of Rom Nomads in Europe

In the globalisation process, the social organisation of sedentary cultures represents the universal model. Few nomadic communities resist this trend, facing difficulties in survival and
intercultural relations. To analyse the daily life and future expectations of these populations
from the individual perspective, 60 Rom people living in Italy were administered Flow
Questionnaire and Life Theme Questionnaire. These instruments investigate the quality of
experience in daily life, particularly focusing on optimal experiences, characterised by engagement, intrinsic motivation, and skill development. The joint family emerged as the main
source of optimal experiences in daily life of Rom participants. The constraints of semi-
sedentary lifestyle, and the integration problems due to cultural differences were also highligbted. Results suggested that the experience associated with daily contexts should be taken
into account in projects with minority communities, to design programmes promoting the
perception of opportunities for optimal experiences and development in a foreign environment.
Coping with Boundaries:
The Quality of Daily Experience
of Rom Nomads in Europe*
ANTONELLA DELLE FAVE**
Università
degli Studi di.
Milano
MARTA BASSI
Università
degli Studi di Milano
FAUSTO MASSIMINI
Università
degli Studi di Milano
r
This work is based on an article presented at the Joint European Conference of IACCP
and ITC, Cultural Diversity and European Integration, Graz, 29 June-2 July 1999.
**
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Antonella Delle Fave,
Dipartimento di Scienze Precliniche &dquo;LITA Vialba&dquo;, Universita degli Studi di Milano,
Via G.B. Grassi, 74, 20157 Milano, Italy. E-mail: antonella.dellefavenaunimi.it.
Downloaded from pds.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 11, 2016
88
/
The adoption of agriculture and of a sedentary lifestyle brought about
dramatic changes in human history (Diamond, 1997). It gave rise to
labour division, skill differentiation, technology advancements, and
more articulated and codified patterns of social organisation. Most communities adapted to these changes throughout the centuries, and sedentary cultures became the predominant model of social organisation. In
modern times, the interaction of nomadic groups with sedentary populations has been detrimental to the former all over the world. Most
hunter-gatherer societies have eventually come under the control of
central governments, have been exterminated or assimilated: Examples
are Pygmies and Bushmen in Africa, Aborigines in Australia, and native
American populations. Nowadays, the only self-sufficient bands remaining are confined to the remotest areas of New Guinea and the
Amazon basin (Diamond, 1997). In such conditions, separation and
isolation-at the geographical level or in terms of cultural secrecy-are
the only strategies that allow for cultural preservation.
We will analyse the culture clash between nomadic and sedentary
cultures through the specific examples of Gypsies in Europe. After a
brief historical section, we will investigate the issue from the perspective
of individuals, Rom people living in Italy.
Gypsies in Europe
’
The history of Gypsies has been characterised by constant migration.
In the tenth century they first moved westwards from their homeland
in north-western India (Bloch, 1934). In the following centuries they
lived in Persia, as can be inferred by linguistic expressions in the
Romany language (Minorsky, 1982).
Later on, Gypsies entered the territories of the Byzantine Empire.
Written reports testified their presence on the Mediterranean islands
in the fourteenth century, and their arrival in Europe at the beginning
of the fifteenth century. Some groups stopped in Eastern European
countries, where the majority of Gypsies still live today. Others continued their migration to Western Europe, constantly moving from
country to country, and giving rise to distinct communities: Rom,
Sinti, Manouches, Kale, Romanichel, distinguished on the basis of
language, area of immigration, and traditional occupations (Arlati,
1998).
Downloaded from pds.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 11, 2016
/ 89
Relations between Gypsies and European populations (called Gage,
non-Gypsy, in Romany language) were mostly characterised by hostility, due to cultural differences. Gypsies had their own oral traditions,
laws and group cohesion. They lived in bands, usually comprising one
extended family or interrelated members, and they moved from place
to place to find food and shelter, unwilling to settle down in one area
and to integrate into the local sedentary communities.
When they first arrived in Europe, they told local people that they
were travelling on a penitential journey (de Vaux de Foletier, 1970).
At that time, pilgrims travelling for religious purposes were granted
food and shelter. So Gypsies could get basic sustenance, temporarily
settling down in towns or in the countryside, and moving on when
living resources got scarcer.
Beside accepting donations as a living, Gypsies were known to be
skilful in working metals, such as copper, iron and gold, and in breeding
horses. In Eastern Europe, they were also renowned for their music
and dances (Rasmussen, 1991). Illegal activities, such as stealing, or unconventional occupations, such as palmistry and fortune-telling, were
additional sources of income. Above all, Gypsies were impermeable
to local laws, defying justice and strongly preserving their culture.
As concerns religion, &dquo;in their language they only had one word to
refer to God (Del or Devel). They quite easily adapted to the religions
of the countries in which they sojourned&dquo; (de Vaux de Foletier, 1970).
Gypsies have always tried to keep their culture secret. Information
about them rarely comes from direct reports, rather from reconstruction studies based on historical records and chronicles. An emblematic
example of Gypsies’ secrecy concerns the first name. They keep their
own name secret, using other ones, typical of the country in which
they are temporarily sojourning. They thus try to go unnoticed and
avoid social and legal troubles.
In the last four centuries, Europe has undergone major changes.
Urbanisation, industrialisation, population growth, the establishment
of modern nations, and the development of technology have posed a
great threat to Gypsies. On the one hand, land distribution and legal
restrictions impose heavy constraints on nomadic lifestyle; on the other
hand, the pattern of cultural assimilation predominates. Historically
many attempts were made to turn Gypsies into sedentary communities.
They were often prevented from travelling, banned from urban centres
(as happens today with their confinement in suburban camps), or even
expeiled from certain countries. In Romania, Gypsies were salves until
Downloaded from pds.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 11, 2016
90
(de Vaux de Foletier, 1970). In Germany, during the Nazi period
they were segregated in Wohnlager under police control, subject to
biological experiments and sterilisation of women (Petersen & Liedtke,
1971). During the Second World War, about 300,000 Gypsies were
exterminated (Hancock, 1956, Rummel, 1992).
Racial prejudice still characterises the- relationship between European
majority and Gyps3- mínori. y today (Marta, 1989; Zani & Kirchler,
1995). However, Gypsies have managed to resist change (Arayici, 1998;
Pau & Ledda, 1993-94). Discrimination and persecutions have forced
them to raise stronger cultural barriers to protect their ethnic identity.
While traditional Gypsy jobs and activities have become obsolete, social
cohesion and family ties are still very strong.
Throughout the centuries, Gypsies have tried to integrate into their
cultural system the elements of foreign cultures that could be useful
for their survival. Today, they have to come to terms with the postmodern culture of European nations. In order to benefit from job opportunities, health services, and education programmes, they need to
belong to a country and to get a stable residency. As a consequence,
most groups have accepted sedentary or semi-sedentary ways of life,
including settlement in camps provided for by municipalities. The
psychological and cultural consequences of these major changes till
have to be exhaustively investigated.
1856
The Interplay between Individuals and Culture
According to bio-cultural theories (Boyd & Richerson, 1985; Durham,
1991), biology and culture are two evolving inheritance systems that
jointly influence human behaviour and development (Delle Fave &
Massimini, 1999).
As concerns culture, information units, or memes (Dawkins, 1976),
selectively transmitted across generations if they prove to he fit for
survival in their environment. Otherwise they become extinct.
Individuals inherit and transmit both genetic and cultural information. However, they are also active agents of bio-cultural preservation
or innovation (Massimini, Inghilleri, & Delle Fave, 1996). As concerns
culture, day by day individuals select and reproduce a limited number
of information units available in their context (activities, interests and
are
Downloaded from pds.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 11, 2016
/ 91
beliefs). This process has been defined as psychological selection
(Csikszentmihalyi & Massimini, 1985).
The quality of experience associated with daily activities and
opportunities for action deeply influences psychological selection. On
the basis of extensive cross-cultural studies (Csikszentmihalyi & Csikszentmihalyi, 1988; Massimini & Delle Fave, 2000j, Optimal Experience
has been identified as the most complex and positive state of consciousness individuals report during their daily life. It is primarily characterised by the perception of high environmental challenges, matched by
adequately high personal skills. Moreover, focus of attention on the
task at hand, involvement, control of the situation, enjoyment and
intrinsic motivation are reporter. Through psychological selection,
optimal experience influences development, shaping individual life
theme (Csikszentmihalyi & Beattie, 1979), that is the set of activities
and interests each&dquo; person preferentially cultivates in his/her life.
In the following pages, we will analyse optimal experience and life
theme in a group of Rom Gypsies living in Northern Italy, from the
perspective of intercultural relations between nomadic and sedentary
cultures. Two major implications will be stressed: (a) the role of the
individual in cultural replication and transmission; (b) the need for
intervention programmes promoting cultural interaction and mutual
integration.
moral
’
’
Sample and Procedures
The first Gypsy communities arrived in Italy in 1422. Some of them
still live in the country: Rom settled in Central and Southern Italy,
Sinti in Northern Italy. During the twentieth century, other groups
migrated from the Balkans after the First World War, and from exYugoslavia and Romania in more recent times. Today, about 100,000
Gypsies live in Italy.
In this study, we interviewed 60 Rom people (32 women and 28
men), recently migrated from the Balkans, and living in a suburban
camp in Northern Italy. Their age ranged from 15 to 71 years, with
43.3% of the participants under 30 (mean age being 36.6 years). As for
religion, 40 participants (66.7%) were Orthodox Daxicane, 16(26.7%)
were Muslim Korakane, four were Catholic. Given the very limited
influence of religion on their habits and daily life, we will not take
Downloaded from pds.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 11, 2016
92/
account this distinction in data analysis. Out of 60 respondents,
and independent of their age, only 14 had a primary school degree,
and only four a secondary school degree.
The participants were administered Flow Questionnaire (Csikszentmihalyi, 1975; Delle Fave & Massimini, 1988) and Life Theme
Questionnaire (Csikszentmihalyi & Beattie, 1979; Delle Fave & Bassi,
1998). In the Flow Questionnaire, participants were asked to read three
quotations describing optimal experience, to report whether they recognised it in their life, and to indicate the associated activities or situations.
Through a series of 0-8 Likert-type scales, they were then invited to
report the level of cognitive, affective and motivational variables during
activities associated with optimal experience, as well as in other daily
contexts (at work, with family, in solitude).
The Life Theme Questionnaire investigated, among other issues,
the participants’ positive and negative life influences, and their future
life goals. Both instruments provided information on the features of
individual psychological selection, highlighting the cultural information
units preferentially selected in daily behaviour and cultivated in time.
into
Results
Optimal experience was recognised by 48 participants (80% of the entire
sample). The majority of the 12 respondents who did not recognise it
complained about specific events that had negatively affected their lives:
death of a child or spouse, imprisonment of relatives, poverty, and
destitution.
Most participants reported optimal experience in daily activities.
As shown in Figure 1, the highest percentage of these activities fell
within the &dquo;Family&dquo; category, with 62% of the related answers referring
staying with children and grandchildren. Participants underlined
the importance of the family, and the enjoyment stemming from family
interaction:
to
good when I am with my family. I like children, my grandcannot count them anymore .... We
children. There are
asked to stay all close to one another, here in the camp .... Now
that I am old and sick there is always someone here at home. I am
never left alone .... (woman, 64)
I feel
many, ~
Downloaded from pds.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 11, 2016
93 .
Figure
Frequency Distribution
1
of the Activities associated with
(N participants
=
48, N answers
=
Optimal Experience
80)
I very much like to spend time with my little daughter, she is 10
I
months old and I go crazy for her because she is so beautiful!
take her around and I do all I can for her. I discovered a new side of
me ... and if you think that I made her, that she has a bit of myself
I go crazy, it seems unbelievable to me. (man, 19)
...
good when I am with my children .... When I lie on my
bed with the younger ones, we hug, I sing the songs that my mother
sang to me as a child. In those moments, I am fine, I am quiet, my
heart filled with joy. My children are fine, too. If they are crying,
they stop. (women, 33)
I feel really good when I visit my grandparents, and I can take care
of them .... They raised me and they taught me many things. Now
that I am a man, I do everything for them, because they deserve it
.... From them I learn and understand how the world goes.
Although times have changed, the feelings of mankind are always
the same. (man, 27)
I feel very
The second largest category was &dquo;Housework&dquo;. It was mostly reported by women, and related to cooking, cleaning, taking care of the
Downloaded from pds.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 11, 2016
94 /
Housewife tasks were described as meaningful in that they
con-nected with the family, and/or as opportunities to socialise:
shanty.
were
[I get this kind of experience] when I cook .... Cooking is very
nice, I sit here outside my shanty and I cook while talking with my
husband,
or
with my
neighbour,
or
with
someone
else.
(women,
32)
I am very proud of my house and I like when everything is in order,
I clean it very well because it is the duty of a good wife .... There
people here, and there is always something to do
families
are like that, if you love them you have to be very
Large
active and work all the time. (woman, 46)
are
many
....
In the &dquo;Leisure&dquo; category, participants mainly reported traditional
Rom activities: playing music, singing, dancing, playing cards.
I learned how to play guitar when I was very young .... I play all
the time: in my shanty, on the grass, and during festivities and parties
Sometimes I play the whole day, without eating or resting. But
I feel very good, my heart is filled with great joy. (man, 30)
....
&dquo;Socialising&dquo; was also reported as a source of optimal experience:
[I get this kind of experience] talking with other women .... Young
girls ask for advice, we talk about women matters, sometimes positive ones, sometimes problems. When problems are solved, when
we help each other, then one feels good for that day, and also for
the next, and more. (women, 50)
&dquo;Travelling&dquo; accounted for a relatively low percentage of the answers.
This sample, like most Rom populations in Europe, adopted a basically
sedentary lifestyle. However, the participants still visited relatives in
other regions or in other countries, mostly for family celebrations.
Again, travelling was meaningful for social and family relations:
[I get this experience] when I travel .... While you travel,
you
don’t think of anything else. You see new towns, meet many people.
I am happy because I always visit some relatives. (man, 42)
From the time I was born I’ve always been on my way, then I
chose to stop in Italy because they gave us camps, and citizenship
for the children, but I kept travelling all the same. My children
...
Downloaded from pds.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 11, 2016
/ 95
travel less frequently than me, because they have their business here,
but now life is different, I think that my grandchildren will even
build a house for themselves! ... For me to travel is very important
because it is the only way to live a true life, with adventures and
friendship .... We Gypsies were born for this, but now, giving in
to comforts and blackmails, we are changing .... Now we don’t
travel anymore, there are no fields to stop in, you have to stay in
the camps. But I don’t give in, I continue to travel and when I can I
move on.
(man, 65)
z
remarkably low percentage of answers related to &dquo;Work&dquo; as a
of optimal experience was not surprising, if we take into account
the features of Rom culture. Most participants emphasised the constraints and duties connected with modern jobs, setting freedom and
independence as prerequisites to get optimal experience in work
The
source
activities:
[I get optimal experience] when I have to repair a car. It is my passion,
I work with all my heart until I’m finished. For me it is a hobby,
but I am good at it, so I get paid sometimes. I go help a Gage in his
car repair garage .... However, even though I like cars, in the
Gage’s garage I get tired because the owner gives me orders and I
have to be careful of what I do. When I repair on my own it is
different, I am the only one there .... (man, 27)
I
coppersmith, like my father. I like it, it is a quiet work. But
it is very hard to ~sell .... People don’t want copper any more
But sometimes I work all the same because I like it, I make
am a
now
....
things for myself, my wife or my friends. (man, 28)
By means of 0-8 Likert-type scales measuring affect, motivation and
cognition, participants were then asked to describe their state of consciousness during the activities associated with optimal experience and
other daily situations: being with family, working, and being alone.
As shown in Table 1, in optimal experience all the variables hit their
highest values, as theoretically expected and empirically verified in
cross-cultural studies (Csikszentmihalyi & Csikszentmihalyi, 1988;
Massimini & Delle Fave, 2000). Being with family in daily routine life
was also associated with a quite positive experience, even though paired
t tests revealed significant differences with optimal experience for all
Downloaded from pds.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 11, 2016
96 /
the variables. Work was associated with average values: Rom participants did not recognise modern work as an enjoyable activity, complaining.about subordination, indoors environment, external evaluation
and time constraints.
Table 1
Quality of Experience in Different Activities
Note: N - number of participants
0.001
* - p < 0.01
>1-* - P <
The worst experience in daily life was reported while &dquo;being alone&dquo;.
The values of the variables were significantly lower than in all the
other activities examined. Solitude was not perceived as a source of
creativity, individual expression, autonomy, or self-actualisation, as
often happens in other cultures (Larson, 1997). On the contrary, it
was conceived as a deviant or forced behaviour. The core of Rom life
is the group, be it the family or the community. Early in their lives,
individuals learn to value it, and to avoid isolation as a threat against
personal well-being:
Nobody is alone here. Only mad people are alone and talk to themselves. (man, 38)
When you are in trouble and nobody helps you and everyone kicks
you out, then you are alone. But this happens only if you deserve
it. If you do something very bad, for example, if you kill or rape
another Rom, the elders’ group meets and may decide to ban you.
Only your wife and children can come with you, but only if they
want to. Your wife may choose to go back to her parents. (man, 35)
Downloaded from pds.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 11, 2016
/ 97
The data gathered by means of the &dquo;Life Theme Questionnaire&dquo; further supported the central role of interpersonal relationships in shaping
individual development. Table 2 shows that &dquo;Family&dquo; was by and large
the most frequent factor positively influencing the participants’ life.
&dquo;Life experiences&dquo; came next, with a much lower percentage, mostly
referring to migration from ex-Yugoslavia (10 out of the 15 answers).
&dquo;Travelling&dquo; followed, with detailed descriptions of nomadic lifestyle
mostly reported by elders, who stressed the changes Europe has undergone during the last 30 years.
Table 2
Positive and Negative Influences
Note: ’N participants
=
59; bN participants
=
54
As concerns negative influences, six participants out of 60 did not
recognise any in their lives. As reported in Table 2, &dquo;Family&dquo; ranked
first among the categories. However, in 54.3% of these answers, it
referred to the death of family members. In 10.9% of the responses,
participants reported children’s health problems, and in 6.5% separation
from the parents as a consequence of migration. Only a limited amount
of the family-related answers (28.3%) referred to problems within the
family, mainly due to hard times with the spouse and the in-laws.
&dquo;Social issues&dquo; were the second most frequent negative influence. Nine
out of 16 answers referred to the recent war in ex-Yugoslavia, that
forced some participants to migrate. In this category, respondents also
complained about Italian penal law, conditions in jail, and troubles to
get documents and Italian citizenship. Among &dquo;Life experiences&dquo;,
hardships related to migration and nomadic life were quoted, while
Downloaded from pds.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 11, 2016
98 /
poverty, hunger and lack of money were mentioned in the category
&dquo;Material goods&dquo;.
Table 3 shows that &dquo;Family’ was also the main life goal perceived
by the Rom sample. More than half of the answers referred to the children : being a good parent, supporting their self-actualisation at work
and in the family, transmitting them moral and social values. Peaceful
relations with the spouse and cohesion within the extended family
were also quoted. Material goods followed, with answers primarily
regarding having a nice house (57.9%) and more money (26.3%). The
third largest category was &dquo;Personal Life&dquo;: The participants reported
peacefulness and serenity as a goal in 47.6% of the answers. Other responses referred to fulfilling wishes, moving to other camps in Italy,
and going back home to ex-Yugoslavia. &dquo;Work&dquo; accounted for 8.7%
of the total goals: Participants reported to be looking forward to finding a stable job, preferably an independent activity or a commercial
business.
Table 3
Future Goals
Note: N participants
Rom in
=
59
Europe: Acculturation, Integration, or Interaction?
The results illustrated above highlighted the persistence of basic features
of the Rom culture in individual behaviour and psychological selection.
Nomadic traditions still survive today: Rom live in small communities, moving from place to place, carrying with them only light
valuable goods, and avoiding artefacts accumulation. Family is the core
Downloaded from pds.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 11, 2016
/ 99
of Rom life: Biological transmission is the predominant means to reproduce genes, as well as culture. Extended families maintain strong ties
even if some members move to other areas, or other countries. Interfamily relationships are supported by marriages, and this strengthens
social cohesion. Teachings are oral, there is no emphasis on formal
education. Due to a strong social hierarchy based on age, knowledge is
passed on through vertical transmission of behavioural rules.
The psychological selection of the participants was centred on traditional Rom activities and situations. We did not detect the generation
gap characterising other cultures undergoing modernisation (Delle Fave,
1999; Delle Fave & Massimini, 1991). Young people were concerned
with family and social interactions, just like their parents. They were
not interested in the modern leisure opportunities they could easily
find outside the camp. They did not deem school and learning valuable
tools to develop abilities and, possibly, to integrate in Gage society.
The western concern for work was not shared by this sample:
If you toil for someone else, then you get paid, if you do it for
yourself you don’t get money but you do things for yourself, for
example a house, a fence for the animals. (man, 46)
...
As concerns life theme, the answers confirmed the central role of
the family and the community, be they related to past influences or to
future expectations. Although participants paid attention to their personal well-being in the present as well as for the future, the pursuit of
harmony within the community was more important than individual
autonomy and personal achievement, typical goals in western culture.
As concerns daily interactions between Gypsies and European cultures, these data raise some issues.
Gypsies’ culture is ancient, rooted in stable and strong traditions. It
has successfully survived the hardships of nomadic life, in a world
based on nations. It has been systematically transmitted, in spite of
the lack of written information. It has been strenuously defended by
its members, in a human history dominated by cultural extinction
and psychological assimilation.
Substantial differences in survival strategies, cultural values and sanctioned behaviours have often created clashes between Gypsies and their
sedentary European neighbours. This is a serious obstacle to integration.
As defined by cross-cultural psychologists (Berry & Sam, 1997; La
Fromboise et al., 1993), in the integration process the acculturating
Downloaded from pds.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 11, 2016
/
’
100/
group is expected to share the basic values of two cultures, the original
as well as the dominant one. This is not true of Gypsy communities,
who accept neither
Gage’s lifestyle
constraints
nor
their Weltan-
schauung.
Attempts to educate Rom children in western schools very often
fail (Hundsalz, 1980; Smith, 1997), because discipline and notions taught
in the classroom are mainly aimed at assimilating students instead/oj/
meeting their developmental needs and strengthening their cultural
identity (Okely, 1997). Workers’ cooperatives run by Gypsies are a
good alternative to their recruitment in factories of Gage’s enterprises,
but the examples in this area are few and not always promising.
In our opinion, there is no ready-made strategy that can solve the
conflicts arising between Gage and Rom. One of the main challenges
of present times is the development of peaceful and tolerant relationships among cultures. But this challenge can be more easily met if
cultures share common values and priorities in their daily life. This is
often not the case, in particular between Rom and Gage. The ancient
clash between nomadic and sedentary lifestyle is constantly reactualised. It could be analysed from the individualistic versus
collectivistic perspective. However, there are several difficulties in using
these labels to broadly describe a culture as a whole (Kagltglbasi, 1997).
Institutional intervention often aims at incorporating Rom people
into the western educational and productive systems. Efforts are devoted to &dquo;improve&dquo; Rom’s quality of life and to provide them with
opportunities to be part of the dominant culture. The basic question
institutions and social workers sometimes forget is whether Rom really
be part of it. Assimilation into modern western culture, whose
values they do not recognise, is bound to fail.
We should look for other solutions, taking into account Gypsies’
cultural background and psychological selection. Projects should be
jointly put forward by Gage and Gypsies, and aim at mutual exchange
of information. The approach could be defined as a &dquo;communicative
interaction&dquo; (Delle Fave & Lombardi, 2000). This is a very difficult
task for cultures accustomed to dominating the whole world. We provocatively assume that simply trying to understand, not necessarily
sharing, another culture-just around the corner but so far from uscan be a good exercise for sedentary and artefact-dependent post-modern
citizens.
want to
Downloaded from pds.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 11, 2016
/ 101
REFERENCES
ARAYICI, A. (1998). The Gypsy minority in Europe-Some considerations. International
Social Science Journal,
(156),
2
253-62.
ARLATI, A. (1998). Gli zingari in Italia [Gypsies in Italy]. In Opera Nomadi Nazionale,
Progettazioni sperimentali, verifiche, osservazioni sui corsi di formazione per mediatori
culturali Rom e Sinti, pp. 36-39. Milano: Cooperativa di Solidarità Sociale Romano
Drom.
SAM, D.L. (1997). Acculturation and adaptation. In J.W. Berry, M.H.
C. Kagitçibasi (Eds.), Handbook of Cross-cultural Psychology. Volume 3:
Social behavior and applications. Boston: Allyn and Bacon.
BLOCH, J. (1934). L’indo-aryen, du Veda aux temps modernes [Indo-Aryan: From the
Vedas to modern times]. Paris: Adrien-Maisonneuve.
BOYD, R., & RICHERSON, P.J. (1985). Culture and the evolutionary process. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
CSIKSZENTMIHALYI, M. (1975). Beyond boredom and anxiety. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
CSIKSZENTMIHALYI, M., & BEATTIE, O. (1979). Life themes: A theoretical and empirical
exploration of their origins and effects. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 19,
45-63.
CSIKSZENTMIHALYI, M., & CSIKSZENTMIHALYI, I. (1988). Optimal experience: Psychological
studies offlow in consciousness. New York: Cambridge University Press.
CSIKSZENTMIHALYI, M., & MASSIMINI, F. (1985). On the psychological selection of biocultural information. New Ideas in Psychology, 3
(2), 115-38.
DAWKINS, R. (1976). The selfish gene. London: Oxford University Press.
DELLE FAVE, A. (1999). Individual development and bi-cultural identity: The Navajo
way. In A. Delle Fave & F. Meli (Eds.), Modernization and cultural identity. Milano:
Edizioni Dell’ Arco.
DELLE FAVE, A., & MASSIMINI, F. (1988). Modernization and changing contexts of flow
in work and leisure. In M. Csikszentmihalyi & I. Csikszentmihalyi (Eds.), Optimal
experience: Psychological studies of flow in consciousness. New York: Cambridge
University Press.
(1991). Modernization and the quality of daily experience in a southern Italy
village. In N. Bleichrodt & P.J.D. Drenth (Eds.), Contemporary issues in crosscultural psychology. Amsterdam: Swets & Zeitlinger B.V.
(1999). Inter-cultural relations: A challenge for psychology. In A. Delle Fave &
F. Meli (Eds.), Modernization and cultural identity. Milani: Edizioni Dell’ Arco.
DELLE FAVE, A., & BASSI, M. (1998). Esperienza di flow e sviluppo della complessità nel
comportamento umano [Flow experience and development of complexity in
human behaviour]. Informazione in Psicologia, Psicoterapia e Psichiatria, 32-33,
32-47.
DELLE FAVE, A., &
LOMBARDI, M. (2000). Rom e Gagè: una relazione intercultural [Rom
and Gage: An intercultural relation]. Milano: Comune di Milano.
DE VAUX DE FOLETIER, F. (1970). Mille ans d’historie des Tsiganes [A thousand years of
Gypsy history]. Paris: Librairie Arthème Fayard.
DIAMOND, J. (1997). Guns, germs and steel: The fates of human societies. New York: Norton
& Co.
BERRY, J.W.,
&
Segall, &
—.
—.
Downloaded from pds.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 11, 2016
102 /
DURHAM, W.H. (1991). Coevolution: Genes, culture and human diversity. Stanford, CA:
Stanford University Press.
HANCOCK, I. (1996). Responses to the Porrajoms: The Romani Holocaust. In A. Rosenbaum (Ed.), Is the Holocaust unique?: Perspectives on comparative genocide. Boulder,
CO: Westview Press Inc.
HUNDSALZ, A. (1980). Schulschwierigkeiten bei Zigeunerkindern [Educational difficulties
of Gypsy children]. Psychologische Praxis, 53, 56-92.
KAGITÇIBASI, C. (1997). Individualism and collectivism. In J.W. Berry, M.H. Segall, &
C. Kagitçibasi (Eds.), Handbook of Cross-cultural Psychology. Volume 3: Social
behavior and applications. Boston: Allyn and Bacon.
LAFROMBOISE, T., COLEMAN, H.L.K., & GERTON, J. (1993). Psychological impact of
biculturalism: Evidence and theory. Psychological Bulletin, 114,
395-412.
LARSON, R. (1997). The emergence of solitude as a constructive domain of experience
in early adolescence. Child Development, 68
(1), 80-93.
MARTA, C. (1989). Gli zingari a Roma tra emarginazione e razzismo [Gypsies in Rome
between marginalisation and racism]. La Critica Sociologica, 89, 117-23.
MASSIMINI, F., & DELLE FAVE, A. (2000). Individual development in a bio-cultural
24-33.
perspective. American Psychologist, 55,
MASSIMINI, F., INGHILLERI, P., & DELLE FAVE, A. (1996). La selezione psicologica umana
[Human psychological selection]. Milano: Coop. Libraria IULM.
MINORSKY, V. (1982). Medieval Iran and its neighbours. London: Variorum Reprints.
OKELY, J. (1997). Non-territorial culture as the rationale for the assimilation of Gypsy
children. Childhood,
(1), 63-80.
4
(1993-94). Gente del mondo. Voci e silenzi delle culture zingare
[People of the world. Voices and silence of Gypsy cultures]. La Critica Sociologica,
PAU, P.,
&
LEDDA,
L.
107-108, 137-38.
PETERSEN, P., & LIEDTKE, U. (1971). Zur Entschadigung
zwangssterilisierter Zigeuner.
Sozialpsychologische Einfluße auf psychische Storungen nationalsozialistisch
Verfolgter [Towards the compensation of compulsorily sterilized Gypsies: Social
psychological influences on mental disorders of those persecuted by the national
socialists]. Nervenarzt, 42
(4), 197-205.
RASMUSSEN, L.V. (1991). Gypsy music in Yugoslavia: Inside the popular cultural
tradition. Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society, 1
(2), 127-39.
RUMMEL, R.J. (1992). Democide: Nazi genocide and mass murder. New Brunswick, NJ:
Transaction Publishers.
SMITH, T. (1997). Recognising difference: The Romani "Gypsy" child socialisation and
education process. British Journal of
Sociology of Education, 18
(2), 243-56.
ZANI, B., & KIRCHLER, E. (1995). Pregiudizi ed emozioni nei rapporti interetnici [Prejudice and emotion in intergroup
relationships]. Giornale Italiano di Psicologia, 22
(1),
65-85.
Antonella Delle Fave, Marta Bassi, and Fausto Massimini,
Precliniche "LITA Vialba", Università degli Studi di Milano.
Dipartimento
Downloaded from pds.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 11, 2016
di Scienze

Download Report