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BATTLEFIELD LEADERSHIP - ALAMO LEADERSHIP EXPERIENCE
The Siege and Battle of the Alamo (February 23, 1836 to March 6, 1836) is the most memorable and dramatic event
of the Texas Revolution (October 1835 to April 1836). The 13-day siege of the mission-fortress ended with a predawn attack by an overwhelming infantry force led by Mexican General Antonio López de Santa Anna. The loss of
the garrison’s 189 defenders was later avenged at the Battle of San Jacinto (April 21, 1836) when Sam Houston,
commander of the Texas Army, defeated Santa Anna. On the battlefield, soldiers in Houston’s ranks shouted
“Remember the Alamo,” a battle cry that would resonate throughout history.
The Alamo – Misíon San Antonio de Valero – began as an 18th century Catholic mission. Its clergy Christianized
the local Native American population and provided them with lessons in farming and other skills. However, in
1793, the Alamo, which had not been completely built, was secularized and the nearby lands distributed among the
remaining converts.
In the early 19th century, a Spanish military unit – La Segunda Compañía Volante de San Carlos de Parras (the Second Flying Company of Alamo de Parras) – was stationed at the mission. The unit’s association with the mission
helped create a popular name for the place: the Alamo.
In 1821, Mexico won its independence from Spain and four years later created its constitution which established the
new nation as a democratic republic. In order to develop its economy and develop Texas (part of the state known as
Coahuila and Texas), Mexico offered generous land grants and tax concessions to neighboring Americans. In turn,
the new immigrants would have to pledge their allegiance to Mexico, join the Catholic Church and promise not to
bring slaves to their new homeland. Under the authority granted to empresario Stephen F. Austin, most of an initial
group of 297 families (the so-called “Old Three Hundred”) arrived in Texas in 1824. The first settlers were soon
followed by hundreds and, later, thousands. The new Anglo immigrants brought with them a political and economic
culture founded on private property rights, freedom of enterprise, competition and the profit motive. However, by
1830 the Anglo population outnumbered the Mexican population by at least seven to one. The Mexican government
countered the Anglo population flood by issuing the Decree of 1830, which restricted immigration.
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In 1833, Santa Anna was elected president of Mexico but two years later he dissolved the national legislature and, backed by the army, assumed dictatorial powers. Santa Anna’s Centralist government was challenged by the Mexican Federalists who wanted the Constitution of 1824 restored. Protests and revolts sprang
throughout Mexico in 1835. In Texas, Anglo and Tejano Federalists successfully thwarted a Mexican attempt
to confiscate an artillery piece in Gonzales (October 2, 1835), and captured the Presido la Bahia at Goliad
(October
9,
1835).
In mid-October 1835, a combined Texian force of Anglos and Tejanos initiated a siege against the Mexican
stronghold of San Antonio de Béxar where General Martín Perfecto de Cos had established defensive positions
within the town and inside the Alamo. On December 5, the Texians attacked the Mexican works in the town
and began the Battle of Béxar. Difficult fighting took place over the next several days before General Cos surrendered on December 11. Cos and his men were allowed to leave Texas after pledging not to take up arms
against the Constitution of 1824.
Santa Anna was outraged when he learned of Cos’ surrender and personally assumed command of the Army of
Operations. He led his army of approximately 4,000 men on a forced winter march of nearly 400 miles and
reached the Rio Grande River on February 16, 1836. One week later, Santa Anna’s advance units reached San
Antonio and initiated a siege on the Alamo.
The Alamo garrison was composed of about 150 men under the joint command of Colonel James Bowie and
Lt. Colonel William B. Travis. David Crockett, a former colonel in the Tennessee militia and a three-term
member of the U. S. House of Representatives, was the most well known Anglo volunteer. Captain Juan Seguín, a cavalry officer, was the highest ranking Tejano at the Alamo.
Although the Alamo was designed as a mission complex, Mexican troops in 1835 had fortified it by strengthening its walls and constructing gun emplacements. Travis had at least eighteen serviceable artillery pieces and
hundreds of extra shoulder arms that were confiscated from General Cos’ command in December.
Santa Anna ordered the Alamo defenders to surrender unconditionally. He ordered his men to raise a flag of no
quarter atop the nearby San Fernando Church. Travis boldly responded by ordering his men to fire a cannon at
the Mexican troops.
On 24 February 1836, Travis sent this message with a courier:
To the people of Texas and all Americans in the world –
Fellow citizens and compatriots – I am besieged by a thousand or more of the Mexicans under Santa Anna. I
have sustained a continual bombardment and cannonade for 24 hours and have not lost a man. The enemy has
demanded a surrender at discretion, otherwise, the garrison are to be put to the sword, if the fort is taken. I
have answered the demand with a cannon shot and our flag still waves proudly from the walls. I shall never
surrender or retreat. Then I call on you in the name of liberty, of patriotism, and everything dear to the American character to come to our aid with all dispatch. The enemy is receiving reinforcements daily and will no
doubt increase to three or four thousand in four or five days. If this call is neglected, I am determined to sustain myself as long as possible and die like a soldier who never forgets what is due his own honor and that of
his country.
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On the morning of February 25, several hundred Mexican soldiers occupied the nearby settlement of La
Villita and began a firefight. The two-hour skirmish ended with no advantage resulting for either side. Later, a
small Texian group left the Alamo and set fire to nearby jacales, wooden huts which could offer protection to
advancing Mexican soldiers. In the evening, Travis sent Capain Juan Seguín to seek help.
Mexican artillery pounded the Alamo’s walls during the day on February 26; the Alamo’s guns occasionally returned fire. At night, a small group of Texians left the Alamo and set fire to some additional jacales.
On February 27, Travis sent out courier James Butler Bonham to Goliad where Col. James Fannin commanded over 400 men. The following day, additional Mexican troops arrived in San Antonio, strengthening
Santa Anna’s position.
February 29 marked the first week of the Alamo siege. Colonel James Bowie became increasingly ill,
probably from typhoid pneumonia, and could no longer serve in a leadership position. Mexican artillery continued its periodic daytime firing at the Alamo.
During the early morning hours of March 1, 1836, thirty-two reinforcements arrived from Gonzales.
The arrival of the so-called “Gonzales 32” boosted morale and increased the size of the Alamo garrison to nearly 190 men (some accounts suggest that the size of the Alamo garrison could have been as high as 257 defenders).
The next day, unknown to the Alamo defenders, delegates at Washington-on-the-Brazos had declared
Texas independent from Mexico.
On March 3, Bonham returned to the Alamo with the news that Colonel Fannin’s command at Goliad
would not be coming to assist Travis. However, an additional dispatch written by Major R. M. Williamson informed Travis that help was on the way. “For God’s sake hold out until we can assist you,” wrote Williamson
who stated that he expected “some 300 reinforcements.” In the meantime, Santa Anna’s Army of Operations
was increased by the arrival of approximately 1,000 additional troops. Travis wrote: “They are now encamped
in entrenchments on all sides of us.”
Although his large guns had yet to arrive, Santa Anna decided to launch a multi-column infantry assault
on the Alamo the next day. Cognizant that no additional help would soon be arriving, Travis informed the
garrison of their situation. Based upon testimony given years after the battle, it is believed that Travis gave the
men under his command an opportunity to leave the Alamo. He drew a line in the dirt and requested that those
men who wished to stay and fight to cross the line. All crossed except for Louis Rose, a fifty-year-old Frenchman who claimed to have fought with Napoleon.
On the night of March 5, Travis sent out his last messenger: James Allen.
Santa Anna created a detail plan of attack that involved four infantry columns commanded by General
Cos, Colonel Francisco Duque, Colonel José María Romero, and Colonel Juan Morales. The columns of Cos,
Duque and Romero totaled about 400 soldados each; Morales’ column numbered about 100. Santa Anna placed
an infantry unit in reserve; a cavalry unit served as security. [See Case Study: Santa Anna.]
Before dawn on the following day, Santa Anna’s attack force was positioned for the assault. At approximately 5:30 a.m., a Mexican bugler signaled the attack. A Mexican band played the degüello, music which
meant no quarter – no prisoners. Enthusiastic soldados yelled “Viva Santa Anna!” and “Viva la república!” The
Battle of the Alamo had begun.
Travis and the rest of the garrison sprang into action. Every man went to his post, except those, like
James Bowie, who were too ill to fight. Artillerists primed their guns and fired into the darkness; riflemen,
some armed with multiple muskets, fired, too. A cannon blast devastated Colonel Duque’s Toluca Battalion as
it approached the North Wall, where Travis and his slave, Joe, positioned themselves. A Mexican volley rang
out and Travis fell dead, one of the first Texian casualties; Joe retired to his master’s quarters. Colonel Duque
received a shrapnel wound and fell to the ground.
General Cos approached the northwest corner of the North Wall and shifted his command to the West
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Wall where his men fired, placed their ladders
and used their tools to destroy barricaded windows and other
weakened wall sections.
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Travis and the rest of the garrison sprang into action. Every man went to his post, except those, like James
Bowie, who were too ill to fight. Artillerists primed their guns and fired into the darkness; riflemen, some
armed with multiple muskets, fired, too. A cannon blast devastated Colonel Duque’s Toluca Battalion as it approached the North Wall, where Travis and his slave, Joe, positioned themselves. A Mexican volley rang out
and Travis fell dead, one of the first Texian casualties; Joe retired to his master’s quarters. Colonel Duque received a shrapnel wound and fell to the ground.
General Cos approached the northwest corner of the North Wall and shifted his command to the West Wall
where his men fired, placed their ladders and used their tools to destroy barricaded windows and other weakened wall sections.
Attacking the east side of the Alamo, Colonel Romero’s column was met with small arms and artillery fire
from the roof of the convento and the Alamo Church.
The smallest Mexican column, Colonel Juan Morales’ hundred-man unit, stealthily approached from the south,
alongside the small buildings positioned near the Alamo’s main gate.
Within a half hour of the initial bugle call, Mexican soldiers were climbing the North Wall and gaining entrance to the rooms along the Alamo’s West Wall. Colonel Morales’ men advanced under Texian rifle fire,
placed their ladders against the southwest corner and gained controlled of the Alamo’s largest artillery piece:
the eighteen-pounder.
Many Texians who had survived the fighting on the Alamo’s walls retreated to fortified rooms in the convento
and Alamo Church. A small group of Texians – which probably including David Crockett – fought to the death
at one of the West Wall’s artillery positions.
Santa Anna ordered his reserves to join their comrades in the attack. Soon, soldados were pouring over and
through the Alamo’s walls. Mexican soldiers turned some of the Alamo’s guns against the defenders who had
taken their final stand positions inside the convento. Once the convento doors were destroyed, Mexican soldiers – one by one – entered the darkened, smoke-filled rooms and fought in desperate hand-to-hand encounters with their Texian opponents. Bowie, who may have already expired due to his illness, was bayoneted in
his quarters.
Some Texians quickly escaped through several openings along the walls and fled into the fields, but Sesma’s
cavalry was waiting for them. By approximately 6:30 in the morning, it was all over. A few defenders were
captured but Santa Anna ordered their immediate execution. Santa Anna called it a “small affair” and ordered
the bodies of the Alamo defenders burned. Mexican losses totaled approximately 360 casualties – sixty dead
and 250 wounded. A number of the wounded remained in San Antonio and later died.
Santa Anna spared the lives of Joe and the non-combatants. He wanted them to inform the rest of the Texian
population about the consequences associated with defying his authority.
Santa Anna’s brutality continued at Goliad three weeks later. He ordered General José Urrea to execute James
Fannin’s garrison which had surrendered following the Battle of Coleto. On March 27, over 300 Texians were
massacred; a few dozen managed to escape and a few were spared thanks to the efforts of Colonel Francisco
Garay and a non-combatant, Francita Alavez, the so-called “Angel of Goliad.”
On April 21, Sam Houston’s army, which included a Tejano unit commanded by Juan Seguín, defeated Santa
Anna in only eighteen minutes of fighting at the Battle of San Jacinto. Texas had won its independence – and
the Alamo had been avenged.
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Case Study
General Antonio López de Santa Anna
“Lest the dictator’s underlings forget their duty, he was reminding them as early as
February 29 – even before the fall of the Alamo – that ‘in this war there are no prisoners.’ Santa Anna continued to hammer away on this theme for the remainder of the
campaign, admonishing [General] Urrea to spare no enemy that fell into his hands.
This was not a ‘war between brothers,’ such as those that had been fought within
Mexico in recent times. Neither was it a war between nations where rights of citizens
had to be respected, quarter given, and prisoners exchanged. These foreigners had no
flag, and were making war upon Mexico as bandits, outlaws, and criminals in order
to steal the Republic’s lands. Santa Anna wanted these pirates put to the sword, and
urged his officers not to yield to compassion as they swept through the Anglo settlements. Even Mexicans taken with the Anglo rebels were to suffer the same penalty –
death,
administered
properly.”
He was, as one historian noted, “bold, brave, and victorious.” In 1835, Santa Anna
confidently told the French ambassador in Mexico City, “If the Americans do not behave themselves I will
march across their country and plant the Mexican flag in Washington.” His expression to the foreign representative also reflected his impulsiveness. Santa Anna sought success and he sometimes pursued it with reckless abandon. For example, in 1829 during the campaign for the Mexican presidency Santa Anna sided with
liberal candidate Vicente Guerrero, who lost the election to conservative Manuel Gómez Pedraza. Santa Anna,
like some others, believed that the national legislature, the voting body in the election, had been intimidated by
Pedraza’s military might. Calling the election fraudulent, Santa Anna marched on the San Carlos Fortress in
Perote, a city in Veracruz, where he was to be joined by other sympathetic forces in an effort to challenge
Pedraza’s victory. However, Santa Ann moved too quickly and arrived at his rendezvous point before his comrades in arms. When Pedraza’s army marched towards the fortress, Santa Anna quickly retreated. It was typical
of Santa Anna: He always paid careful attention to his battlefield plans but executed them with less precision.
Fortunately for Santa Anna, political intrigue and maneuvering forced Pedraza out of office. Pedraza’s military
force was leaderless and Santa Anna survived. As a result of his loyalty to Guerrero, Santa Anna “was promoted to general of division, the highest rank in the Mexican army.” Armed with his new rank and a larger command, Santa Anna sought additional glory and set his sights on the presidency of his country. Santa Anna was
victorious in a campaign against a Spanish invasion force which set out to re-establish its control over the
young Mexican republic. He emerged as a national hero and became president in 1833. Antonio López de Santa Anna became the leader of his nation due to his successes on the battlefield – and he achieved the highest
office of his national eleven times over the course of nearly twenty-five years.
Once the Texas Revolution erupted, Santa Anna was soon on the battlefield again.
After a difficult winter march, Santa Anna’s advance units reached San Antonio on the afternoon of February
23, 1836. He quickly established a siege against the Alamo, although it was not an impenetrable barrier (a number of Texian couriers and one small group of reinforcements rode through Mexican lines). The success of the
siege depended on the impact of Santa Anna’s artillery and the status and location of other large Texian units
which could come to the relief of the Alamo garrison.
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During twelve days of siege warfare, Santa Anna’s Army of Operations had dug trenches closer to the Alamo
and maintained a relatively constant daytime artillery barrage against the Alamo’s stone walls.
The Army of Operations artillery consisted of:
Two 12-pounders
Four 8-pounders
Four six-pounders
Seven 4-pounders
Four 7-inch howitzers
Plus a number of Congreve Rockets
However, most of the large guns – the 12-pounders and possibly some of the eight-pounders had yet to reach
San Antonio. The larger caliber guns could create more damage than the other artillery pieces, and over an
extended period of time could reduce portions of the Alamo’s perimeter walls to ruins, making the defense of
the mission-fortress more difficult – if not, impossible.
General Vicente Filisola, Santa Anna’s second in command, argued that “by merely placing twenty artillery
pieces properly, that poor wall could not have withstood one hour of cannon fire without being reduced to rubble with the poor quarters inside.”
For Santa Anna, the timing of an attack on the Alamo was based on a number of concerns, especially the arrival of additional Alamo reinforcements. The arrival of the Gonzales 32 on March 1 did not significantly increase the size of the Alamo’s numbers, but it raised concerns about the effectiveness of Mexican security after a week-long long siege. But the status of Houston’s developing army, the strength of James Fannin’s command at the Presidio La Bahia at Goliad, and additional forces forming at Gonzales and other settlements was
a bigger issue. A large determined force of irregulars could present a serious challenge to Santa Anna’s loosely positioned force around the Alamo and Béxar. Still, the General-in-Chief had overwhelming infantry numbers on his side.
But what would Santa Anna do?
His officers wondered if he would assault the Alamo or continue to wait for the rest of his artillery.
They did not have to wait long.
On March 4, Santa Anna held a council of war. De la Peña noted that three generals “were of the opinion that
a breach could be made [with artillery], and that eight or ten hours would suffice to accomplish this.” General
Filisola believed “that they should have waited to have in hand the twelve-caliber pieces that were supposed to
arrive on the 7th or 8th.”
Santa Anna dismissed his officers’ suggestions and instead formulated a detailed infantry assault which was
transcribed the next day by his secretary, Juan Valentin Amador:
“General D. Martín Perfecto de Cos will command the First Column. If he cannot, I will. The Permanent Battalion, Aldama, with the exception of the Grenadier Company and the first three Active Companies of San
Luis, will form the First Column.
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The Second Column will be commanded by Colonel D. Francisco Duque. If he cannot, by General D. Manuel Fernández Castrillión.
The Active Battalion, Toluca, and the three Active Rifle Companies, San Luis, with the exception of the Grenadier Company, will
form the Second Column.
Colonel D. José María Romero will command the Third. If he cannot, Colonel D. Mariano de Salas. The Rifle Companies
from the Permanent Battalions, Matamoros and Jimenez, will form this column.
The Fourth will be commanded by D. Juan Morales. If he cannot, Colonel D. José Miñón. It will be formed by the Scouting
Companies from the Permanent Battalions, Matamoros and Jiminez, and the Active Battalion, San Luis.
The points from which these columns will mount their attacks will be designated by the General-in-Chief at the opportune
time, and then the Column Commanders will receive their orders.
The reserves will be formed by the Sapper Battalion and the five Grenadier Companies from the Permanent Battalions,
Matamoros, Jiminez, and Aldama, plus the Active Battalions, Toluca and San Luis. The reserve force will be commanded by the General-in-Chief at the moment of attack, but the gathering of this force will be carried out by Colonel D. Augustín Amat, under whose
orders the reserves will remain from this afternoon until they are placed in positions to be designated.
The First Column will carry ten scaling ladders, two crowbars and two axes; the same number by the second; six ladders by
the third, and two by the fourth.
The men carrying the ladders will sling their rifles on their backs until the ladders are properly placed.
The Companies of Grenadiers and Scouts will carry ammunition at six rounds per man and at four for the rifleman, and
two flints in reserve. These men will not wear cloaks, carry blankets, or anything else which will inhibit them to maneuver quickly.
During the day all shako chin-straps will be correctly worn – these the Commanders will watch closely. The troops will wear shoes
or sandals. The attacking troops will turn in after the night’s prayers as they will form their columns at midnight.
The untrained recruits will remain in the camps. All armaments will be in good shape – especially the bayonets.
As soon as the moon rises, the riflemen of the Active Battalion, San Luis, will move back to their quarters to get their
equipment ready; this will be dome by leaving their stations in line.
The Cavalry, under the command of General D. Joaquín y Sesma, will occupy the Alameda and will saddle up at three
o’clock in the morning. Their duty will be to guard the camp and keep anyone from deserting.”
On the morning of March 6, 1836, Santa Anna’s infantry assaulted the Alamo. When the battle was over, Mexican casualties totaled approximately 360 soldados, about one third of the men in the initial four-column assault.
General Filisola and other officers could only wonder what would have happened had Santa Anna waited for his largest
pieces of artillery – or if Santa Anna had allowed the Alamo defenders to surrender. “All that bloodshed of our soldiers as well as of
enemies was useless, having as its only objective an inconsiderate, childish and culpable vanity so that it might be proclaimed that
Béxar had been reconquered by a force of arms and that in the attack many men had died on both sides,” wrote Filisola. “As we
have already stated, the defenders of the Alamo were ready to surrender with only the condition that their lives should be saved.”
Captain Jóse Juan Sánchez noted: “With another victory like this one, we may all end up in hell.”
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The Alamo
Case Study
Captain José Enrique de la Peña
“A bugle call to attention was the agreed signal and we soon heard that terrible bugle call of death, which stirred our hearts, altered
our expressions, and aroused us all suddenly from our painful meditations. Worn out by fatigue and lack of sleep, I had just closed
my eyes to nap when my ears were pierced by this fatal note. A trumpeter of the zappers, José María González, was the one who
inspired us to scorn life and welcome death. Seconds later the horror of this sound fled from among us, honor and glory replacing it.
“The columns advanced with as much speed as possible; shortly after beginning the march they were ordered to open fire while they
were still out of range, but there were some officers who wisely disregarded the signal. Alerted to our attack by the given signal,
which all columns answered, the enemy vigorously returned our fire, which had not even touched him but had retarded our advance. Travis, to compensate for the reduced number of the defenders, had placed three or four rifles by the side of each man, so
that the initial fire was very rapid and deadly. Our columns left along their path a wide trail of blood, of wounded, and of dead.”
~Captain José Enrique de la Peña
De la Peña served in Colonel Francisco Duque’s Toluca Battalion during the March 6, 1836 attack on the Alamo.
He held certain martial beliefs, from basic tenets (“One of the things that a general should bear in mind is not to
tire out the soldier with inconsiderate marches, lest he be found useless when the moment comes”) to more
complex ones, like his condemnation of atrocities (“[Santa Anna] ordered useless executions, inviting the enmity of the army as well as that of his military family, dishonoring it….”). De la Peña noted: “Frankness and sincerity are qualities that speak highly…, but they should particularly characterize a soldier. To say what one does
not feel for personal considerations or because of fear, is, to say the least, a base act.”
The officer, who was about thirty years, described the impact of Santa Anna’s decision to attack the Alamo with
infantry instead of waiting and using larger artillery.
De la Peña recalled the battlefield carnage:
“This scene of extermination went on for an hour before the curtain of death covered and ended it: shortly after
six in the morning it was all finished; the corps were beginning to reassemble and to identify themselves, their sorrowful
countenances revealing the losses in the thinned ranks of their officers and comrades, when the commander in chief
appeared. He could see for himself the desolation among his battalions and that devastated area littered with corpses,
with scattered limbs and bullets, with weapons and torn uniforms. Some of these were burning together with the corpses, which produced an unbearable and nauseating odor. The bodies, with their blackened and bloody faces disfigured by
a desperate death, heir hair and uniforms burning at once, presented a dreadful and truly hellish sight. What trophies –
those of the battlefield! Quite soon some of the bodies were left naked by fire, others by disgraceful rapacity, especially
among our men. The enemy could be identified by their whiteness, by their robust and bulky shapes. What a sad spectacle, that of the dead and dying! What a horror, to inspect the area and find the remains of friends!”
He was extremely critical of his commander and later noted: “While General Santa Anna did nothing but sacrifice our soldiers at the Alamo, while he ordered useless executions, inviting the enmity of the army as well as
that of his military family, dishonoring it and consummating his errors by allowing himself to be surprised at
[San Jacinto.]”
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De la Peña also criticized another superior, General Filisola, who assumed command on the Army of Operations after Santa Anna’s capture following the Battle of San Jacinto. Filisola led the army back to Mexico
without engaging the Texians in any encounter: “This general alone was seized by the singular idea of yielding the camp to the enemy without even facing him, on the first occasion that luck had favored that enemy;
the chain of evils, the great dishonor and the humiliation that awaited him if he retreated were certainly obvious to him, as were the grave new sacrifices that the nation would have to undergo in order to reconquer Texas.”
Case Study
Colonel Juan Morales
“At the same time, to the South Colonels José Vicente Miñón and Juan Morales with their columns skillfully
took advantage offered by some small jacales with walls of stone and mud which were next to the angle corresponding to the West. By a daring move they seized the cannon which was placed on a platform, as were all the others in
the enclosure.”
~General Vicente Filisola
Born in 1802, Juan Morales entered military service nineteen years later. He was a dedicated soldier who
fought for Mexico’s independence from Spain. Rising in the ranks over the years, he was a colonel by the
time Santa Anna led the Army of Operations into Texas. During the attack on the Alamo, Morales commanded a cazadore (light infantry) unit; Colonel José Vicente Miñón was second in command. The cazadores were
formed from elements in the Jimenez, Matamoros and San Luis Battalions. As one historian noted, “the cazadores were better trained, better equipped and better clothed than the rest of Santa Anna’s army. They were
elite troops specializing in open-order, irregular tactics, unlike the linear formations of the fusiliers and grenadiers. Thus, it might be said that this little attack column was as formidable as any of the larger ones….”
Colonel Juan Morales may have led the smallest attack column but he assumed one of the largest and
most difficult tasks during the March 6, 1836 assault; his objective was the Alamo’s main gate. But the entrance to the mission-fortress was protected by a lunette, a reinforced earthwork that included two cannons.
And adjacent to the main gate was a stalwartly defended wooden palisade which extended to the Alamo
Church. The palisade was supported by an artillery piece and featured firing steps for rifleman. An abatis line
provided an additional barrier for advancing infantry.
He led his men in the pre-dawn darkness towards the Alamo’s southern defenses but wisely avoided
the main gate’s lunette and palisade area because it was probably the Alamo’s strongest defensive position.
The palisade, which provided cover for Texian riflemen, was protected by a partial trench, an abatis (a line of
fallen trees) supported by an artillery piece. Making a quick battlefield decision, Morales and his men looked
to the western end of the Alamo’s southern defenses. Morales changed the direction of his advance and
moved along the abandoned buildings “with walls of stone and mud” that were situated south of the Alamo’s
southwest corner.
Temporarily shielded from the Texian guns, Morales considered his situation. If he could secure the
southwest corner gun position where the Alamo’s 18-pounder was positioned, he would be able to overrun the
main gate and its defensive entrenchments from the rear.
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While the three other Mexican columns attacked, Morales’ soldados successfully made their way to the base of
the southwest corner. The Alamo gunners who served on the 18-pounder probably had focused their attention
on General Cos’ men who had advanced southward along the West Wall and failed to detect Morales’ bold
move until it was too late. Still, the Alamo gunners fought desperately. Despite “equally stubborn resistance,”
according to Ramón Martinez Caro, Santa Anna’s secretary, Morales’ men climbed their two ladders, seized
the gun platform and secured the main gate. His men later turned the 18-pounder against fortified Texian positions.
Once Morales had achieved his objective, the Texians lost their largest artillery piece and control of the Alamo’s southern defenses. At the same time, other Mexican soldiers began pouring into the Alamo’s main courtyard and almost caused casualties within their ranks. Morales assessed the situation and made a decisive move
to protect his troops from friendly fire. De la Peña observed that, “Colonel Morales with his cazadores, having
carried out instructions received, was just in front of us as a distance of a few paces, and rightly fearing that our
fire would hurt him, he had taken refuge in the trenches he had overrun trying to inflict damage on the enemy
without harming us.” It was only a matter of time before the defense of the Alamo completely collapsed.
Morales assisted General José de Urrea in the successful campaign against Texian forces at Goliad. He served
with Urrea when Santa Anna was defeated and captured at San Jacinto.
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The Alamo
Case Study
Lt. Colonel William B. Travis
“Travis was a revolutionary, of the most extreme type. He had already demonstrated, more than once, his willingness
to sacrifice his life for the cause of freedom for Texas. By nature, Travis kept his own counsel. He possessed other
qualities that shaped him every bit as powerfully. He was intelligent and good with words, both spoken and written. A
born romantic, he had been raised on Sir Walter Scott’s Waverly novels and Jane Porter’s The Scottish Chiefs, a glorified account of Scotland’s fight for freedom. Like Samuel Adams in the American Revolution sixty years before, he was
an effective and energetic firebrand, and no man in Texas could claim more credit for the present uprising.”
~James Donovan
The Blood of Heroes: the 13-day Struggle for the Alamo and the Sacrifice that Forged a Nation
William Barret Travis came to Texas from South Carolina in 1831 and established a law practice in Anahuac,
a Galveston Bay port town. He left a pregnant wife and a son; Rosanna Travis filed for divorce and later remarried. He soon became active in a series of events which would culminate in the Texas Revolution – and
the first one came out as a result of a prank.
In 1832, Travis represented a client, William Logan, who sought the return of runaway slaves who were being held and used by the local military commander, Juan Bradburn. Travis saw this situation as an opportunity to incite discord between Bradburn and the local population. Travis promptly perpetrated a hoax: He indirectly informed Bradburn that a group of armed men were marching against him. Logan, however, was nowhere to be seen; he had departed for Louisiana to secure documentation of his ownership of the slaves. But
as a result of the made-up threat, Bradburn arrested Travis and his law partner, Patrick Jack. However, an actual group of armed men formed in order to secure the release of the two men. Before any fighting could
commence, Bradburn was authorized to release the men. To Travis, the entire episode – from hoax to his arrest and detention – achieved its goal: the increase tension between Bradburn and the locals. It was important
to Travis that a political barrier be established between those who governed on Mexico City’s behalf and the
settlers who sought more freedoms. Travis subsequently moved his law practice to San Felipe but maintained
an active interest in the evolving political landscape.
After Santa Anna established his dictatorship, Travis became more active in his anti-Centralist activities. In
1835, he aggressively led a small force back to Anahuac and captured the Mexican garrison commanded by
Captain Antonio Tenorio. He served as a scout in a cavalry unit during the Battle of Béxar but did not take
part in the fight. He was later appointed a lieutenant colonel in the cavalry.
In early 1836, Governor Henry Smith sent Travis and a group of recruits to reinforce Colonel James
Neill at the Alamo. Upon his arrival, though, Neill left the Alamo to take care of family concerns. James
Bowie arrived at the Alamo with approximately 100 men and assumed that he should command. Bowie, who
had married into a prominent Mexican family (his wife, though, died of cholera), was elected colonel of the
Nacogdoches militia and was later given command of a company by Stephen Austin. To Travis, Bowie was a
no-holds-barred adventurer who was fond of the bottle; to Bowie, Travis was too young and inexperienced.
Some members of the garrison approached Crockett as a compromise commander, but he declined. The leadership dispute was settled when the two agreed to share the command of the Alamo’s garrison: Travis would
command the regulars and the volunteer cavalry; Bowie would lead the volunteers. However, Bowie’s developing illness would ultimately resolve the awkwardness of the dual command.
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Although Travis anticipated Santa Anna’s arrival in the spring, he remained active during the winter. He
helped fortify the mission-fortress with the assistance of engineer Green B. Jameson, and sent our couriers
seeking reinforcements from other settlements. Hundreds of potential volunteers could easily strengthen the
Alamo’s defenses but they had to arrive soon. However, none did.
Upon the arrival of Mexico’s Army of Operations in San Antonio on February 23, 1836, Travis wrote several
letters. One was sent to the citizens of Gonzales: “The enemy in large force are in sight. We want men and provisions. Send them to us. We have 150 men and are determined to defend the Alamo to the last.”
Another letter reflected Travis’ boldness: “The enemy has demanded a surrender at discretion, otherwise the
garrison are to be put to the sword, if the fort is taken – I have answered the demand with a cannon shot.”
From the first day of the siege, Travis demonstrated strong leadership and the Alamo defenders – including the
volunteers in Bowie’s command – recognized it. Despite the odds against them, the Alamo defenders were
cognizant of a commander who remained determined, focused and inspirational.
The following day, Travis wrote his most famous letter, a dramatic appeal, “to the people of Texas and all
Americans in the world” in which he described that the Alamo was besieged by a thousand or more of the
Mexicans under Santa Anna.” He pleaded for help but pledged “victory or death.” He wrote letters of help and
defiance, sent out couriers, maintained a professional demeanor and never displayed pessimism until he drew
his memorable sword in the dirt.
In less than a year, Travis went from being a cavalry scout to the most memorable leadership position in the
history of Texas.
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Case Study
David Crockett
“I am now blessed with excellent health and am in high spirits and although I have had many difficulties to encounter I
have got through safe and have been received by everybody with the open ceremony of friendship. I am hailed with a
hearty welcome in this country. I must say as to what I have seen of Texas it is the garden spot of the world – the best
land and the best prospects for health I ever saw, and I do believe it is a fortune to any man to come here. There is a
world of country here to settle.”
~David Crockett
January 9, 1836
David Crockett was the most celebrated frontier personality in American history. Born on August 17, 1786
amid the pervasive rural poverty that characterized the Appalachian frontier in Tennessee, Crockett matured in
the backwoods as a hunter, itinerant laborer and Indian fighter. He married Polly Finley in 1806. The couple
had three children prior to Polly’s untimely death in 1815. He married Elizabeth Patton, a widow with children,
in 1816. David and Elizabeth had three children. Following the Creek Indian War he served as a justice of the
peace, town commissioner and militia colonel.
Elected to the Tennessee State Legislature in 1821 and 1823, Crockett later won election to the United States
House of Representatives in 1827 and 1829. While serving three terms in Congress, Crockett established himself as a man of principle. He supported the poor squatters in their struggle to retain their land. Originally a supporter of Democrat Andrew Jackson, Crockett opposed the president’s Indian Resettlement Act, which ultimately forced tens of thousands of Native Americans in the east to march to designated lands west of the Mississippi River. “Several of my colleagues got around me, and told me how well they loved me, and that I was
ruining myself,” wrote Crockett in his autobiography. “They said this was a favorite measure of the president,
and I ought to go for it. I told them I believed it was a wicked, unjust measure, and that I should go against it,
let the cost to myself be what it might; that I was willing to go against Jackson in ever thing that I believed was
honest and right.”
Although defeated in the 1831 congressional elections, he was elected in 1833, the same year James S.
French’s Sketches and Eccentricities of Colonel David Crockett of West Tennessee was published. In 1834, as
a supporter of the newly-formed Whig Party, Crockett participated in a political tour of the Northeast. His autobiography, A Narrative of the Life of David Crockett of the State of Tennessee, was also published in 1834.
Crockett became a political celebrity – the nation’s first, since Benjamin Franklin. Crockett was celebrated in
books, songs and marches, almanacs and on stage. James K.
Paulding’s The Lion of W est starred a character named Nimrod Wildfire who was based on Crockett.
And Crockett even saw James Hackett star in the play.
He became associated with the newly formed Whig Party, which opposed Jackson and his Democrats.
He toured the northeast states in 1834 where he was celebrated and presented gifts. However, Jackson’s supporters helped defeat Crockett in the canebrake congressman’s 1835 re-election bid. Upon losing, Crockett said
to his constituents: “You can all go to hell – I’m going to Texas.”
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Crockett saw Texas as a place where he could establish a new home and possibly revive his political career.
Upon arriving in Texas in January of 1836, he wrote his daughter, Margaret, and said that “Texas is the garden spot of the world.” He swore an oath of allegiance “to the provisional government of Texas” and later
joined Captain William B. Harrison’s company of Tennessee Mounted Volunteers. Crockett arrived in San
Antonio around February 8, 1836, and entered the Alamo when the vanguard of Santa Anna’s Army of Operations arrived on February 23, 1836. He served as a “high private” at the Alamo.
But despite his self-proclaimed status as a private, Crockett was an important member of the Alamo garrison.
He did whatever he could to improve the morale of his fellow defenders. During the siege of the 13-day siege,
Lt. Colonel William B. Travis said that “David Crockett was seen at all points, animating the men to do their
duty.” And according to Susanna Dickinson, “Colonel Crockett was a performer on the violin, and often during the siege took it up and played his favorite tunes.”
Following the battle on March 6, Susanna Dickinson said that she “recognized Colonel Crockett lying dead
and…remember seeing his peculiar cap lying by his side.”
The legend of Davy Crockett arose from the ashes of that memorable day.
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The Alamo
Case Study
Juan Seguín
“Companions in Arms! These remains which we have the honor of carrying on our
shoulders are those of the valiant the valiant heroes who died at the Alamo. Yes, my
friends, they preferred to die a thousand times rather than submit to the tyrant’s yoke.
What a brilliant example! Deserving of being noted in the pages of history. The spirit
of liberty appears to be looking out from its elevated throne with its pleasing mien
and pointing to us, saying: ‘There are your brothers, Travis, Bowie, Crockett and others whose valor places them in the rank of my heroes.’”
Juan Seguín was an important Tejano leader who opposed the Centralist dictatorship
of Santa Anna. He joined the Alamo garrison and was later sent out as a courier for
reinforcements.
As a young man, he worked in his father’s post office became interested in politics.
Following Mexico’s independence from Spain, he was elected to the newly created
Mexican Congress in 1823-24. A year later, he married María Gertrudis Flores de
Abrego. Seguín and his wife had ten children.
Seguín became an alderman in 1828 and was elected alcalde of San Antonio in 1833, the same time that Santa Anna was concentrating his power. As a Federalist who supported the Constitution of 1824, Seguín commanded a militia company. In 1835, Stephen F. Austin appointed Seguín a captain of cavalry. His Tejano
unit served as scouts and helped provide supplies to the Texian forces. Seguín served with Colonel James
Bowie at the Battle of Concepción on October 28, 1835, which resulted in the first major Texian victory of
the revolution. Seguín also participated in the Battle of Béxar in December of 1835.
Seguín joined Lt. Colonel William B. Travis in the Alamo when Santa Anna’s troops first arrived in San Antonio. Joining Seguín were a number of loyal Tejanos from his company.
“On the 28th [of February], the enemy commenced the bombardment, meanwhile we met in a Council of War
and, taking into consideration our perilous situation, it was resolved by a majority of the council that I should
leave the fort and proceed with a communication to Colonel Fannin [at Goliad], requesting him to come to
our assistance,” recalled Seguín, who knew that if captured he would be put to death for joining the rebellion
against Santa Anna.
“I left the Alamo on the night of the council,” said Seguín. “On the following day I met, at the Ranch of San
Bartolo on the Cibolo [River], Captain [Francis L. Desauque who…informed me that Fannin could not delay
more than two days his arrival at the Cibilo, on his way to render assistance to the defenders of the Alamo. I
therefore determined to wait for him. I sent Fannin, by express, the communication from Travis, informing
him at the same time of the critical position of the defenders of the Alamo. Fannin answered me…that he
could not respond to Travis’ call, their respective commands being separate and depending upon General
Houston, then at Gonzales, with whom he advised me to communicate. I lost no time in repairing to Gonzales and reported myself to the General, informing him of the purpose of my mission. He commanded me to
wait at Gonzales for further orders…. On the 6th of March, I received my orders to go to San Antonio with
my company and a party of American citizens, carrying on the horses provisions for the defenders of the Alamo.”
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On the day Seguín received his orders from Houston to return to San Antonio, the Alamo had fallen. Seguín
late joined Sam Houston’s army and later participated in the Battle of San Jacinto.
Following the Texas Revolution, Seguín was elected to the Republic of Texas’ Third and Fourth Congress.
He also served as mayor of San Antonio. His efforts to promote better understandings between the Anglo
and Tejano communities proved problematic and he ended up fleeing Texas and joining the Mexican army.
After the Mexican War, Seguín returned to Texas where many Texans still supported him. At age 62, he was
elected a judge in Wilson County, Texas, but later moved back to Mexico where he died in 1890. But Mexico was not his final resting place. In 1974, his remains were carefully moved to Seguin, Texas, which was
named in his honor. An official ceremony celebrated Seguín’s final burial place on July 4, 1976.
ALAMO NON-COMBATANTS
A number of civilians were in the Alamo during the famous 13-day siege:

Susanna Dickinson [wife of Almaron Dickinson] and her infant daughter, Angelina.

Ana Salazar Esparza [wife of Gregorio Esparza] and her children: Enrique, Manuel, Francisco, and María de Jesús Castro Esparza [daughter of Ana Salazar and her first husband, Victor de Castro.

Juana Navarro Alsbury and her son, Alijo Perez, Jr.

Petra Gonzales.

Concepcion Losoya and her son, Juan.

Victoriana de Salina and three children.

Besides Joe, Travis’ slave, there were two additional African-American servants: Charlie and Bettie, a cook, was killed.
MEXICO ARMY OF OPERATIONS
Organization

Commander-in-Chief: General Antonio López de Santa Anna

Second-in-Command: General Vicente Filisola

Staff/Aides-de-Camp: General Martín Perfecto de Cos, General Manuel Castrillón, Brigadier General Juan Amador, Colonel
Juan Almonte, Colonel José Bates, Colonel Juan Bringas.

Vanguard Brigade: general de brigada Joaquin Ramierz y Sesma [approximately 1,500 men]

First Brigade: general de brigada Antonio Gaona [approximately 1,700 men]

Second Brigade: general de brigada Eugenio Tolosa [approximately 1,700 men]

Cavalry Brigade: general de brigada Juan José Adrade [approximately 500 men]
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Mexican Infantry Battalions types:
Permanente (Permanent or regular army) units which were named in honor of the heroes of the Mexican War for
Independence.
Activo (active or National Guard) units which were named for the geographical location in which the battalion
was originally raised.
A Mexican Infantry Battalion was composed of eight companies:
Compañía Cazadores (light infantry rifle company). Used as battalion skirmishers or flankers and armed with
the British Baker Rifle or the British Light Infantry Musket.
Compañía Granaderos (grenadier company). Select troops of the battalion used for reserves and armed with the
British East India Pattern musket.
Compañía Fusileros (Fusilier or line companies). Six of companies armed with East India Pattern musket.
According to regulations, a Compañía consisted of a capitán (captain), a teniente (lieutenant) two subtenientes (sub-lieutenants), a
sargento primero (first sergeant), three segundo (sergeants), eight cabos (corporals) and 83 soldados.
TACTICS
Linear tactics based upon Napoleonic practices governed the movement of Mexico’s Army of Operations during the Battle of the
Alamo.
Santa Anna’s soldiers advanced in a line, shoulder to shoulder, usually two or more ranks deep, with cadenced steps. The close
order formations were necessary to concentrate and maximize firepower. Although there were a number of ways to move a regiment or a brigade on the battlefield many of the soldados were untrained. As such, officers had to rely on a few basic movements, including oblique commands.
Still, these tactics were adequate for troops armed with single-shot, muzzle-loading, smoothbore flintlock weapons. [A number of
Santa Anna’s soldiers were armed with Baker Rifles, accurate single-shot British imports.] Upon reaching a close enough point
with the enemy, individual soldiers used their socket, triangular bayonets.
LOGISTICS
Each soldado carried a shoulder arm (musket or rifle), a leather cartridge box and a bayonet (in a scabbard). In addition, each man
carried a blanket, an overcoat and a canteen.
SMALL ARMS
The primary shoulder arm of Santa Anna’s Army of Operations was the East India pattern smoothbore musket the “Brown Bess” –
a sturdy .75 caliber British Import. The aforementioned Baker rifle fired a .61 caliber ball.
Texian weapons included the aforementioned muskets (many of which were confiscated from General Cos after the Battle of Béxar in December 1835), flintlock rifles, and flintlock and percussion pistols.
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ALAMO ORGANIZATION
During the Texas Revolution, there were four classifications of troops:
Regular Texas Army (example: Capt. Juan Seguín’s company of cavalry)
Permanent Volunteers (example: Capt. William Balzeby’s company of New Orleans Greys and
others)
Volunteer Auxiliary Corps (example: Capt. William Harrison’s company of Tennessee Mounted
Volunteers
Militia (example: Gonzales Ranging Company)
THE ALAMO COMMAND

Commander: Lt. Colonel William B. Travis

[co-commander: Colonel James Bowie, prior to illness]

Chief Engineer: Major Green Jameson

Chief of Ordnance: Major Robert Evans

Adjutant: Captain John Baugh

Quartermaster: Lt. Eliel Melton

Artillery Officer: Captain Almaron Dickinson

Regular Cavalry Commanders: Captains Juan Seguín and John Forsyth

Sgt. Major: Hiram Williamson
The Alamo’s artillery consisted of:
Three wall guns (fired projectiles of less than one-pound)
Three 2-pounders
Two 3-pounders
Four 4-pounders
Five (or Six) 6-pounders
Three 9-pounders
One 12-pounder
One 12-pound gunade
One 18-pounder
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The Alamo was particularly well armed. Many of the approximate 400 small arms (primarily flintlock muskets
and rifles) twenty artillery pieces, gunpowder cartridges, supplies and equipment seized at the Battle of Béxar
were stored or positioned in the Alamo. Many of the defenders not assigned to artillery pieces had several
muzzle loading shoulder arms at their disposal.
Although no extant defensive plans of the Alamo exist, it is believed that if the walls were breached the defenders would fall back to predetermined positions in the rooms of the convento and other places. Enrique Esparza recalled that as a young boy during the attack, he saw the Alamo defenders leave their initial positions at
the walls: the “Texans went to the second wall [in front of the Alamo Church and] fought them back.”
And since a few groups of defenders left the Alamo once the Mexicans had gained control of the main courtyard [General Sesma noted that “a considerable group…marched organized on the field trying to take
advantage of the immediate vegetation.”], an additional plan of retreat had to have been formulated.
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