because Manhae’s writings maintain the rhythm of anti-colonialism. However, Yi Gwang-su’s
writings appear to be deviated from the main goal, therefore it needs to examine the Yi Gwang-su
writings.
Tagore’s strong criticism of the Japanese rising military power in Asia and his various works
which were translated in Korean language contributed important role to boost up Korean nationalism.
Tagore’s poem ‘Lamp of the East,’ written in commemoration of the March First Movement, won praise
from the Korean people. Additionally, in the post-liberation period as successive regimes sought to appeal
to the nationalist consciousness of the Koreans. Tagore’s poem was frequently cited as an authentic proof
of the international character of the Korean independence movement and greatness of the Korean nation.
Tagore showed deep sympathy toward the Korean people through his speeches and literary works. Tagore
being one of the representatives of India’s Cultural nationalism influenced the cultural nationalism
movement in Korea influenced the numerous Korean intellectuals and youth.
II- Perception about Indians in the Korean Colonial Print media: Direct interaction
India-Korea relation got momentum after long dormancy during the colonial period. Both Korea
and India were experiencing colonial hardship and observing political developments of the East Asia. Due
to the dearth of proper historical evidences, many scholars consider that the people of the two nations
were least concerned towards each other. However there were few direct exchanges between the two
countries through travelers. Three Indian travelers visited Korea in different times during the colonial
period. Thus, this section analyses the portrayal of Indian through direct exchanges with the Koreans,
which were published in newspapers during the colonial Korea.
On February 11,1926, Chosun Ilbo’s article entitled “Indian Youth” introduced two Indians
26
Yang-Shik Kim,1988,27.
7
Bapasola and Bhumgara, who were World Tour on bicycle. They started World tour mission from
Mumbai (Bombay) on 15 October 1923 and were back to their native city on 18 March 1928. In four
years and five months they covered 44,000 miles.”27 The Indian youths arrived in Busan on February
1926. Chosun Ilbo’s article accounted that “Two youth from the Land of Buddha has come. Two Youth
from the land of Tagore has come. Two youth from the land of Gandhi has come. The youth from Chosun
welcome with open arms. We the people of Chosun sympathize with Gandhi and his ideas, beliefs and
shared the common hope together under the hardships of colonialism. We have so many messages to
convey.”28 After two days on February 13,1926, Dong-A-Ilbo’s article was accompanied by a picture of
two Indian youths. This article reported about arrivals of two Indian Youths in Korea on world tour on
bicycle and their stay in city.29 On February 20,1926 Chosun Ilbo dedicated almost two pages to articles
and a photograph of Indian youth’s welcoming ceremony and the Korean audience. The newspaper
mentioned that “Suffering from the same colonial situation we have with the Indian youth and the crowd
has gathered like clouds to visit these Indian youth. President Lee Sangjae, the President of Chosun Ilbo
personally guided Indian youths.” 30 The Indian youths have considered Koreans as cheerful and
kindhearted people. They present greetings through such a word in their travelogue entitled ‘With Cyclists
around the World’ - “thanks to the spontaneous Korean hospitality where every Korean lean to provide
shelter whenever we knocked their doors, and responded in no niggardly spirit to our call upon their
slender means and lard, at times at unearthly hours.”31 Further, youths mentioned that “the Koreans are
courteous and understand the language difficulty of the foreigners, hence they are always eager to learn
from gestures and facial expressions of their guest of honor what they desire to convey.”32
On May 5, 1932, Dong-A- Ilbo’s article entitled “ World Tour on bicycle” introduced another
Indian Ram Nath Biswas. This article printed with Biswas’s photograph and reported that “Mr. Biswas
served in Indian army and have great interest in Korean culture and people.”33 On July 12,1932, Dong-AIlbo reported that “only one year after leaving Singapore to Korea. Mr. Biswas leaved Singapore last year
on 7 July. He said that Chosun also came across the same path through decades and it was surprising to
know that the condition of youth in India and Korea is almost same. It is fact that public is living in a poor
condition like India.”34 On July 25, 1932, Dong-A-Ilbo reported that “He arrived to Busan on July 21, one
27
Hakim, Adi B.,Bapasola,Jal P. and Bhumgara, Rustom B.(2008), With Cyclists around the World, New Delhi: Lotus collection
Roli Books, p. Vii.
28
Chosun Ilbo, February 11,1926.
29
Donga-A-Ilbo, February 13 ,1926.
30
Chosun Ilbo, February 20,1926.
31
Hakim,et.al..2008, 277.
32
Hakim,et.al..2008, 273.
33
Dong-A-Ilbo, May 5, 1932.
34
Dong-A-Ilbo, July12 ,1932.
8
month after leaving Seoul and will leave for Japan on July 28.”35 It needs to be mentioned that Biswas
served in the Indian Army since when he was 20 years old, for five years as a regimental and hospital
clerk, but in 1923, owing to demobilisation, he returned home. He came to Malaya in 1924 and joined the
Penang municipality as Meter Inspector. Five months later, he left the Malaya Mining Genral Agency,
Singapore. He mentioned his world tour objectives to see the countries and to know the habits and
customs of the people and to gain experience and exposure. He had plans to go to Penang first, then
Bangkok, Saigon and Indo-China. Then he would go to the northern boundary of China and then decide
which route to take.
On May 5, 1934, Dong-A-Ilbo published an article entitled “Indian Patriot” and introduced Rash
Behari Bose(1886-1945). The article reported “Indian patriot- Mr. Bose’s Korea Visit. He is in exile in
Japan… Propagate Gandhism and campaigning the Pan-Asianism.” 36 On May 8, 1934, Dong-A-Ilbo
printed an article with his photograph. This article reported that “Bose an Indian who lived in Japan. He
stayed in Chosun Hotel. He will leave colonial Korea after one week to visit Manchu.”37 After six days on
May 14, 1934, again Dong-A-Ilbo’s article published with Bose photograph. Hong Yangmyung,
accounted his meeting with Bose in Samchulli as “the appearance seems like a national hero but at the
same time it was portrayed and perceived following the western standardization of perception that he was
a person with lack of hope and the dynamic thoughts for which Indians of that time were known for.
Crossing the boundaries of its own country and seeking for its liberation through forming of groups in
Japan was a supposition and prejudiced mindset of this time.”38
It needs to be mentioned that Rash Behari Bose was one of the great revolutionaries of India.
Bose joined the Revolutionary Party at an early age. He came into limelight when he threw a bomb on
Lord Hardinge's (the then Viceroy of India) procession in Chandni Chowk, Delhi on December 23, 1912.
After throwing the bomb, Bose managed to escape arrest and went into hiding in Varanasi. With the help
of the members of the Gadar Party, he planned a simultaneous rebellion which would rock the whole of
north India. The British, however, foiled all attempts of Bose to create unrest and arrested several of
Bose's confidants; of which twenty-eight were hanged after trials under what came to be known as the
Lahore Conspiracy Case. Bose managed to escape from India in 1915 and went to Japan where he lived
as a fugitive. Rash Behari ended his hide and seek by becoming a Japanese citizen. Rash Behari learned
Japanese and became a journalist and writer. He took part in many cultural activities and wrote many
books in Japanese, explaining India's viewpoints. It was due to Rash Behari's efforts that a conference
35
Dong-A-Ilbo, July 28,1932.
Dong-A-Ilbo, May 5,1934.
37
Dong-A-Ilbo, May 8, 1934.
38
Yangmyung Hong , Samchulli, Vol 6 No.8, 1934
36
9
was held in Tokyo from March 28-30, 1942, for the discussion on political issues. Formation of Indian
National Army (Azad Hind Fauj).
III- Perception about Indian Women in colonial Korean Print Media
In the absence of any substantial direct exchange and communication with India, colonial Korea
relied mostly on imported western knowledge regarding Indian women, which was reproduced for the
Korean readers. Colonial Korea’s concern for Indian women at the time was concentrated on the subject
of child marriage. On October 25, 1928, an article in the Chosun Ilbo noted that “ India is well known for
its child marriages. It seems so absurd to us, but it is quite natural for them.”39 Another article reported
that “India is first in the world in terms of early marriage. Although Korea is also known for early
marriages, it pales in comparison to India”.40 Similarly, on October 23,1927, Dong-A-Ilbo reported that
“there were 74,000 married girls who were five years old or younger in the city of Bombay and among
them there were 3,000 widows.”41 These reports showed that early marriage and colonial rule as common
factors for India and Korea. Authors may identify that abolishing this evil practice would lead the two
countries out of their common destiny of colonial rule and towards liberation.
The Colonial Korean print media published positive reports about the Indian women. On March
18, 1923, Dong-A-Ilbo reported of a woman in Madras who graduated from London University to become
the first woman barrister in India. 42 On July 3, 1925, Chosun Ilbo’s article on ‘Historic Women’
introduced Kamini Roy( 1864-1933), entitled “the idol of all Indian women.”43 At the age 16, Roy entered
the University of Calcutta at the top of her class and worked as a college level teacher after graduation.
Dong-A-Ilbo reported three Indian women leaders who “did not take a rear seat to men, threw off their
purdahs and came out into society to march for the better nation.44” On November 24, 1930, Dong-A-Ilbo
printed a front- page article entitled, “It is not true that the East is not changing!” This gave an account of
the Anglo–Indian Round Table Conference held in London. The article was published by a picture of
Begum Jahanara Shahnawaz (1896-1979), who was reported to have delivered emphatic remarks, “India
is not unchangeable. My presence here in Britain as a Muslim woman who is the only woman delegate
proves that India is indeed changing.” 45 Chosun Ilbo also published a key article and photograph of
39
Chosun ilbo, October 25,1928.
Chosun Ilbo, January 3,1930.
41
Dong-A-Ilbo, October 23,1928.
42
Dong-A-Ilbi, March 18,1923.
43
Chosun Ilbo,July3,1925.
44
Donga-A- Ilbo, September 23,1930.
45
Donga-A- Ilbo, November24,1930.
40
10
Shahnawaz on the same day. Such positive accounts of active Indian women were sparked by the sense of
fear against femininity and any related anxiety that the Korean might experience under the Japanese
colonial rule. Koreans felt unsafe themselves and sought to identify with these strong personalities,
wishing to find a sense of self assertion through these politically influential Indian women.
A poet and freedom fighter, Sarojani Naidu (1879-1949) was an Indian woman who received
foremost attention in colonial Korean Print media. After Mahatma Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore,
Naidu was probably the most celebrated Indians in Korea. As one of the leading women leaders of
modern India, she embarked on her political activities after meeting Gandhi in London in 1914. In 1925,
she was selected president of the Indian National Congress and undertook a vital role in India’s
independence movement. When Gandhi was under arrest after the Salt March to Delhi in 1930, Naidu
along with other leaders helped to lead the movement onwards. All of these political developments
relating to Naidu in India were well reported in the Korean newspapers and periodicals, and she was also
well recognized in Korea for her poetry.
However, Naidu was regarded as freedom fighter or political activist rather than a poetess. On
May 16, 1930, Chosun Ilbo dedicated more than half of its front page to articles and a photograph of
Sarojini Naidu. The newspaper mentioned that, Naidu had “expressed her solemn determination as a new
leader in the anti-British movement” and portrayed her as a patriotic fighter who pledged to wage
“triumph or death fight.” On the same page, Chosun Ilbo expressed that the expectation for India lay upon
the shoulders of the strong leader they have in Naidu, as can be seen in statements describing her as “a
leader of India’s Civil Disobedience movement, who was responsible for the rise and fall of the 300
million people of India.”46 On December 28,1930, Lee Ha-yun wrote of her in Dong-A- Ilbo’s ‘Studies on
Modern Poets’ series as one the two greatest Indian Poets, the other being Tagore. Lee also mentioned that
she “is a poet who sings of beautiful sentiments who, with firm determination, also passionately engages
in political activities.”47
Prior to these articles, on May 7, 1925, Dong-A-Ilbo reported on Sarojani Naidu’s election as the
President of the 40th annual session of the Indian National Congress in an article entitled, ‘Indian Women
Poet Throws Herself into Politics.’ The writer recounted that Indian people “have organized the National
Congress as a means to save themselves from their colonial circumstances” and went on to say that
“Naidu recognized that she should not just be a good mother seeking personal peace and worked to raise
awareness among Indian women and went on to became a guiding figure for all India.” He added that the
prospect of India depended on Naidu’s strength and outlook. From this point onward, the Korean media
46
47
Chosun Ilbo,May 16,1930
Dong-A- Ilbo, December 28 ,1930
11
referred to her as Gandhi’s successor who had “received the highest honor and took the heaviest
responsibility.”48
The perception of Naidu, along with Gandhi, also reflected the Korean media’s sense of affinity
with India, which led readers to empathize with India’s freedom movement and almost perceive it as their
own. Using the lens of India’s political developments, Korean were there well abled, to hope for
independence from Japan, although this was not likely to come easily. The Korean faith in India’s
nationalist movement was thus very profound and attention given to Naidu as a nationalist leader was also
enormous.
Acknowledged in Korea more as a woman who challenged the male- dominated patriarchal social
system, Naidu was seen as one who still accepted the norms of society appropriate for women and as
someone who displayed her authenticity as a woman. Koreans continued to focus on her as a leading
Indian politician, however, most likely because she was a woman. As many studies have shown,
nationalism and its patriarchal views favor women who do not challenge men. The same was true for
nationalism of colonial Korea. Woman, who fulfilled their feminine roles, while undertaking
revolutionary roles to protect their families and carrying out their social obligations, were eulogized the
most. Naidu met all these expectations as she had married and gave birth to children before embarking on
her socio-political activities. Although she was a strong personality who fought for women’s rights and
women’s suffrage, her masculinity did not pose a threat to the ego or status of men in Colonial Korea.
Further, Naidu was regarded in Colonial Korea as an ideal housewife and caring mother who reared her
children and took care of all household requirements.
The reason underlying the Colonial Korean media’s constant interest in Naidu was that they
wished to set forth more appropriate gender roles for Korean women under colonial rule who were being
assimilated by Japanese culture. The feminine and, at the same time, masculine activities of Naidu, as
portrayed in the Colonial Korean print media, gave some sense of satisfaction to the Korean women who
could not hope to fulfill their desires, given the grim colonial reality and also to provide them the prospect
to build up their strength and to articulate their dreams.
The Colonial Korean print media portrayal of Indian women was indeed politically motivated. By
describing them in a positive manner, the media sought to criticize the oppressive colonial rule that had
stripped such people’s freedom. The image of strong and dynamic Indian women helped Koreans to fight
pessimism and instead find a way of dreaming of de-colonization and freedom.
48
Donga-A-Ilbo, May7,1925
12
Conclusion:
Both India and Korea had bitter experiences and suffered under colonial rule. The colonial
masters from the east and west created institutions and devised instruments that sought to ensure an unjust,
iniquitous and highly differentiated pattern of interaction between alien rulers and their native subjects.
The strategy of the British colonial rulers was to ensure that no Indians should pose any danger to the
colonial regime by making sure they were placed in vulnerable positions. On the other hand, the
psychological strategy of Korean, suffering under similar conditions, was to identify strong Indians who
would be threatening to the British rulers. The anxiety of the colonizers who aspired to perpetuate the
empire by dominating Indian men, who in turn were oppressing women, impelled them to portray the
negative aspects of Indian women. In contrast, the dream of liberation led the Koreans to focus on the
positive activities of Indian. Beside these historical connotations, words of Tagore lingered and echoed
whenever the sentiments and context aroused. It is important to highlight the fine imprints of similarity
and a common sense of democratic appeal prevailed in many situations in Korea at that time and Korean
resonated well with the ideologies and thoughts of many of Indian freedom fighter as well scholars and
photospheres. This is perhaps the great foundation which is today in many shapes unfolding into a great
friendly manner between India and Korea.
13
References
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Donga-A- Ilbo ( Korean Newspaper )
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14
Appendix
Fig.1: The Letter to Gandhi written by Sungsoo Kim, President of the Donga-A-Ilbo, on October
12,1926. (Source: www.gandhimedia.org)
Fig.2: Gandhi’s reply to President of the Donga-A-Ilbo on November 21, 1926 which published
on January 5, 1927 in Dong-A-Ilbo.
15
Fig.3: Tagore’s poem “ Lamp of the East (동방의 등불 )” published on February 4, 1929 in
Dong-A-Ilbo.
Fig.4: February 20,1926 Chosun Ilbo dedicated article and a photograph of Indian youth’s welcoming
ceremony and the Korean audience.
16
Fig.5: Ram Nath Biswas introduced with an article entitled “ World Tour on bicycle” on May 5,
1932 in Dong-A- Ilbo.
Fig.6: May 8, 1934, Dong-A-Ilbo published an article entitled “Indian Patriot” and introduced Rash
Behari Bose.
17
Fig.7: March 18, 1923, Dong-A-Ilbo introduced an Indian woman, Midan Tata
Fig.8: November 24, 1930, Chosun Ilbo
introduced Begum Jahanara Shahnawaz
Fig.9: April 25,1932, Dong-A-Ilbo introduced
Sarojani Naidu .
18