International Journal of Cultural Studies 14(6)
631­–640 © The Author(s) 2011
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DOI: 10.1177/1367877911405755
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Should Xhosa male
initiation be abolished?
Article
Luvuyo Ntombana
University of Fort Hare, South Africa
Abstract
The Xhosa male initiation practice, as it was viewed in the past, is discussed by focusing on
its impact upon the initiates, its contribution to the moral upholding of values and its role in
promoting the values of ‘ubuntu’. The present circumstances surrounding the initiation practice
are also evaluated. The outcry of Church and other leaders, who are calling for the practice to
be abolished, is recognized. The author asserts that, because of the importance of this practice to
Xhosa culture, calling for its abolition is not a solution. It is suggested that the practice rather be
redefined to better contribute to the broader challenges of moral regeneration in South Africa.
Keywords
amakhankatha (traditional guardians), amakrwala (new men), amaXhosa (Xhosa tribe), ikhankatha
(traditional guardian), ikrwala (new man, a man from the initiation practice), ingcibi (traditional
surgeon), isiko (custom or rite), isithethe (common practice), ubuntu (humanity), umthetho (law)
Twentieth-century anthropologists such as Arnold von Gennep (1960), Victor Turner
(1967) and Jean La Fontaine (1985 [1931]) have contributed to the theories of the rites
of passage that exist within different social structures. Initiation is defined as a rite of
passage from boyhood to manhood (Meintjies, 1998: 5). In Xhosa culture, this tradition
has been practised for more than a thousand years (Laidler, 1922: 13; Mtumane, 2004: 36).
It is regarded as a process during which good moral values are instilled in boys as they
graduate to be responsible men of the community (Pauw, 1994: 321; Weiss, 1966: 68).
The amakhankatha (traditional guardians) have played the role of teaching, coaching
and nursing the initiates while in the initiation process (Pauw, 1994: 321). In recent
Corresponding author:
Luvuyo Ntombana, Fort Hare Institute of Social and Economic Research, P.O Box 9083, East London, 5200,
South Africa.
Email: [email protected]
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International Journal of Cultural Studies 14(6)
years, the initiation practice has been characterized by an increasing number of fatalities
among the initiates, criminal activities, drug abuse and inhuman behaviour involving the
newly emerged men (Myemana, 2004: 16). It is evident that a practice that was once
regarded as instilling good moral values has suddenly become tainted by instances of
moral decline.
Motivated by the general degeneration in the context of initiation practices, some
politicians (The Herald, 10 November 2009), parents and church leaders like Mcotheli
(2006) and Myemana (2004: 12) have called for the discontinuation of the practice of
initiation. One of their reasons is that many boys have died as a result of their guardians’ negligence; something that was rare in the past. Another reason is that the behaviour of the initiated boys has become unacceptable. The initiation school has become a
place where criminal activities are committed and the practice of initiation no longer
contributes to the building of society, but instead contributes to the moral decline of the
communities concerned.
In 2004, government, in partnership with the house of traditional leaders, intervened
and took relevant steps to address the problems associated with the initiation practice by
passing the Traditional Health and Practitioners Act of 2004, which gives directions and
regulations for initiation. In particular, the role of the traditional surgeon is highlighted
and regulated through the Act. As a result of the Act and other interventions, some of the
earlier problems related to deaths of initiates have been dealt with. However, there have
still been reports of deaths, criminal activities and casualties during initiation.
This study sought to explore the meaning of initiation practices for the amaXhosa,
and continues the debate on whether this practice should be abolished or redefined and
contextualized so that it can play a positive role in building the moral fibre of society.
The author looks at the theoretical background of initiation to explore how this practice
was viewed in the past, the impact it had upon the initiates, its contribution to the upholding of moral values and its role in promoting the values of ubuntu, which are for the
common good of the whole society. After investigating the historical meaning of initiation practice, the author evaluates the present practice and its role in building the moral
fibre of the society, and how this practice can be redefined in the postmodern context in
order to maintain its major role as a rite of passage from boyhood to manhood.
Xhosa male initiation: background
Reading various works produced by several writers in the field of sociology, anthropology and African religion and culture, one is struck by the proliferation of such writings
purportedly written for the ‘African context’. Sometimes a claim is made that such works
are written with a view in mind to take on board the initiation ritual (Kanta, 2003: 7;
Vivian, 2008). It is even more interesting to find out that the majority of these writers are
non-African. Some authors, Laidler (1922), Peltzer et al. (2010) and Mhlahlo (2009),
reduce the initiation practice to a mere cutting of the foreskin (circumcision), which is
only part of the ritual. The majority of recent publications investigate the role of initiation
in reducing the spread of HIV and AIDS, as well as the issues related to the escalating
deaths among initiates (Kanta, 2003; Vivian, 2008).
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Ntombana
In recent research on the role of male circumcision in the prevention of the transmission
of HIV and AIDS, Dr de Cock (2007) warned that male circumcision should not be
reduced to scientific discourse, because it is heavily laden with social and cultural connotations to morality. He suggests more data collection from the social sciences before
making any recommendations on promoting circumcision as a form of HIV and AIDS
prevention.
My contention is that research should avoid reducing initiation practice to mere
circumcision. Its historical role as a rite of passage must be acknowledged in order to
understand the current meaning of the process.
When investigating the value Xhosa people attach to initiation, it is useful to have a
look at the original Xhosa words used in referring to the initiation practice. The Xhosa
words isiko lokwaluka (which are difficult to translate directly into English without
losing some of the concepts’ meaning) better describes the initiation custom as a process
with strong social and religious implications. To understand the meaning of the practice,
it is important to understand the meaning of isiko (custom). A definition of isiko would
require a comparison with other Xhosa words or concepts that are also pillars in defining
Xhosa culture and religion. Two other words of such nature are umthetho (law, statute,
decree and rule) and isithethe (common practice). My contention is that isiko lokwaluka
(initiation custom) should be understood in the broader Xhosa socio-cultural context and
not just as an isolated practice.
Umthetho (law)
Umthetho is the law set by the governments, traditional courts, kings and family households (Pahl et al., 1989: 292). The law is for the common good of all – to promote the
peaceful cohabitation of people. Domestic laws guide family life and communal laws
guide communities. Each family has its own set of rules (their law) that is most probably
different from that of other families. Social laws maintain order and discipline in communities whereas domestic laws distinguish families from each other. Laws can change
and, in the African context, they can only be changed by those who adopted them. For
example, in the case of communal laws, only the inkosi (chief) or the isibonda (headman)
can effect the changes and, in the case of domestic household laws, only an umninimzi
(the head of the household) has a right to change them. Unlike isiko (see below), when a
person has broken the law, they are summoned to appear at enkundleni (traditional court),
where they will be fined if found guilty. The fine can be in the form of sheep, goats, cows
or even money. What is common between isithethe and umthetho is that they are easily
assimilated or easily changed with the times, which is different from isiko (see below).
Isithethe (common practice)
Isithethe is the common practice of the particular cultural group in a given community
and is not only what brings the Xhosa together but also a practice that is accepted in a
given social context. Therefore, the isithethe that exists in Mdantsane township (an urban
township) might be different from the practice in Qumbu (a rural area). Furthermore, the
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common practice goes beyond the Xhosa or Zulu to become a practice that is common in
most African cultures. This African culture could also be very different from practices in
Western cultures. For example, within South African indigenous cultures, if a man and a
woman enter the house, it is common practice for the man to open the door and enter the
house first because in his society the man protects the woman by entering first in case
there is danger inside. This behaviour is not like the Western cultural practice where the
man shows respect to the woman by opening the door and allowing her to enter first. This
cultural practice is not related to spirituality or worship; it is rather an understanding and
behaviour that becomes accepted in the particular culture.
Isiko (custom, rite)
Isiko (custom or rite) is a very religious and spiritual practice, which connects African
people to God and the ancestors. Examples of such rites are imbeleko (initiation into life
or infant initiation), which is practised after the birth of a child, ulwaluka (initiation) and
amadini (sacrifices) that are offered to Umdali (the creator or God) and abaphantsi
(ancestors). According to Pahl et al. (1989: 194), isiko ngumiselo osisigxina (the rite is a
permanent covenant), which implies that isiko does not and cannot change, and, if not
obeyed properly, this results in wrath and retribution for those who are guilty, which may
also affect their homes and families. Pahl et al. (1989: 1194) state: ‘Amaxhosa asoze
ahlukane nesiko lokwaluka naphakade’ (the amaXhosa will never abolish the initiation
rite forever). What distinguishes the initiation practice from other practices is that, in the
Xhosa literature, it is defined as a practice that is not supposed to change with time.
Previous research by Ntombana (2009) identified initiation practices as a rite of passage that has been practised for generations. These practices are processes during which
good moral values are instilled in boys as they graduate to manhood (Ntombana, 2009:
73; Pauw, 1994: 25).
The role of initiation in establishing moral values
Before one can investigate the role of initiation in constructing the moral fibre of men,
moral values and morality need to be defined in a general socio-cultural context to
provide a basis for the comparison and discussion.
Morality/moral values
According to Cook (1999: 455), morals or morality: ‘Involves a body of conduct sanctioned by the custom or habit of the group of which the individual is a member’. Mbiti
(1986: 174), who defines morals from an African perspective, agrees with Lee when he
mentions that: ‘morals have been evolved in order to keep society not only alive but in
harmony. Morals guide people in doing what is right and good for both their own sake
and that of their community.’
The key element in both Cook (1999) and Mbiti (1986) is that the concept of morality
denotes accepted conduct, or a standard of conduct, implying that moral values have to
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be understood and defined contextually. Morality and other related terms, such as values,
norms and mores, have one thing in common, namely, that they are commonly accepted
rules of conduct pertaining to patterns of behaviour as approved by a social group (Scupin
and DeCorse, 2004: 232) within a particular context. The initiation practice is not an
individual practice, but a communal practice that has to be understood in the historical
context of an ubuntu culture where the identity of each person is respected equally
(Mbiti, 1986: 39). African people live communally, expressing the reality of the old
popular phrase that umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu (a person is a person only through
other people). Mbiti (1986: 44) puts it aptly: ‘I am because we are, and because we are
therefore I am.’
Before the initiation practice, a boy lives a careless life of his own with no responsibilities; after initiation he becomes a man with moral expectations bestowed upon
him (Ntombana, 2009: 80). These expectations involve getting a job and supporting his
family. In cases where the boy’s father is deceased, this boy must now take over the
father’s role in protecting his mother and the whole family that his father previously took
responsibility for.
How the practice was viewed
Research conducted by Pauw (1975) in the Eastern Cape shows that the Xhosa community perceives the initiation practice as an institution of values and good morals. The
Xhosa view is that initiation is necessary to make the transition from the stage of irresponsibility to the stage of responsible manhood. Pauw goes further to explain that this
ritual has always been guarded against being reduced to just the cutting of the foreskin.
Gitywa (1976: 203) observes that one of the most important aspects of the newly initiated man (ikrwala) is a change of behaviour. A clear distinction is made between the one
who has not been circumcised (inkwenkwe) and the one who has been circumcised
(indoda). Anti-social behaviour is a characteristic of boys and not men (Gitywa, 1976:
203). Gitywa (1976: 24) goes on to explain the importance of the wise speeches given
by the old men to the amakrwala. The purpose of these wise words is to show the
young men that they now no longer live for themselves, but for the common good of
their families and the community. According to Mager (1998: 660), initiation earns one
a place in the Xhosa community. Only males who have been through the ritual may be
recognized as men, may participate in community discussions, may become chiefs, and
have earned the right to marriage. Expressions such as ‘inkwekwe yinja’ (the boy is a
dog) heard in Xhosa communities imply that anyone who is not circumcised is not
regarded as a human being in the community; the person who has not gone through
initiation, has no moral standards.
Laidler (1922: 18) differs from the above opinion. He argues that the initiation practice does not contribute much to the building of moral values. Laidler refers to the
process as a ‘pagan custom’. His point of view is understandable, considering he writes
from a stereotyped Christian and Western perspective. His research respondent was a
member of the London Church and therefore the product of a school of missionaries
(Laidler, 1922: 13). His writing also shows that he has no idea of the initiation practice
or Xhosa life. This is clear in his incorrect statement that any man can perform the
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initiation (Laidler, 1922:18). This is contrary to most writers who aptly explain that
the initiation surgeon (ingcibi), chosen by the chief or in some areas by the fathers of
the boys, is expected to live a good moral life, ‘ritually pure’ (Ntombana, 2009: 79;
Pauw, 1994: 13).
According to Stinson (2007: 2) and Meintjies (1998: 7), a profound aspect of the
initiation school is education and the acquisition of cultural knowledge. It is where
young men receive instruction in courtship, social responsibility and marriage practices.
Both Stinson (2007) and Meintjies (1998) state that expectations regarding social
responsibilities and conduct change once a male has gone through the process.
At the welcoming ceremony, boys are assembled and old men of the community give
them words of wisdom to teach and prepare them for adult life and its responsibilities
(Pauw, 1994: 16). During the seclusion part of the initiation rite, the initiates undergo a
period of education or traditional schooling (Mbiti, 1986: 102). They also undergo
physical training to overcome difficulties and pain, to cultivate courage, endurance,
perseverance and obedience. This educational experience equips them mentally, physically, emotionally and morally for adulthood.
The current initiation practice
This practice has recently been characterized by initiates’ deaths, botched circumcision,
irregularities, alcohol abuse and the misconduct of amakrwala (new men) (Mail &
Guardian, 2008; Vincent, 2008). In the past few years the initiation rite has been in the
media for all the wrong reasons. Newspaper articles have detailed how boys between the
ages of 14 and 30 have died every year (Cape Times, 2007; The Citizen, 2010; City Press,
2003). It was reported that in 2006 alone, 18 boys died in Pondo Land and six boys lost
their manhood (Weekend Argus, 22 July 2006). There have also been reports of crimes
committed by boys while participating in initiation, and unfortunately there were cases
where these crimes were committed by people in the community who then hid in the
initiation schools (Bogopa, 2007; Daily Dispatch, 2008).
Recent research on the initiation practice suggests that this practice has lost its meaning due to a variety of reasons associated with negligence and irregularities (Ntombana,
2009). The traditional guardians, tasked with the teaching and nursing of the boys while
they are going through the initiation process, are one of the major contributing factors to
the demoralization of the practice (Ntombana, 2009: 81). These guardians introduce
alcohol and drugs, and introduce inhuman teachings that are not part of this practice. One
such inhuman teaching is that when an initiate graduates, he must sleep with a woman
who is not his girlfriend to supposedly remove the bad luck acquired during the initiation
(Daily Dispatch, 2006). This view has perpetuated rape and the abuse of women.
Debate on the future of initiation practice
Arguments for the discontinuation of the initiation practice
Mcotheli (2006: 6) calls for the discontinuation of the initiation process. His claims are
based on two reasons. First, the escalating number of deaths in the initiation schools –
something that was rare previously. Second, the behaviour of the initiated boys does not
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conform to the expectations that are carried by the ritual; even though they have undergone the ritual, their lives are the same as when they were boys.
Myemana (2004: 12), who claims that he writes from a Christian perspective, also
encourages the abolition of the initiation practice. His view is that it has lost its meaning
and no longer contributes to the building of the society. Myemana (2004: 15) mentions
how many boys have died in the initiation practice due to negligence, sexually transmitted diseases, alcohol and the disobedience of the initiates. Men in this practice no longer
uphold moral values as they did in the past.
Why the practice should not be abolished
Even in the midst of the above fatalities and criminal activities, Xhosa people still view
initiation as a practice that is supposed to contribute to moral fibre. Recent research by
the Medical Research Council in the Eastern Cape on the relationship between HIV and
AIDS and the initiation practice found that out of 114 initiates interviewed, 96 felt good
about the initiation and expressed pride in participating in it (Makhubu, 2007).
Initiation is not merely an ancient practice; even today the majority of Xhosa kings
and leaders still believe in the initiation school’s contribution in building a society.
According to Prince Burns-Ncamashe (2000: 9): ‘Initiation school has a moral obligation
and customary duty to produce accountable and responsible citizens of society fully
committed and dedicated to the value of nation building.’
It is understandable that some want to do away with the practice, but initiation is a
Xhosa tradition that is impossible to abolish. For more than 100 years Christian missionaries have been referring to this practice as a pagan custom and they have tried to do way
with it, but African people have tenaciously clung to customs and rituals that are of
importance to them, including manhood initiation (Laidler, 1922: 13). The ancient Xhosa
prophet, Ntsikana, son of Gabba, also agitated for the abolition of this African initiation
rite and this made him very unpopular in Xhosa communities. For many years after
Ntsikana, missionaries and other Christian preachers have argued for the discontinuation
of initiation, but it is still in use. It is true, however, that the practice has incorporated
many bad practices, such as irresponsibility, alcohol abuse and lack of discipline, which
has resulted in the death of many initiates. However, the amaXhosa have shown their
commitment to the initiation practice because according to Mtumane (2004: 36), almost
80 percent of Xhosa males still practise the rite and it shows that there are no grounds for
its discontinuation.
Even though I agree with some views and concerns voiced by Mcotheli (2006) and
Myemana (2004) on the present role of initiation, I take issue with their view that initiation should come to an end. Having realized that they both write from a Christian point
of view, my question to them is, why they do not suggest the abolition of Christianity. In
spite of the recent view that South Africa is said to be a Christian country, with almost 70
percent of the population claiming to be Christians, the majority of the so-called
Christians do not behave in a Christian manner and that is one of the reasons why we
have a moral dilemma (Williams, 2004: 131). This dilemma leads people to conclude
that Christianity has lost its meaning or is not effective in its evangelizing mission. Is
calling for the abolition of the Christian religion a solution to the problem at hand? I do
not think so. The same applies to the initiation rite. Instead of calling for its abolition,
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should we not redefine its meaning for the changing socio-cultural milieu? I definitely
think we should.
Conclusion
The government has intervened in Xhosa male initiation by regulating the practice. As a
result currently surgeons are trained and registered as heath practitioners and anyone
who performs circumcision without a licence breaks the law. The regulation is a good
starting point but the regulation of surgeons is not enough. The current research proves
that most surgeons obey the law; but there are problems with the guardians, who have the
role of looking after and teaching the boys (Ntombana, 2009). I understand that the regulation was born out of the challenge of the escalating deaths of the initiates and therefore
its emphasis is more on health-related matters. My suggestion is that there is a need to
regulate the whole practice, including the roles and responsibilities of the guardians; they
should be recognized as informal educators within the initiation practice, and a curriculum should be developed comprising issues that should be taught in the initiation schools.
A lot of irregularities and bad publicity about the initiation programme has led people
to overlook areas where there have been positive models. Further research is recommended into the lives, leadership styles and intervention strategies of the people who are
positively involved in initiation. Such research will provide us with a positive model for
the historical role of initiation in society.
Those who are calling for the abolition of this practice have valid reasons; but calling
for its abolition will not stop people from performing it. For instance, if one observes the
case of abortion, when it was illegal in South Africa, people still performed it underground and as a result a lot of women were dying due to illegal abortion. More boys will
die once the practice is abolished – even more than are dying in the initiation schools
where there are irregularities currently. It has already been argued that initiation is one of
the Xhosa traditions that fall under isiko, it is a practice that cannot change. It is true that
there has been a shift of meaning in this practice due to industrialization, urbanization
and the teaching of Christianity, but more and more people are still practising it.
Initiation is not only practised by Xhosa people; other tribes like Sotho also perform
it but there have never been cases of death and irregularities reported. Sotho people are
very proud of this tradition and have preserved it with care as a rite of passage which
instils good moral values in boys. AmaXhosa can learn from other tribes in South Africa
as well as outside South Africa strategies and mechanisms to solve the current problems
associated with initiation practice. My submission is that an initiation has to be redefined
as an informal school system that would be regulated by the house of traditional leaders.
Calling for its discontinuation will not solve the problem; but a holistic approach to
regulation will have an impact.
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Luvuyo Ntombana is a Senior Researcher at the Fort Hare Institute of Social and
Economic Research (FHISER). His research interests include Cultural Anthropology
(Indigenous Knowledge Systems).
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