This is an extract from:
Environmentalism in Landscape Architecture
edited by Michel Conan
published by
Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection
Washington, D.C.
as volume 22 in the series
Dumbarton Oaks Colloquium on the History of Landscape Architecture
© 2000 Dumbarton Oaks
Trustees for Harvard University
Washington, D.C.
Printed in the United States of America
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Environmentalism in Japanese Gardens
Taiichi Ito and Mieko Kawarada
Japanese gardens have adhered to their landscape style since their birth as shindenzukuri
gardens in the Heian period (794–1192).1 Unlike English landscape gardens in the picturesque style, Japanese gardens are relatively small in scale, and their miniature and symbolic
landscapes, such as the later karesansui, or dry gardens, are maintained with intensive care.
Their design was intended to fulfill a longing for isolated scenic places, such as oceanfront
or alpine landscapes. In short, Japanese gardens are completely removed from recent ecological landscape design concepts, despite their natural appearance.
During the eleventh century, when Japanese nobles became conscious of their own
culture as they rid themselves of Chinese influences, large differences began to appear
between existing suburban shindenzukuri gardens and later Japanese gardens. Nature-oriented design and activities occurring in and around the former gardens were more relevant
to the development of an awareness of the surrounding environment than design and activities in later ones. This paper f irst discusses, with the help of a database of waka poems,
relationships between the garden in the Toba Imperial Villa, constructed in the Heian period, and its surrounding environment by shedding light upon informal activities of noblemen. Then, design and activities found in later Japanese gardens are examined by focusing
on the role of their boundaries. By contrast, environmental characteristics of gardens in the
Heian period are clarif ied, yielding insight into the division of modern landscape architecture into f ine art and ecology. For instance, activities such as cultural interpretation are
recommended as an approach for bridging the gap between garden art and the surrounding
environment.
The Heian Period and Its Gardens
The Heian period started in 794 when the capital Heian-kyo was constructed in the
Kyoto Basin. Heian-kyo was laid out over a rectangle of 4,499 meters from east to west and
1
Two types of gardens prevailed in the Heian period—shindenzukuri, an architectural style of the aristocratic residences, and jodo-shiki, or Pure Land Buddhist style. While the former was attached to a nobleman’s
mansion on the southern side, the latter was f irst constructed as a part of the Pure Land Buddhist Temple as
a representation of paradise in the afterlife. Some aristocrats, however, converted their residences into temples,
as was the case with the preserved Uji Byodo-in Temple, with the expectation of spending their afterlives in
the Pure Land. Though the meanings of these two garden types are different, they share many common
landscapes.
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1. Satellite map of Kyoto with
the boundaries of Heian-kyo
(square) and the Toba Imperial
Villa (circle) (photo: from the
Landsat 5 on 5 June 1985,
processed by Taiichi Ito)
2. Model of shindenzukuri architecture and garden (photo: courtesy of the National History
and Folklore Museum, Chiba)
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Environmentalism in Japanese Gardens
5,230 meters from south to north (Fig. 1). The planning of Heian-kyo city followed the
model of the Chinese capital of Ch’angan, except for its city walls.2 During the Heian
period, Heian-kyo’s population grew to 200,000 inhabitants—the first urban experience in
the history of Japan. Urbanization inclined educated residents to appreciate the surrounding rural environment and nature-oriented arts like landscape paintings and poems about
the love for rural landscapes.
Potted plants like bonsai also became popular as a substitute to nature, since dwarfed
trees reminded urbanites of an alpine environment. Such potted plants were also used for
senzai-awase, a contest in which aristocrats competed at arranging wild plants and then
composing waka poems in praise of their designs. Outdoor activities that reflected a longing for nature—viewing cherry blossoms in the spring, the moon in the fall, and the snow
in the winter—also became popular among aristocrats and government officials in Heiankyo during the Heian period.3
Noblemen preferred their shindenzukuri houses and gardens to be on sites where springs
could be found. Since Heian-kyo was established over an alluvial fan on a south-facing
slope, springs were readily available. Given the city’s topography, the base of a typical square
residential site (120 m by 120 m) dropped by one meter, enabling noblemen to construct a
shindenzukuri garden with a small waterfall or a stream flowing into a pond.This large pond,
supplied by a stream flowing from a spring on the northeastern side of the estate, lay to the
south of the house (Fig. 2). Unlike later Japanese gardens that followed abstract design
patterns, shindenzukuri gardens were sheer reproductions of wild landscapes such as those
along a seacoast, according to detailed accounts in the Sakuteiki, the oldest garden treatise.4
In other words, these gardens were designed according to principles similar to those used
for English landscape gardens of the eighteenth century. Scaling techniques had not been
invented yet.
Heian-kyo gradually became congested, and finding ideal sites for gardens with springs
inside the city limits became difficult even for influential noblemen. Gardens without ponds
or streams, called karesansui, emerged as a part of shindenzukuri gardens and later grew into
an independent garden style. As a result, noblemen moved out to the suburbs in search of
better residential sites. The burning of the Imperial Palace in 960 accelerated such flight. In
1086, after he had served as one of the most powerful emperors of the Heian period,
former emperor Shirakawa (1053–1129) ordered the construction of a villa in the Toba
area, about ten kilometers south of the Imperial Palace.
2
Japanese cities never had surrounding walls. This characteristic facilitated the city’s expansion and
access into the suburbs but caused permanent urban sprawl problems.
3
This attitude toward nature in the Heian period is discussed in Yuzuru Shinada, Toshi no shizenshi
(Natural history in the cities) (Tokyo: Chuo-koron, 1974), 124–36.
4
The Sakuteiki was written by Tachibanano Toshitsuna (1028–1094). He stressed that garden design
should ref lect the nature of proposed sites. Tan Tanaka discussed the relationships between the design principles in the Sakuteiki and ancient gardens in “Early Japanese Horticultural Treatises and Pure Land Buddhist
Style: Sakuteiki and Its Background in Ancient Japan and China,” Garden History: Issues, Approaches, Methods
(Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1992), 79–95.
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Taiichi Ito and Mieko Kawarada
3. Map of the Toba Imperial Villa and vicinity
Toba Imperial Villa
Unfortunately, none of the shindenzukuri gardens have been preserved until today.This
is partly because the gardens were too difficult to distinguish from the surrounding environment once their precious decorative stones and other valuable elements had been removed. Fortunately, the garden of the Toba Imperial Villa, often recognized as the grandest
of the shindenzukuri gardens, was partially excavated and well documented. 5 Shirakawa
began the construction of the villa at the junction of the Kamo and Oi Rivers on the
southern outskirts of Kyoto (Fig. 3). He chose this site for two main reasons. First, the two
merging rivers supplied abundant water and an open landscape. Second, Toba had a port
and functioned as a main gateway for those visiting Heian-kyo by boat. Toba’s site thus
satisfied Shirakawa’s geopolitical strategies as well as his scenic desires.
5
Basic research on the Toba Imperial Villa is found in Osamu Mori, “Toba rikyu teien no kenkyu”
(Study on the garden of Toba imperial villa), Zoen Zasshi ( Journal of the Japanese Institute of Landscape
Architecture) 5, no. 2 (1938): 90–102.
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Environmentalism in Japanese Gardens
4. Bird’s-eye view of the Toba Imperial Villa and its surroundings (model by Mieko Kawarada)
The original area of the villa extended 960 meters from east to west and 720 meters
from south to north. While this was already an impressive size, the former emperor Toba
(1103–1156) further expanded the estate upon a rectangular area 1,500 meters by 1,300
meters. Taking advantage of its location on the swamp, Shirakawa made a huge pond (600
m by 800 m and 2.4 m deep) that occupied sixty percent of the site. The neighboring
Kamo River supplied abundant water and easy access outside the villa, so the buildings
were constructed mainly at the northern end of the property. The buildings were divided
into six units, each consisting of an inner-villa and a ceremonial hall.
Archaeological excavations were triggered by the construction of the Meishin Expressway in the mid 1950s. Though the South Kyoto interchange was built on the area of
the Toba villa and succeeding development around the interchange made preservation of
the villa impossible, the Cultural Assets Protection Bureau of Kyoto City started an excavation project in 1960. Excavation sites have been small and scattered, but archaeologists have
achieved a whole picture of the villa by matching their excavations with other historic
sources (Figs. 4 and 5).
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5. Bird’s-eye view of the Toba Imperial Villa from the northwest (model by Mieko Kawarada)
Approach to Garden Activities through Waka
Traditionally, Japanese garden historians rely heavily on information gathered from
archaeological excavations, paintings (Fig. 6), and documents, such as diaries, essays, novels,
and poems.6 The analysis of plant remnants, such as seeds and stems, supplies further information on plant materials used in gardens.7 While excavation results are especially helpful
for exploring spatial characteristics, including structure and planting design, diaries and
essays often supply certain information on activities in the gardens. Such information, however, is often limited to official and annual events. In order to learn about informal gardenbased activities and attitudes toward such activities, we turn our attention to waka, thirtyone-syllable Japanese poems, to complement the previous research results.While traditional
sources supply us with information on spatial design, waka poems reveal some of the feelings experienced by noblemen when engaging in various activities.
A search through a database of 33,711 waka poems compiled by the National Japanese
Literature Research Institute in Tokyo found sixty-four waka poems related to Toba villa.8
6
The best source on the shindenzukuri garden is Osamu Mori, Heian jidai teien no kenkyu (A study on the
gardens of Heian period) (Kyoto: Kuwana-bunseido, 1945).
7
Fumio Okada, “A Study on the Tree Composition in the Garden of Toba Imperial Villa” (in Japanese),
Excavation Report of Toba Imperial Villa Ruins (Kyoto: Culture and Tourism Division of Kyoto City, 1985), 249–56.
8
The database at the National Japanese Literature Research Institute, compiled in 1995, consists of waka
poems from twenty-one anthologies. It includes waka poems composed between 905 and 1409. Four of the
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Environmentalism in Japanese Gardens
6. Painting of the Toba Imperial Villa, ca. 1314 (photo: courtesy of Zenrin-ji, Kyoto)
All were composed between 1087 and 1201, with an interruption between 1116 and 1201
caused by political unrest.
These publications correlate with other documents as to the frequency of activities in
the villa. Except for those that offer no clue about the season, the majority of waka related
to the villa were composed about the autumn. Noblemen in the Heian period preferred
the autumn and were very active in this season. The most frequently mentioned topic is the
villa’s tranquil pond, followed by the moon and flower (Fig. 7). Within the poetic dicta of
waka, “flower” always meant the cherry blossom. A poem from the Kinyo waka anthology
references two of the most popular waka images in its description of a visit to the Toba
Imperial Villa by the ex-emperor Horikawa in 1289, during which he praised the cherry
blossom using the imagery of the pond:
The fragrance of cherry blossoms prevails,
As if it were gushing out from the bottom of the pond.
I will never get tired of observing it,
Till the end of the world.
anthologies were exempted from this analysis because they were compiled before the construction of the
Toba Imperial Villa. Mieko Kawarada, “Waka ni miru Toba rikyu teien no riyou keitai” (Activities in Toba
Imperial Villa garden as they appeared in waka poems) (master’s thesis, University of Tsukuba, 1996).
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Taiichi Ito and Mieko Kawarada
7. Graph showing popular topics of waka poems composed at the Toba Imperial Villa, as gleaned
from seventeen anthologies in the waka database at the National Japanese Literature Research
Institute,Tokyo
The cherry blossoms’ beauty certainly enhanced the view of the pond. At the same time,
this waka indicates that the cherry blossom’s subtle scent, which modern Japanese cannot
recognize, was highly appreciated. Heian noblemen had a surprisingly keen sense of smell
to enjoy such a fragrance.
Many waka composers praised the pond’s reflection of the moon and trees. Kimizane,
a chief counselor of state, composed a waka on the reflecting moon in 1094:
As the night approached,
The water on the pond become calm
Enough to reflect
The halcyon autumn moon.
This waka presents the pond as a large mirror. In fact, waterfalls in shindenzukuri gardens
were carefully constructed to avoid forming ripples on the pond’s surface.
The presence of common garden trees such as pines, cherries, and weeping willows
mentioned in the waka poems is conf irmed by seeds and pollen analysis as well as by other
literary sources.9 Those species were often found in the garden surroundings. Courtiers
preferred native trees to exotic ones as much as they loved native wild f lowers.
9
Norio Hida, “Heian jidai no shokusai” (Garden Plants in the Heian Period), Nihon Bijutsu Kogei (Art
and handicraft of Japan), no. 62 (1990): 26–31.
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Environmentalism in Japanese Gardens
In general, waka poems provide little information about spatial characteristics, although most have been published with an accompanying explanation of the occasion and
background of their writing. With the help of such supporting information, a waka poem
can specify the relative time and location of certain objects. Furthermore, a waka poem
praising a cherry petal on water hints at the location of cherries near the pond. Former
emperor Sutoku wrote,
The water surface,
Covered with petals from cherry blossoms nearby,
Is in full bloom
On the flower-like ripple of the pond.
This waka suggests that courtiers loved scattered petals as well as full blooms. Thus, they had
a keen sense of natural processes and occasionally used such natural transformations as a
metaphor of lost love.
Similarly, praise for a blooming deutzia hedge indicates that the villa was partially
bordered by beautiful hedges instead of roofed mud and clay walls, which were often used
in later gardens. At the same time, attention to inconspicuous f lowers, such as deutzia, suggests
that the courtiers preferred modest objects. Interestingly, many waka poems praise wild
f lowers with simple shapes and plain colors in the autumn and ephemeral phenomena
related to them.10 That no waka poems mention hunting or fishing, even though such activities
were occasionally practiced in the garden, suggests that nobles of the villa preferred subtle
symbols and events to hyperbolic ones as the subjects of waka.
Activities in and Beyond the Villa
Waka poems composed at the villa support other documentation of garden activities
at Toba villa, such as viewing the moon or cherry blossoms, boating, and engaging in senzaiawase contests.11 Waka poems seem to indicate, however, that such activities were pursued
more enthusiastically in the garden than elsewhere. For example, nobles especially enjoyed
10
Exotic plants with edible fruits or medicinal qualities, such as apricots, were introduced from China in
the Nara period (710–794), a time when Japan was under China’s strong cultural inf luence. Therefore, the
apricot blossom was more frequently praised than cherries at that time. According to Kazusuke Ogawa, Sakurashi (Cherry: Its culture and epoch) (Tokyo: Hara Shobo, 1998), 20–28, the Manyo waka anthology, compiled in
the Nara period, has 118 poems referring to apricots and only 42 referring to cherry blossoms. The preference
for the cherry blossom in the Heian period symbolized the creation of an original culture in Japan and the
ridding of Chinese inf luences. Hida, “Heian Jidai no shokusai,” mentions that the off icial record for cherry
blossom viewing was set in 812.
11
Saneshige Komaki, ed., Jonan around the Ruins of Toba Imperial Villa (in Japanese) (Kyoto: Jonan-gu
Shrine, 1967). One of the few activities documented in many waka but not mentioned in connection with
Toba villa is the gokusui banquet, a ceremony in which a waka poem had to be composed by the time a tray
with a glass of sake wine dispatched from upstream reached each participant sitting along the stream. This
banquet seemed popular in the gardens of the Heian period; see Tanaka, “Early Japanese Horticultural Treatises.”
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Taiichi Ito and Mieko Kawarada
viewing the moon by boat with music at night. Boating was not limited to the pond. One
waka poem by Shirakawa tells of his boat ride up the Oi River, where he praised the
autumn leaves at Arashiyama, eleven kilometers away (Fig. 8). Making full use of the villa’s
easy access to the Kamo and Oi Rivers, noblemen would travel to Arashiyama to view the
scarlet maple leaves or down to the Byodo-in Temple, ten kilometers away, to visit the Pure
Land Buddhist-style gardens (Fig. 9).Thus, river access not only enabled the creation of the
villa’s large pond and the water-based activities enjoyed there, but also the expansion of
such activities beyond the garden’s boundary into the surrounding rural environment.
Senzai-awase was another popular activity at the villa. It was played by two competing
groups of noblemen, who would go out into the fields in search of wildflowers to plant in
front of their gardens. During their search, they would also collect insects such as crickets,
which they would release on their return to enjoy the insects’ chirping. The contest was
judged according to the quality of the noblemens’ design in planting and of the waka
poems composed in its praise. Senzai-awase was thus the ideal outdoor recreation, or nature
game, for mobilizing the five senses as well as the intellect. Such activities also enhanced the
connection between the garden and the environment from which it was separated by a
wall.
These extended activities depended on the environment surrounding the Toba villa.
One of the waka poems composed in the Toba villa alludes to its setting:
Into this mountain village I moved,
To get rid of this weary city life.
However, a storm has come
And made life more difficult.
Here, the mountain village is the Toba villa, and the city is the capital, Heian-kyo. This reading,
then, indicates that noblemen looked at the environment of the villa as a mountain village, or as
an ideal place to live, in spite of its proximity to the capital.This poet is lamenting the arrival of
a storm, although such a natural disturbance would still have been preferable to the congestion
of the city. Waka poems composed at the villa exalt its rural setting, where bird songs and deer
callings prevailed. Plants like pampas grass as well as the surrounding paddy fields are also mentioned, indicating that the villa’s surrounding rural landscape was influenced by humans.
Tachibana Toshitsuna, the author of the Sakuteiki, commented that the view from the
Toba Imperial Villa was not very spectacular.12 But the landscape was not Shirakawa’s major
concern when selecting the site or the design of the villa; rather, its location at the junction
of two rivers was deemed most important. The garden was intended for enjoying the
whole environment through nature-oriented activities, several of which took place on the
water. The Toba Imperial Villa was designed not only to make full use of a garden, with its
large pond, but also to pursue activities beyond its boundary. The waka poems document
12
1983).
This episode is fully discussed by Teiji Itoh, Space and Illusion in the Japanese Garden (New York:Weatherhill,
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Environmentalism in Japanese Gardens
8. Arashiyama, upstream from the Toba Imperial Villa on the Oi River
9. Byodo-in, completed in 1053, on the Uji River
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Taiichi Ito and Mieko Kawarada
how noblemen cultivated an environmental awareness through such activities and became
extremely sensitive to subtle, ephemeral phenomena of each season, especially autumn. In
other words, such activities worked as catalysts for increasing environmental awareness, and
waka poems contributed to the deepening of its interpretation.
Down-Sized Gardens in the Muromachi Period
Garden design in the Kamakura period (1192–1337) remained under the strong
influence of the preceding Heian period. In the following Muromachi period (1338–
1576), however, Japanese garden design evolved in further sophisticated stages. In the
f ifteenth century, karesansui gardens emerged as an independent style, and roji, or tea
gardens, supplied new ways of enjoying natural scenery. These new design methods
were brought about by the rise of political unrest that began during the late Heian
period. Warlords, originally in charge of protecting nobles’ mansions and temples, gained
power in various regions, establishing themselves as independent political forces. Their
preference to live in well-guarded residences called shoin led to a taste for smaller
gardens surrounded by stronger walls than those found in Heian period gardens. Urbanization in the already-congested city of Kyoto accelerated this trend toward smaller
walled gardens.
This increasing dependency of gardens on buildings meant a limited relationship with
the outside world. Like Islamic gardens in hot and dry climates, gardens in the Muromachi
period were treated as separate spaces from the world beyond their walls, confining views
to those that could only be seen over their walls (Fig. 10). At the same time, many activities
that could be found both inside and outside the boundaries of the shindenzukuri garden
disappeared. Composing waka poems, for instance, was replaced by contemplating the garden.
Gardens became designed to offer a view from given places in the buildings to which
they belonged (Fig. 11). This concentration on a visual experience of the landscape while
forsaking involvement in garden activities facilitated the development of gardens into purely
visual objects. Karesansui, which had only been an adaptive design element in shindenzukuri
gardens in dry settings, now became an independent garden style. Further, the development
of symbolic expressions related to Zen Buddhism as well as the use of such materials as
white sand and stones contributed to the evolution of gardens into a fine art.
While the karesansui garden is rather static and has only fixed viewpoints, roji, the
other garden style developed during the late Muromachi period, is designed for motion,
with careful consideration given to a sequential discovery of landscapes. Roji gardens sought
to reconstruct the atmosphere of mountain villages, the result of further urbanization that
engendered a longing among warlords for rural life. Such a demand, however, created
serious dilemmas, since they had to construct their gardens under less preferable conditions
on small sites without a spring or view.
The warlords satisfied the space they craved by providing a series of spatial experiences through carefully constructed sequential landscapes along the footpath to the teahouse
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Environmentalism in Japanese Gardens
10. Shingled wall of karesansui garden at Ryoan-ji, Kyoto. The roof was covered with tiles until
1996.
11. Karesansui garden, constructed in 1499, Ryoan-ji, Kyoto
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Taiichi Ito and Mieko Kawarada
12. Roji garden, constructed in 1790, Kanden-an, Matsue
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Environmentalism in Japanese Gardens
13. Kaiyo-shiki, or strolling garden, constructed in 1709, Rikugi-en, Tokyo
14. Tea house, Rikugi-en,Tokyo
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Taiichi Ito and Mieko Kawarada
(Fig. 12). Thus, landscape diversity was attained in the small garden, but fences inside the
garden further isolated it from view beyond its boundary. Roji gardens are not only smaller
than karesansui gardens in scale but also conducive to mental isolation from their surroundings. While such introspective and defensive landscapes must have provided mental tranquility and escape from the real world during an unstable era, they introduced further
sophistication in design techniques for gardens as a f ine art. They must also have generated
a sense of indifference to the environment and the lives of ordinary people beyond their
walls.
Revival of Large-Scale Gardens in the Edo Period
This inclination toward smaller spaces was partially due to a long period of struggle
for power among warlords after the Heian period. Political unrest came to an end in the
early seventeenth century, when the Tokugawa shogunate unified Japan. The Edo period
(1603–1867), named after its capital, started with the establishment of Edo (later Tokyo) as
its de facto capital. This period brought more than 260 years of political stability, long
absent since the Heian period, and isolated Japanese society from international contact.
This isolation helped to develop the cultural uniqueness that is found in Japanese gardens.
The political stability and prosperity among the shogun and daimyo, or feudal lords,
made the construction of large-scale gardens possible again. Moreover, daimyo gardens
incorporated both the karesansui and roji design techniques that had developed during the
Muromachi and the succeeding Momoyama periods into a consolidated garden type. Even
forests were included to create a mountain atmosphere. Two new garden techniques also
developed during the Edo period—kaiyu-shiki, a strolling or circuit style, and shakkei, the
use of borrowed scenery.13 Both are excellent techniques from the standpoint of design,
and they added considerable diversity to the garden landscape.
The strolling garden is designed to enjoy sequential views along a footpath that circles
around the garden (Fig. 13). Because it is viewed from different points along the route, the
strolling garden is more difficult to design than the roji garden, with its simple linear corridor. To diversify the views along the circling footpath, a variety of eye-catchers, such as
stone lanterns and water basins originally used in roji gardens, were introduced systematically. Though a sense of unified design was difficult to achieve in the daimyo garden, with
its diversified design techniques and materials, the rural atmosphere of the mountain village was still dominant (Fig. 14)—a preference reminiscent of the Petit Trianon at Versailles.
Well-known sceneries praised in popular books by famous poets or writers were also
reproduced in the miniature garden. For example, a grass-covered mound in the garden
might represent Mount Fuji (Fig. 15). Such symbolic representation of specif ic sceneries
required a command of the corresponding literature by visitors. The daimyo became enthusiastic about constructions of such symbolic scenes of nature derived from literary sources,
which allowed them to enjoy well-known sites in remote parts of Japan or China without
13
The meaning of shakkei is discussed by Teiji Itoh in, ibid., and the technical development of shakkei is
detailed in Makoto Motonaka, Shakkei (in Japanese) (Tokyo: Shibun-do, 1997).
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15. Miniature Mount Fuji, constructed in 1671, Suizen-ji Garden, Kumamoto
16. Shakkei garden design at Entsu-ji with Mount Hiei, constructed in 1678, Kyoto
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Taiichi Ito and Mieko Kawarada
having to take the trouble to visit the real sites.
Shakkei, the other popular garden design technique, was fully developed during the
Edo period after first being used in the fourteenth century to bring distant views into
garden settings (Fig. 16). Like the careful orchestration involved in the sequential landscape
control methods of the strolling garden, shakkei selectively used such framing devices as
fences or trees to present a desirable distant background view and to conceal unattractive
middle-ground landscapes. In other words, the shakkei technique enabled designers not
only to bring a framed background view such as distant mountains into the garden as a
design element, but also to create a screen to conceal the surrounding urban environment.
Moreover, the borrowed scenery offered a visual experience of the distant landscape that
could not be inspected by the daimyo or his guests. This framing technique further added
visual diversity to the fine art of gardening, but it was vulnerable to the various changes in
the environment that accompanied urbanization.
Activities in the Daimyo Garden
Yozaburo Shirahata, a historian of landscape culture, claims that Japanese garden historians tend to disregard the daimyo garden as a fine art from the standpoint of visual quality.14 He argues that daimyo gardens should be evaluated according to the diverse activities
that took place in them. Certainly, garden activities were as numerous as the diverse landscapes in the daimyo garden. Both formal and informal garden parties were very common.
For important parties, the owner might place kiosks in the garden representing storefronts
of a mountain village, and his vassals would play the roles of local merchants and farmers.
Practically, the garden was acknowledged as a theatrical scene representing a distant mountain village and its people, introducing a virtual reality. The preference for the rural scenery
of the mountain village, a legacy of the courtiers of the Heian period, and such a rural
atmosphere would remain a major theme of Japanese gardens to this day.
In the daimyo garden, all activities were contained in the garden. Use of the environment beyond the garden’s boundary, which the Heian aristocrats had enjoyed, was not
restored in the gardens of the Edo period, partly because of the still-defensive attitudes of
the warlords. Moreover, space limitations brought on by urbanization forced the designer
to contain every rural site within the garden boundary. Self-containment of the daimyo
garden was deemed vital enough to include even a precinct of the local shrine.
Daimyo gardens were also influenced by waka poems. Rikugi-en, one of the best
daimyo gardens preserved in Tokyo, is also called “the garden for waka.” Its garden consists
of eighty-eight sights named after popular settings praised by waka poems. One such site on
the southern shore of the pond is named after a famous waka from the Shin Kokin waka
anthology compiled in 1205. It describes the desolate evening scenery of Wakanoura Bay.
14
Yozaburo Shirahata, Daimyo Teien (Daimyo gardens) (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1997).
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Environmentalism in Japanese Gardens
17. Shakkei reduced in size by foliage at Murin-an Garden, constructed in 1896, Kyoto
18. Shakkei reduced in size by foliage at Seifu-so Garden, constructed in 1913, Kyoto
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Taiichi Ito and Mieko Kawarada
Into Wakanoura
The tide is filling with the moon rise.
A whooping crane deepens
The night with solitary voice.
Japanese love this waka because the whooping of a crane effectively expresses the quietness
of Wakanoura. Such a solitary atmosphere is exactly what the Japanese garden designer
expected of the garden. Visitors familiar with this waka can easily conjure this image of
Wakanoura Bay, even if they have not visited the original place.
The daimyo and the aristocrat of the shindenzukuri garden enjoyed waka poems in
very different ways, however. While twelfth-century noblemen composed waka poems to
enhance their enjoyment of natural phenomena in and beyond the garden, the daimyo
designed gardens with dwarfed representations of scenes praised in famous waka poems,
literary essays, or Chinese poems. This attitude toward the environment stood in complete
contrast to the previous one and showed that the daimyo preferred imaginary scenes inspired from literature over real experience.
Shirahata estimates that the number of daimyo gardens in Edo easily exceeded one
thousand; therefore, the city of Edo was full of gardens with diversif ied activities. Despite
their numbers, because they were completely hidden by walls, only their owners could
enjoy them. Commoners were not allowed to enter them except on special occasions. For
such people, images of mansions in daimyo districts were limited to the sight of walls,
behind which Japanese garden design seems to have accelerated the detachment of garden
owners from their surrounding environment.
Gardens after the Meiji Era
The start of the Meiji era (1868–1912) corresponded to opening of the country to
international influences under Emperor Mutsuhito. The sudden influence of Western culture dramatically changed the urban landscape of Tokyo. Most daimyo gardens were destroyed, though a few were preserved as public parks. A newly emerging bourgeoisie constructed gardens that exhibited European influences. However, the fencing-in of garden
estates still has not changed today.
Shakkei, which had become a very popular technique of landscape design during the
Edo period, was used in a larger number of gardens during the Meiji era. Maintaining a
captured view of a distant landscape became more difficult, however, when estates became
surrounded by higher structures of the middle-ground landscape. Obviously owners had
no authority to regulate land use beyond their own property. Some owners adapted their
shakkei gardens to such changes by reducing the size of the landscape frame with growing
foliage (Figs. 17 and 18); others completely screened it, abandoning any visual relationship
to the distant landscape (Figs. 19 and 20). Thus, garden design became even more alienated
from the environment, further stimulating its independent development as a fine art.
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19. Drawing of Hojo Garden, Daitoku-ji, Kyoto, with shakkei in the Edo period (from Rito
Akizato, Miyako Rinsen Meisho Zue [Pictures of scenic places in Kyoto] [Kyoto: Ogawa
Tasaemon, 1799])
20. Lost shakkei at the modern Hojo Garden, constructed in 1635, Daitoku-ji, Kyoto
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Karesansui and roji gardens have been gaining in popularity nowadays, and garden
critics praise them from an artistic standpoint. Their isolation from the surrounding environment, however, may be partly responsible for the indifference modern Japanese (who
demonstrate great interest for nature through constant care for their gardens) demonstrate
toward the public landscape. In clear contrast to beautiful private gardens, the civic landscape beyond the garden boundary is not cared for at all, and it has turned into an ugly
urban landscape.
As time passed, gardens gradually became smaller and more affordable to a larger
segment of the population. The majority of Japanese, however, were farmers, who had
closer relationships with the natural environment because they depended on it for their
survival. Japanese farmers were deeply committed to the communal forests near them for
both agricultural production and daily life. The forests had sustained them for hundreds of
years by supplying them with fertilizer, food, and fuels. This relationship was broken in the
1950s, when the landscape and land use suddenly changed. First, Japan became more industrialized, and the resulting urban sprawl transformed traditional agricultural fields into residential areas. Second, an increasing dependency on fossil fuels diminished the population’s
dependency on forests for energy and agricultural production.These two concurrent changes
severed the population’s spiritual and physical link to the middle-ground landscape, much
as the shakkei technique had done to the feudal daimyo.
Landscape Architecture and Environmental Awareness
We have reviewed changing relationships between Japanese gardens and the environment beyond the boundary walls by focusing upon both activities and landscapes. First, we
have observed how urban dwellers, faced with a loss of immediate contact with nature, had
created during the Heian period a culture allowing then to express their attachment to
nature in gardens and nature in their surroundings through poems and ritualized courtly
activities. Second, activities beyond the boundary were completely abandoned after the
Heian period. Later, composing waka poems as one among different popular garden activities was revived in the Edo period. However, daimyo owners used waka poems as a source
for their garden design, while Heian courtiers gained further awareness of the environment
by composing waka poems derived from the careful observation of nature. This cultural
change contributed to the development of a highly symbolic garden art and to visual and
literary appreciation substituting itself for an environmental appreciation of gardens.Third,
the contrast between garden landscapes and the surroundings became sharper as time passed,
and the kind of homogeneity found in the Heian period was never recovered.This contrast
was boosted by the further urbanization of surroundings and sophistication of garden art.
These two factors fostered an improvement of the shakkei technique as a means of making
a background landscape into a garden component accentuating the importance of visual
culture to the appreciation of nature in gardens. Further urbanization eventually forced
garden owners to abandon the idea of borrowing any scenery. This resulted in an escalated
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isolation of garden spaces as well as a loss of environmental awareness by garden owners of
their immediate surroundings.
Alienation from the environment is not limited to garden owners. Masami Kitamura,
who did extensive research on forest culture, made an international comparison of forest
awareness between the Japanese and Europeans in various cities. He concluded that Japanese urbanites tend to perceive forests in remote mountains as images from mass media
instead of a reality because they seldom visit and walk in them.15 This perception is reminiscent of the daimyo garden’s reconstructions of famous scenes from literature.
An even more serious problem grows out of indifference to the nearby environment,
or to the middle-ground landscape to borrow the shakkei term. Strictly speaking, such
middle-ground spaces still exist, but people move through them by car without any interactions with them.The middle-ground landscape is important as a bridge for f illing the gap
between such distant landscapes as wild forests and such foregrounds as artif icial gardens
and city parks. Regretfully, the relationship that existed before the 1950s will not be restored until oil resources have been exhausted.
The recent interest in the conservation of nearby communal forests among urban
Japanese may be a reaction to the lack of interest for the environment among contemporary Japanese. Some Japanese landscape architects are involved in the ecological rehabilitation of these forests. Restoration of traditional uses, such as f irewood gathering and charcoal burning, is an important step toward revitalizing sustainable characteristics of communal forests. They tend, however, to focus on ecological values at the expense of social ones.
Even if they successfully restore traditional management techniques in communal forests,
there is no market for such products in Japan. Interpretive activities, recognized as an effective approach to raising environmental awareness among the public, are conducted at some
city parks and protected communal forests; however, the managers tend to only stress knowledge and values related to ecology.
But cultural approaches akin to those employed by the aristocrats of the Heian period
could provide more effective ways of directing attention to subtle environmental phenomena and their interpretation for others. This essay’s analysis of waka poems from the Heian
period suggests that environmental awareness can be enhanced by creative interpretations of a symbolic nature, perhaps far more effectively than restoring native species in
a confined space or conducting educational activities. Of course, recovering such spatial homogeneity as could be found in shindenzukuri gardens is unrealistic; neither can
we afford a huge estate in urban areas any longer. Still, the experience obtained from
the immediate environment can be brought back home just as aristocrats in the Heian
period did. When they actively engaged one another in different kinds of creative interactions, they were not simply following a pattern of traditional habits of attention to nature.
To the contrary, through their activities in gardens and their environs, they were contributing to the development of a cultural appreciation of nature, and they were socially rewarded
15
Masami Kitamura, “Shinrin no bunka” (Forest culture), Mori, Hito, Machi-zukuri (Forest, people, and
community development) (Kyoto: Gakugei shuppan, 1993), 49–120.
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for their achievements. This is a far cry from the uninspiring educational activities that are
proposed in many national parks nowadays.
Thus, in landscape architecture, activities that increase the possibilities of exchanging a sense of wonder are more important for promoting environmental awareness than
just creating an ecological appearance. Further research in different historical contexts
might help make this conviction more precise and allow contemporary landscape architects to answer the challenge that such a cultural directive poses—whether landscape
architecture is viewed as an art or as applied ecological engineering.