The Emergence of Democratic Ideology Author(s): R. Brock Source: Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte, Vol. 40, No. 2 (1991), pp. 160-169 Published by: Franz Steiner Verlag Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4436188 . Accessed: 13/02/2011 09:37 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=fsv. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Franz Steiner Verlag is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte. http://www.jstor.org THE EMERGENCEOF DEMOCRATICIDEOLOGY It has frequentlybeen statedthat ancientGreece producedno democratic politicaltheory.'If we mean by this that we possess no treatise,no systematic and detailed written theory of democracy,this is true. This is not to say, however,that there was no democraticideology or democraticthoughton a less articulatedlevel, nor that democratsmade no attemptto publicise and promotesuch ideas and the practicesand institutionswhich embodiedthem. In the politically polarisedatmosphereof the later fifth century,we would expect a propagandabattle;politicalimageryand languageprovideda ready means of pursuingit, and key tenets of political belief could be effectively encapsulatedin wordsor slogans.Moreover,such languagewouldbe likelyto circulatemorewidely,and so be moreinfluential,than any treatise.Studiesof politicalslogansand languageto date have had moreto say aboutaristocrats and oligarchsthan democrats,2while politicalimagerysimilarlyseems at first sightto be under-usedby democrats.My objecthereis firstto outlinethe types of propagandawhich democratsneglectedand the reasonsfor theirrejection, and then to describethe principalalternativewaysin whichdemocratspresented theirideology. A greatdeal of fifth-centurypoliticalimageryis not surprisinglyconcerned with constitutionsotherthandemocracy:tragedy,for example,beingset in the mythicalpast in which kings were the norm, is very largelyconcemed with monarchy.Comedy, again, normallytakes a backgroundof democracyfor granted,and does littleeitherto extol or criticiseit. Instead,it focusseson the individual,generally the politician. Sometimesthe images are parodies of establishedimages for the ruler,as shepherdor defender(e.g. Ar. Eq. 255-6, I E. g., recently,N. LorauxTheInventionof Athens(London1986)173-80. 2 The following is a selection of relevant books and articles:A. W. H. Adkins Merit and (Oxford1960)and Moralvaluesandpoliticalbehaviourin ancientGreece(London responsibility 1972);W. R. Connor Thenew politiciansof fifth-centuryAthens(Princeton1971);W. Donlan "Changesand shifts in the meaning of demosin the literatureof the archaicperiod"(PP 25 [1970]381f.),'The origin of KctX6gKdyQ06q"(AJP94 [1973]365f.), "Socialvocabularyand its relationto politicalpropagandain fifth-centuryAthens"(QUCC 27 [1978]95f.) and Thearistocratic ideal in ancient Greece(Lawrence1980)esp. 120-30, 145-6; K. J. Dover Greekpopular morality(Oxford1974)41-5 and 'The portrayalof moralevaluationin Greekpoetry"(JHS 103 and its advocatesin archaicGreece"(GR 19[19721 [1983135f.);P. A. L. Greenhalgh"Aristocracy Krieges 190f.)esp. 196f.;G. GrossmannPolitischeSchlagworteraus d. Zeit d. Peloponnesischen (Zurich1950);R. A. Neil TheKnightsof Arstophanes(Cambridge1909)AppendixlI; M. Ost1969);G. E. M. de Ste.Croix wald Nomosand thebeginningsof theAtheniandemocracy(Oxford The origins of the PeloponnesianWar(London 1972)358-9; G. Vlastos"Isonomia"(AJP 74 in J. Mau & E. G. Schmidt (edd.) Isonomia(Berlin [1953]337f.) and "'Iaovopia ,tOXunTxK" 1964)If. Historia, Band XL/2 (1991) 0 Franz Steiner Verlag Stuttgart The Emergenceof DemocraticIdeology 161 Pax 686-7), sometimesthey guy a politicalslogan such as Cleon's apparent referenceto himself as '"watchdogof the people";here Aristophanesconcentrates on the less welcome canine traitsof stealing,barkingand biting, and distortsCleon the watchdoginto Cerberusthe hound of hell;3 a similarcase is the claim of politiciansto be "loversof the people",satirisedby presentinga personified Demos on stage, not only a figure unlikely to inspire romantic fervour,but an tpbejLvo; older than his tpacYrxtto boot.4 More constructiveimages representthe politicianin variousforms of domesticservice,describedas tctaic, tntiTpono;or nurse.5Such images,which derive from a comparisonbetween the domestic and political otKoVoI.iCt not only (oitcKv and &tOKstv are regularlyused of politicaladministration6) imply an expectationof competentadministrationand a positionof trust,but usually suggest derelictionof duty and betrayalof trust: the image of the nurse,for example,is alwaysused negatively. Imageryapplied favourablyto the demos is hardto find. In the Eumenides (775, 883, 1010)Aeschylusapplies to the people of Athensthe epithetnokXtcwhich is elsewhereused of patrondeities or eponymousheroes,and cyoDXog in the Persaerefersto them as the walls of the city (349), though this idea is something of a commonplace(Alc. frr. 112,426; Thuc. 7.77.7). Early in the fourthcenturya newly enfranchisedcitizencould referin courtto the Athenian demos as his father(L. 13.91).However,such favourableimagesare more than offset by others which liken the emotional and inconstantassemblyto raging fire, surgingsea or howling wind.7Abuse of the audience is a stock element in comedy, so comparisonof the demos to sheep (Ar. Vesp.32-4 cp. 955), cuckoos (Ach. 598) and bustards (Com. Adesp. fr.47 K) is not surprising,though it is worthy of note that, as with the characterisationof Demos in Knightsas a ratherdim and credulousold man(esp. 40f.,cp. 754-5), the criticismrefersspecificallyto theirsusceptibilityto the wiles of politicians. Similarly,the image of the chariotof state (Ar. Eq. 1109,EccL.466 cp. P1.Pit. 3 Watchdog: Eq. 1017-9, 1023-4, 1031-4, Vesp.902f. Cerberus: Eq. 1030, Pax 313, PI.Com. fr. 236 KA; n. b. Kapxap6Mouv of Cleon: Vesp. 1031 = Pax 754. The original slogan: D.25.40, Thphr. Char. 29, Plut. Dem. 23. 4 Lover of the Demos: Eq. 1341-2 cp. 732-4, 1163; the original (?): Thuc. 2.43.1 n.b. Connor (n. 2) 96f. Another possible case is the reference to ycpovtaycoycTv in the parodies of S. fr. 487 (Peleus) at Eq. 1099 and Com. Adesp. fr. 11 K; the word is rare (otherwise found only at S. 0. C. 348). Plutarch cites the comic fragment twice (Mor. 807 A, Nic. 2.3), both times a propos of Cleon, who is also involved in the Aristophanic context, which leads one to wonder whether he had made some unguarded remark. 5Tcaldig:Ar. Eq. 946-9, 959 cp. Lys. 493-5, Eccl. 210-2, 600; titpo7Eo;: Eq. 212, 426, 949, 1098, 1259, Pax 686; nurse: Eq. 716-8 cp. Arist. Rhet. 1407a 8-10 and n. b. related images in Ar. Vesp.712, fr. 699 KA. 6 E.g. oitKlv: S. 0. C 1534-5, E. Hipp. 486, H. F 1365, Thuc. 2.37.1, 3.37.3, 8.67.1, D. 23.139, 24.31, 25.20, 59.115; &LOLKCtV:Ar. Eccl. 305, Thuc. 8.21, Isoc. 10.37, 11.17,P1. Men. 73a, Grg. 520e, R. 600d, Lg. 714a, D. 1.22, 4.10, 19.136, 58.30, Aeschin. 1.153. 7 Fire and wind: E. Or. 696-701 cp. Hec. 606-8; water: Hdt. 3.81.2, Ar. Lys. 170. 162 R. BROCK 266e) assumesthat the demos needs to be held in check by the directionof a skilledleader. The absence of democraticpolitical imageryis the more surprisinggiven that there are areas of Athens' activitieswhich one would expect to have producedsuch imagery.Athens owed her empireto her maritimepower,yet we do not find images equivalentto "all pulling together",although the triremeis a paradigmof communaleffort.A similarlacuna is the absenceof any image drawnfromthe hoplite phalanx,the interdependenceand equality of individualsin which is already stressedby Tyrtaeusand Callinus.True, there seems to have been a degreeof upper-classprejudiceagainstthe navy,8 and there were certain inequalitiesof pay and status among rowers,9but conversely,such an image did not requireabsoluteequality,and given wideand spreadparticipationin the navy,generalpublicpridein its achievements"' the obvious suitabilityof the image, its absence needs more accountingfor. Likewise,thoughtheremay have been linksbetweenhoplitearmsand oligarchic opinions,11with at least a third of Athenianadult males on the hoplite registersthis is at best a partialexplanation. A more comprehensiveexplanationfor such deficiencies is that suitable areas of imagery had to a great extent been pre-emptedby earlierwriters representingdifferentideologies. Maritimepoliticalimageryhad gone off in two differentdirections:the ship of state came to representthe unity of the polis, parallelingthe developmentof the polis as a communityin the late 7th and the 6th century,while elsewhereuse of such imagerycentredincreasingly The image of the helmsman,like those of the charioteer on the helmsman."2 (whichis almostits inverse)'3and the doctor,tendsto justifythe positionof the leader,be he king, noble or politician,by the implicationof wise skill, opposing the lone expertto the undifferentiatedmasses.'4In the militaryfield stress 8 The idea of the VaUrLK6; 6XXo; appears already in E. Hec.608-8, 1.A. 914. 9 Inequalities: W. W. Tarn JHS 25 (1905) 142n. 14; J. S. Morrison & R. T. Williams Greek oared ships 90}-322 B. C. (Cambridge 1968) 269-71; pay: Thuc. 6.31.3; E Ar. Ran. 1074. 10Participation: Plut. Cimon 11.2-4, Per. 11.4,ps.-Xen. Ath. Pol. 1.19-20; pride in navy: Ar. Ach. 162-3, Thuc. 1.49.1. 11Thuc. 8.65.3, 97.1 with A. W. Gomme, A. Andrewes & K. J. Dover A Historical Commentary on Thucydides (Oxford 1981) Vol. V ad locc.; [Arist.] Ath. Pol. 29.5, 33.1; Xen. H. G. 2.3.48. 12 Ship of state: Archil. fr. 105; AIc. fr. 6; Thgn. 671f.; Hdt. 6.109.5; helmsman: Thgn. 675, 855-6; Sol. fr. 15W; Pi. P. 1.86, 10.72; A. Pers.656, Th.2-3,62-4; S. 0. T 922-3, Ant. 994; E. Supp. 473-4, 879-80; modern discussions: (e.g.) D. van Nes Die maritime Bildersprache des Aischylos (Groningen 1963); most recently, B. Gentili Poetry and its public in ancient Greece (Baltimore 1988) ch. 11. 13 The image of the helmsman is applied to driving in [Hom.J Vers.Her. 16, Bacch. 5.47, E. Hipp. 1224, Tr. Adesp. fr. 443b K-S, P1. Thg. 123c, that of the driver to the helmsman in Pollux 1.98; both images are applied to the trainer by Pindar (N. 6.66, 1.4.78) and to the chorus-leader by Alcman (1.92-4). 14 N. b. J. Jouanna Ktema3 (1978) 77f., M. H. Miller Thephilosopherin Plato'sStatesman(The Hague 1980) 87-101. The Emergenceof DemocraticIdeology 163 also tended to fall on the champion or on the general, who was after all necessaryeven to the hoplite army. Again, the body politic, like the ship of state, focusses on the city as a whole - a developmentwhich the personification of 85,o; and t6ktg encouraged- and the commonestimage is of the sicknessof stasis.'5Imagesfor individualsmightstill be appliedto politicians, but the communal view of the city would tend to place each citizen in a subordinatepositionas dutifulchild of the cityor obedientservantof the laws. Anotherareawherewe can see thatdemocratshad been anticipatedby the time they came to present themselves is the use of moral terminologyto denote class and/or politicalalignment.In thistechnique,whichcan be traced rightback to Homer and is in full swing by the time of Theognis,aristocrats are, in their view and that of their poets, 6yaOot, xpratoi, 6qtctvou;, PCXKacoi K6yaOoi and &pta-uot,while their opponents are tioug, I3k-XtiCFoi, KcaKOL, novrlpoi, Xsipougand paoXot(and in the view of the 'Old Oligarch' as well [ps.-Xen.Ath. Pol.I.9D.16How effectivesuch propaganda 9CCtv%tu_vot was is hardto estimate:certainlythe idea thatthose denoted as KCaKOtsimply accepted it with humble deference makes little allowance for basic human vanity,and when the sausage-sellerin Knightsavowsthathe is a bad sortwith no good deeds on his conscience (184-6) the effect is clearly humorous. Perhapsthe intentionwas principallyto reinforcearistocratic/oligarchicsolidarityin the face of increasingencroachmenton theirprerogativesby the base masses;certainlythe phenomenonbecomesmuch morepronouncedin Theognis, who is preoccupiedwith such matters.'7 15H. Janne in Meanges F. Cumont(Bruxelles1936)280f.; n. b. in particularthe ellipse at E. H. F. 542-3 and the lexicographersHesychius(vocoov. otaa6.lov) and PoIlux(8.152vooctv t,ti ToO 0opUPaE0at. Kai Tapdcraw0at). 16 See n. 2 for some moderndiscussions.There is still scope for a comprehensiveaccountof this phenomenon, but for present purposes it is sufficient to establish its existence and long-standingoperation,to which end I appendhere a selectionof examples.Homer:Xtpi;/ 6ya06; Od. 15.324 cp. II. 1.248; KaKc6;A/cx0X6 Od. 8.553, 22.415, 23.66; aK6; Od. 4.64, 14.56, 21.324; etX6;Ac/l0X6;Hes. op. 214.Theognis:KaK6; some 45 times, 6yatO6 x35, tLo6; x20, ULMX6 xlS; see e. g. 53-62, 101-12,183-92;more interestingare otiup6; (65), XpiotRo; (406) and &Xpla0TO; (865). Solon: KaK6;/6ya06g 13.33, 15.1; KaK6;/ta0.6; 34.9, 8ct6;/6ya06; 13.39.Pindar:dya06; (e. g. P 2.81,3.71,10.71)and t0b6; (N. 4.95, L.3.7) used alone. Comedy: for Aristophanessee Neil and de Ste. Croix (n. 2) and cp. Eup. frr. 129, 192.166,346 KA; P1. Com. frr. 182,202 KA; Fr. Com. Dub. 362.5 Austin.Tragedy:S. fr. 84 (Aleadai)cp. fr. 88 with A. C. Pearson The Fragmentsof Sophocles(Cambridge1917)p. 48; E. Akc.194,602, Supp.424, Ion 598, 637, Or.930, 944, frr. 8, 362.28-9, 644, 1050.Prose authors:KMM6;K&yaO6;Thuc. 4.40.2,8.48.6,Antiphon 1.14,Lys. 12.86cp. 6v6payacOicaOat Thuc.2.63.2,3.40.4;6yaQ6; Hdt. 3.82.3, 8.41.1,ps.-Xen Ath. Pol. 1.6; KaK6; Hdt. 3.142.5,ps.-Xen.3.10, Andoc. 2.1, Lys. 19.15, EmpedoclesB4; Xtp(ov/6tcivwv Thuc. 3.65.2,6.53.2;XLp.ovps.-Xen.1.4,3.10,Andoc. 4.40, Lys. 1.2,10.23;7Eovip6;/XP'q0T6g ps.-Xen.1.1,4,6,7,14,19; ps.-Xen.1.5,14,3.10, PEXTiov/-W40Tou; Thuc. 8.47.2,Hell. Oxy. 17.1(n. b. 6.2-3); nov7jp6gThuc.6.89.5,8.47.2,73.3,ps.-Xen.1.5,PHeid. 182(M. Gigante Maia9 [1957]68f.) fr. aS; for a comprehensiveregisterof such terminology,see E. C. Welskopf(ed.) Soziale Typenbegriffe (Berlin 1981-5)vols. I & II. 17 And for Athenianoligarchs,especiallyafter462, such linguisticretaliationmighthave gone 164 R. BROCK At any rate,propagandaof this sortis by its naturehardto combat.Specific claimsto excellenceby aristocratscould be subjectedto criticalscrutiny:thus we find considerabledebatein the later5th centuryas to the meritsof noble birth,particularlyin Euripides.'8Likewisewhathad been advertisedas virtues could be reassessedas vices: aw(ppoa6vrjcould be representedas inertia, 6npaytoacsvuras uselessness.'9Simplemoralassessments(good/bad, useful/ useless)are more intractable,and a directchallengewould be liableto lead to unprofitableexchangesof "Yes I am","No you'renot".Thereare hintsof an attemptto explore one possible line of criticismby defining the quality or applicationof excellence: an oratorcan call himself Xpic;6xg ... ?i5 t)4uai (Andoc.2.26),XpIaT6g . . n6pit'Tl tnlOo T6 64tftEpOV(Lys.20.2 cp. 13.2)or ... .tcpi Tiv ~tpct?pav t6Xtv (Lys. in POxy. 1606. 141-2),usages PEXTkOV T(V which recallthe formula&i 'p 6yaccO6;iig/iept rfv t6ktV/T6V 9OV f1 'A0nvaicovin honorificdecrees.20Sarcasmwas a possibilitytoo, as in referenKczyaOoi"and allegations that drinking and ces to "the so-called KaCXOi fornicatingwere the typical activitiesof the Xp'llaToi,Kckoi K6y(OOiand It was, in other words, possible to retortthat handsome is as ycVV65C,C.2' handsomedoes. An alternativecourse,however,was to sidestepthe problemby proposinga different division between 6Xiyoi or (tXaaCovcg on the one hand and 6 81RO5,T6 iknWo;, ol iXiovC;, T6 noXX6vand oi ivteg on the other.22 Such slogans served to identify democracywith the interestof the whole people and city while brandingoligarchyas factional:the argumentis put most explicitly by Athenagorasin Thuc. 6.39.1 tyO &t (pprt np6Tox tv YO(xOat, 6XtyapXitxv&t ppog. Such a developmentwas 51Rov 46mxav6vo encouragedby the fact that the rise of democracywas accompaniedby the developmentof personificationof the city and the demos. In Solon's poems there are alreadysigns of the demos actingas a unit (6.1,9.4), as the city does in Simonides(fr. 15W),and by the time of Aeschylus'Supplices the developsome way to mitigatingthe impotencein practicalpoliticsto which the coup rumoursof 457 (Thuc.1.107.6,Plut. Cim.17.5)are an isolatedexception(see also below). 18 Electra passim and frr. 52, 336, 345, 495 (n. b. V. di Benedetto Euripide: teatro e societd [Forino1971]ch. 9); Euripidesis of coursereflectingcurrentsophisticdebate:AntiphonB 2,44, LycophronB 4; W. K. C. Guthrie TheSophists(Cambridge1971)152-5. 19 Thuc. 1.68.1,2.40.2; L. Carter The Quiet Athenian (Oxford 1986) is a study of &itpaycqoal5vq - see esp. 26-8. (Oxford 1988)70.11,85.6-7, 20 E.g. R. Meiggs& D. M. Lewis GreekHistoricalInscriptions2 91.254; n. b. also the joke versionsin Ar. Eq.764, 873-4, 1208. Thuc. 8.48.6cp. 4.40.2and A. W. Gomme CQ n. s. 3 (1953)65f.; drinking 21 KacXoiKd*ya0Oi: &c.:Ar. Vesp.80, 1256,Ran.738-40;cp. the use of iaX(; in Hdt.and Ar. of the rich:Hdt.5.30.1, 77.2, 6.91.1, 7.156.2, Ar. Vesp.288, Pax639. 22 This strategyis clearly reflectedin Thuc. e.g. 6Miyot/ntXf0o;4.22.2;6xiyot/6fto; 3.39.6, 2.37.1;6i ounpon6dtat/6kiyot 3.82.1;6kiyot/noto oi 6.38.4, 47.2,8.66.5;6Xiyou;/WXtiovccg 8.97.2; xT6itXov, Totg nJcL/Tr6 ZXaacYrov, ToT; 6Xiyot; 4.86.4. The Emergenceof DemocraticIdeology 165 ment is complete,withboth the city and demos seen as fully characterisedand virtuallyinterchangeableentities.23Such personificationis frequentthereafter in the "politicalplays" of Sophocles and Euripides24and its firm establishment is also illustratedby the comic presentationof Demos on stage by Aristophanes(Knights),Eupolis (fr.346KA) and Plato Comicus (fr.201KA), and by a referenceto the portraitof Demos paintedby Parrhasius(Pln. NH 35.69).Politicalslogansreflectedthis developmentby speakingof individuals as loyal and friendlyor, conversely,hostileto the demos or city.25 This put the boot on the other foot: the oligarchscould identifythe demos with the poor and call it an 6xXog,26but while this no doubt relievedtheir feelingsit did not answerthe case. In due coursethey respondedby positively embracingthe conceptof being few, but not untilthe end of the fifthcentury.27 Certainlyit does not seem that they found any effective way of meetingthe democratson theirown ground:this numericalor proportionalterminologyis acceptedas partof the ground-rulesin Herodotus'Persiandebateand, though found in narrativeand in speeches by democratsin Thucydides,never forms partof an attackon democracythere. Ideologicalslogans are anotherprominentfeatureof the period,especially in prose, and there are indicationsthattheiruse became more pronouncedas the century wore on: to take one sample, 6XtyapX;a and its cognates are found 5 times in Herodotus,26 times in Thucydides,and 5iqtoKpatia and cognates 3 times in Herodotusand 22 times in Thucydides.That this is not simply a reflection of differentsubject matteris suggested by Thucydides' analysis of civil strife during the PeloponnesianWar, especially when he speaksof "oi... tv Tats n6XEcyt7tpocT6v-Tcg gcmu 6v6gicToq tK&tEpOt KCati aO4DpodptCYTOKpaTiag MITPEpctO;D, RXfOoUgT?6ICYovoR.tia; 7EOX1TtKJ vog npo-rtR'ac" (3.82.2). The implicationof this passage is that this debate was being conductedin terms of abstractnouns, and here again I believe that democracyhad taken the lead. A decisive point is markedby the speech of Otanes in Herodotus' 23City:273,358, 775, 1010;demos:396,488, 624 cp.485; n. b. referencesto T6 5'gtOV 370,699 and T6 KOtV6V518. 24E.g. 61fos: E. Supp.351, 406, 418, 442, Or.696, 702-3; nkf0os: S. 0. C. 66, E. Hec. 866, Supp.237; n6k,t: S. 0. C.432, 440, 525, 913,E. Hcld.503, 1012,Supp.375, 394, Or.49, 437. 25 5vo r it6nXrt Andoc. 3.34, Thuc. 6.36.1; the opposite Thuc. 6.24.4; d5voUg TO nx^ t Lys.13.1,10,14.10,18.8,20.2,25.7,31.18;the oppositeLys. 12.49,18.6,8; 6VvoUgTri 5i'jl Ar. Eq. 748, 873-4, Lys. 20.17,Andoc. 4.16; ibgiv Ef5vougLys. 13.93,20.8,9,27.Cp. cig 14Ld ... R1 Ct ppOVODVTC;(Andoc. 2.4), 8uo1cvCi5 ... t kt6 6 (Andoc. 2.3), Vvoo0VTCg gttv (Lys. 13.13), also Andoc.4.8,16,Lys.20.19,20,26.4,Isoc.7.57,Ar. Vesp.413,473, Dissoi LogoiDK907.6 and in generalConnor(n. 2) 99f. 26e.g. E. Hec.605, 607, 868, Hipp.986, 989, Supp.411,cp. I. A. 914,Thuc. 4.28.3,6.63.2,89.5, 7.8.2, 8.48.3,72.2, 86.5, 92.11,P1. Plt. 304d1, Grg.455a5, 502al, c9, R. 494a9, 565e4, Lg. 707e3, 722b7,LSJs.v. txko; 1 2. 27 See R. Brock"Athenianoligarchs:the numbersgame"JHS 109(1989)160-4. 166 R. BROCK Persiandebate (3.80). As Kagan28points out, this is the first time that the breakdownof a constitutionis discussed not in terms of the quality of the ruler(s)but of the natureof power: "He goes on to explainthe cause for the lawlessness: it is the nature of monarchical power itself... Otanes. . . realizes that all men are liable to such weakness and that not envy but unchecked power createshybris."(cp. 66: "tyrannyby its verynaturecorrupts").The rest of the debatereinforcesa distinctionbetweentwo modes of politicalthought: both Megabyzusand Dariusbeg the questionof the natureof aristocracyand monarchyby insistingon the characterof the ruler(s).Megabyzus'argument TOU5tow &piaTOw goes as follows: ficlg 8t& 6vpov -iX(av-rv 6ptXirxV &vsa6A?COc, Kai OCT5tuoi TOUTOOtt 6rj T6 tv TOSlOncpt0)LHE?v KpaTog 7yap &ptiTOV 6t &v5pV OIKO'g iptGTaP3ouXcFarXyiveaOct (3.81.3),and Darius' praiseof monarchyis similarlyfounded: 6v5p6;yctp&v6g-Tot &ptiTOO ou5&va6itvov &v pc*vii] (3.82.2).Herodotus'subsequentnarrativefurther underminesthis stance by revealing that in this case, at least, the &vip 6ptaTOgis the one whose clever servantcan manipulatea farcicalselection procedure,ratherthan the one chosen by lot or popular vote, as Otanes expects (3.83.2).Otanes,on the other hand, stressesthe theoreticalcharacter and essential featuresof democracy- ikovojiic, iarjyopiac,use of the lot, accountabilityand inclusiveness: ikt1os &6 apxov RpOTatAv oivvo1cL &'paT 8 TOOtO)VTOV6 g0oUvctpXog K6lXXtCTOV 9XCI, icJovojttTV, JLVLVTOV g v 6pXa5 6pXp-t,6nt0uvov notUtotot5Uv-66p RaTxa LtCtg tnLvTa EST6 LoUVapXi11V T6 bt 6pXiv EXit, 0ouXc6J)V YV6rV g?T?uvrng TO noXX6 ZVt T6 n6VTa tV yap 6tLCtVXlOo;g KOtV6V &vWptpEt. Ti0cjxc (3.80.6). of the This divergenceof approachin politicalpropagandais characteristic later fifth century.Oligarchs,for their part,lay stresson the virtuesresulting fromtheirstyle of governmentand the vices to which democracywould lead: 6KOXWiac on the one hand co)(ppocybvijand 6ivoRia, on the other L)Pptg, and, more generally,novippia.19 Such an approachis quite understandable: the claim of aristocratsor oligarchsto rule was based on superiorcharacter (natureand nurture)and so their propagandais inevitablytied to their own self-image. We have already seen how vulnerablesuch a stance is to ad hominemattacks;equallytheirclothes could be stolen by democrats.Phrynichus (Thuc. 8.48) argues in effect that the demos is less hybristicthan the 28 The GreatDialogue.Historyof GreekPoliticalThoughtfrom Homerto Polybius(London 1965)89-90, referringbackto Vlastos'article"Isonomia"(n. 2). 29aoppoa5vq Thuc. 1.84.3,3.37.3-4, 62.3, 65.3, 82.8, 8.53.3, 64.5, H. North Sophrosyne (Ithaca, N.Y. 1966) 102, 111-3, 142-5; cu'vo,icA Hdt. 1.65.2, 66.1, Thuc. 8.64.5; 6Kokaaict Thuc. 3.37.3,81.2,6.89.5;novqpia Thuc. 6.89.5,8.47.2,73.3, ps.-Xen.Ath.Pol. 1.5,E. Supp.243, 424; iIptSCritiasDK88 A13,Hdt.3.81,the latterunderminedby Otanes'priorclaimat 3.80.2-4;the argumentthat conscious60pts is preferableto the unconscioussort seems perverselyelitist(cp. Thuc. 8.48,below). The Emergenceof DemocraticIdeology 167 oligarchs,and conservativedemocratsmightlay claim to the title of 4ptatoKcpicta for Cleisthenic democracy (P1. Mx. 238cd, Isoc. 12.131).A similar developmentis the personalitycult of the "GreatAthenianStatesmen"(Themistocles, Aristides, Miltiades and Pericles)which is reflected in Eupolis' Demoi and attackedby Plato in the Gorgias(n.b. Dodds ad 502dl0f. and 515b6f.).Again,if aristocratstriedto resttheirclaimto ruleon superiorskill,as their political images imply (above), democratscould retortthat democracy gave every opportunityfor the participationof the talented (E. Supp. 440, Thuc. 2.37.1,6.39.1). Democracy,on the otherhand, insistedon its own theoreticalbasis, whose fundamentaltenets were equality,legality,freedom and community.Sometimes equality is advanced absolutely as a virtue of democracy;30at other timesequalityis combinedwith one of the otherdemocraticidealsto formone of the democraticslogans: equalityand the rule of law give iaovopi&1 and equalityand freedomgive imyyopia.32Freedomtoutcourtis also advancedas a virtueof democracy,and means particularlyfreedom from being ruled by others,33while the rule of law is pointed up by the personificationof v6Ro;.34 The ideal of community,statedby Athenagorasin his dictumthat5ftlog is the name of the whole, oligarchyof a part (Thuc. 6.39.1,above) is expressedby Kotvo; and relatedwords,and by the phrasetg R.ov. T6 KOIV6Vrefersto the state35and always expressesan idea of unity; ?.g pttcov likewiseimplies the public and visible nature of democraticgovernment,particularlyin the assembly,and the universalaccessibilityof informationand ideas, in contrast 30Thuc.2.37.1,39.5, 6.39.1,8.89.2,Lys. 2.56, E. Supp.408, 432, 441 n.b. the relatedpraiseof 'Ia6rrj as a cosmic principlein Pho.535f. G. A. Gilli Originidell' eguaglianza(Turin 1988); W. Lenhauer"Das griechischeGleichheitsdenkenzwischen Aristokratieund Demokratie"in W. Schulleret al., DemokratieundArchitektur(Munich1989).In this contextone might note a significantgroupof Iao-namesin the fifth and fourthcenturies(PA = J. KirchnerProsopographia Attica[Berlin1901-3]):'laooiKll (PA 7712,Cimon'swife), 'Icr6voRos(PA 7719-20,Andoc. 1.15),'Ia68TjRoq (7710-1,Lys. fr. 125), IoapXog(PA 7685-6), 'IGoTLstlr (7721,Andoc. 1.71)though against these one should also note the Orthagoridtyrantof Sicyon 'I1a6&tpos(if he existed - A. Griffin Sikyon [Oxford 1982140f.) and a handful of late fifth-century'ApIaTOKp6T%pes (PA 1892-6). Outside Attica the Lexiconof GreekPersonalNames(Oxford 1987) vol. 1addsan Isagorason Lesbos,an Isagoras,two or threeIsagoresesand an Isodikoson Thasos, and an Isodemoson Euboea. 31 iaovopia E. Supp. 430f., Hdt. 3.80.6, 83.1, 142.3, 5.37.2 (cp. icaoKpaTia in 5.92al), Thuc. 3.82.8,6.38.5cp. 2.37.1. 32 icrryopia E. Supp.435-41, Hdt. 5.78;cp. Eup.fr. 316KA,ps.-XenAth.PoL1.12. 33 E. Supp.353,405, 438; K. Raaflaub"ZumFreiheitsbegriffder Griechen"in Soziale Typenbegriffe(n. 16) IV 180f.,esp. 245-73 and Die Entdeckungder Freiheit(Munich 1989).n.b. the non-activeformationof 8%WoKparTCa0cEt,even when used actively. 34 Hdt. 7.104.4,Anonymuslamblichi DK89 6.1 (cp. referencesto the vote of the demos as an activepower:Lys. 1.36,Andoc. 1.9). 35T6 KOLv6v Ant. 3.2.3, Andoc. 2.3 cp. Ant. 5.81, Andoc. 4.1; A. Supp. 518 cp. 700; other Kotv-words:Andoc.2.1,4.13,Lys.2.62. 168 R. BROCK to oligarchic secretiveness.36 One can see the consequences of this more direct promotion of democracy in the way that it is reflected in literature. Its virtues are not praised through imagery nor by allusive references to oi ao(poi or (wppocYuvr, but are directly presented: the scenarios of the Supplices of Aeschylus and Euripides and Aeschylus' Eumenides include democratic elements - kings who are obliged to consult their assemblies (which then pass decrees), popular courts, subjection to law. As the numerous references above to his speech indicate, Theseus in Euripides' Supplices justifies democracy by a direct appeal to its theoretical basis and its ideology, just as Otanes advances his case by reference to its characteristic institutions. Indeed, so far from requiring the assistance of imagery, democracy and its institutions can themselves be used for literary effect.37Accountability is a central tenet of democracy ;38 thus when Xerxes is described as ou'X 65itrn5ouvog,t6X? (A. Pers. 213) it reinforces the contrast between the systems of government in Persia and Athens which Aeschylus wishes to make. The same term is used of the divine tyrant Zeus (P. V. 324), and when Clytemnestra tells a servant to carry out her orders og6;ru%tvC (Cho. 715) it accentuates her own freedom from any check. Eupolis offers a humorous version when he refers to the judges in the dramatic contests as (fr. 239KA [1H6%tg]). 6V6pc; XOYLoTCai -TV 6nco0VroV xopov The firm establishment of democratic slogans is made clear by the satire of comedy. 5rlloTtK6g originally implies a belief in equality as a democratic virtue, but in comedy it comes to indicate equality run rampant, as in proposals of equal sexual opportunity for all.39 Similarly, alongside normal references to democracy we find appeals to Demokratia which are little more than expressions of dissatisfaction with the current situation (Ar. Ach. 618, Av. 1570), or which are designed to reinforce the claims of self-interest (Ecd. 945, Plut. 949, the latter part of an extended satire [900-50] on the sycophant's claim to be the perfect democratic citizen). In the same vein is Euripides' claim that his having made every charactera speaking role was &1p.oKpaTtK6v (Ran. 948-52).4 Faced with such firmly established principles of argument, opponents of democracy were forced to meet its supporters on their own terms. Some 36 Hdt.3.80.2,142.3,4.161.3,7.164.1,E. Supp.438-9, Andoc.2.4,Ar. Eccl.602;J.-P.VernantLes originesde la penseegrecque(Paris1975)46f., 125f. 37Thefifth-centurypersonificationof AThioKpaTia developedin the fourthcenturyinto cult (A. E. RaubitschekHesperia31 [1962]238f.),a clearsign of its entrenchment. in 38Hdt. 3.80.6,citedabove.The subjectis discussedat lengthby J. T. RobertsAccountability Atheniangovernment(London1982). 39 For the originalcoloursee Thuc. 6.28.2,Lys.25.23,Isoc. 18.48;parodyversionsin Ar. Eccl. 631,Philemonfr. 3KA cp. Ar. Nub.205, Eccl.411,Eubulusfr. 72K-A. 40 Aristophanes'claim to have demonstrateddemocracyto the allies is perhapsalso ironic (Ach.642); cp. fr. IIOKAfor a silly argumentbasedon the idea that fair sharesare democratic. The Emergenceof DemocraticIdeology 169 oligarchsattemptedto take over the term ioovoiaa and use it to distinguish constitutional oligarchy from 8vwaTE'io (Thuc. 3.62.3, 4.78.3), legalistically a plausibleargument,but implyingequalityonly of the lowest common denominator;its very infrequencysuggeststhat the ploy was not a success. Other criticsfastened on the lot; in severalpassagesof the early fourth centurywe find the argumentthatthe lot is not &jqoxWbtK at all, becauseit is just as likely to select an enemy of democracyas a friend.4'The very weaknessesof these responses,and their purelyreactivecharacter,is some measureof the march which the democratshad stolen on theiropponents.More successfulwas the adoptionof the democraticploy of re-definition,this time of abstractnouns in a new partialsense.41a At the beginningof this discussion I noted that we possess no treatiseon democraticpoliticaltheory;Lorauxsuggeststhatthis derivesfrom a difference between writing as typical of oligarchic apragmones and the essential oralityof democracy,and this idea is attractive.42 One might go further,and suggestthat it was pride in the practicalfunctioningof democracywhich lay behind its presentationin dramaand the exploitationof its emotional resonances by dramatists,and that the daily evidence of a systemactuallyin use minimisedthe need for theoreticaljustifications.However,the frequencyof allusions to the characteristicvirtues and ideas of democracy alluded to above43imply that the Athenianswere perfectlycapable of justifyingdemocracyin theoreticalterms.Indeed, in theirconcentrationon abstractnouns to the exclusion of personalitiesthey may be said to have arrivedat the beginnings of abstractpoliticaltheory.44 The Universityof Leeds 41 Praiseof the lot: Hdt. 3.80.6n.b. Andoc 1.96,E. Hcld.36 and R Brock referencesto Ku't4og in S. frr. 288, 404. Critics:Xen. Mem. 1.2.9,Isoc. 7.23, Dissoi LogoiDK90 7.5. 1 am not convincedthat gLta64 was a partof democraticideology(pace Loraux(n. 1) 175;her only source[on p. 1811is ps.-Xen.Ath.Pol., not an entirely reliable witness),though of course it facilitateddemocratic participation;the frequentoligarchicattackson it are thereforedifferentin character. 41a Especiallyfreedom: K. Raaflaub"Democracy,Oligarchyand the Concept of the 'Free Citizen' in Late Fifth-CenturyAthens"(Political Theory11 [1983]517f.- and equality:F. D. Harvey"Twoconceptsof equality"(C&M26 [1965]101f.). 42The question is discussed in detail by R. Thomas Oral traditionand writtenrecordin classicalAthens(Cambridge1989)ch. 1. 43 For which see also Table2 in Loraux(n. 1) 181. 44 My thanks are due to audiencesin Columbus,Oxford and St. Andrews for assistingthe developmentof this paper by their helpful comments; I am particularlygratefulto Oswyn Murrayfor his criticismsof the penultimateversion and to Prof. K. Raaflaubfor subsequent suggestions.
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