Little v workshop
Leiden, October 2013
The features of voice
SUSANNE WURMBRAND
University of Connecticut
1. Introduction
From restructuring and Reverse Agree to a feature system for v
(1)
Restructuring: v dependency between matrix and embedded v
(2)
A feature F: __ on α is valued by a feature F: val on β, iff
i.
ii.
iii.
β c-commands α AND
α is accessible to β. [accessible: not spelled-out]
α does not value {a feature of β}/{a feature F of β}.
3
F: val
…
3
F: __
…
(3)
This talk
•
•
•
[Wurmbrand To appear]
[See also: Neeleman and Koot 2002, Adger 2003, von
Stechow 2003, 2004, 2005, 2009, Baker 2008, Hicks
2009, Haegeman and Lohndal 2010, Bjorkman 2011,
Grønn and von Stechow 2011, Merchant 2011, Zeijlstra
2012, Wurmbrand 2012a, b, To appear]
Feature (valuation) system for v
Features can be inserted valued or unvalued; in the latter case, the values
are determined contextually, yielding different types of constructions
Unified system for a diverse set of constructions
v
v: val/__
ϕ: val/__
2. Towards a typology of v
Active
pro
Passive
Expletive
Restructuring Retroactive
ϕ: unvalued ϕ: valued ϕ: valued
ϕ: unvalued
ϕ: unvalued
ϕ: valued
v: AGENT
v valued by Pass v valued by T
v valued by v
Simple clauses
Complex predicates
2.1 Agentive v
•
•
v is inserted with AGENT value (or a different flavor of that value), which translates as an argument introducing head such as Kratzer’s (1996) Agent* (λxeλes[Agent(x)(e)]).
v: AGENT assigns accusative Case
I assume a simple vP here; in a voiceP/vP split system (Collins 2005, Alexiadou, Anagnostopoulou & Schäfer 2006, several talks here), the v and ϕ-features would be distributed
over the different heads.
•
ϕ-features:
•
o If inserted unvalued, (4a), v’ must merge with an NP with valued ϕ-features.
o v: AGENT (or v: PASS; see 2.2.1) identifies the ϕ-features as the AGENT argument
o Insertion of valued ϕ-features, (4b): pro (e.g., Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou 1998); no
further NP can be merged with v.
1
(4)
a.
Active v
b.
vP
3
NP
ϕ: val1
pro
vP
3
v
VP
v: AGENT
…
ϕ: val1
v’
3
v
VP
v: AGENT
…
ϕ: ___
v
v: AGENT
ϕ: val1/val1
1 = AGENT
2.2 Unvalued v
•
•
•
v is inserted unvalued; value is determined contextually
Passive, expletive: v valued in situ by higher head
Restructuring, retroactive: v valued after incorporation (section 3)
2.2.1 Passive v
•
•
•
•
•
(5)
PassP: functional head introducing the passive auxiliary (which values v+V as participle)
Pass: values v feature v: PASS, which translates as a head introducing an existentially closed
agent argument
Legate (2010, 2012): lexically valued ϕ-features on v correspond to the features of an (implicit or oblique) agent
v: PASS identifies the ϕ-features on v as an implicit AGENT argument
Only v: AGENT assigns accusative Case; object must move into the Agree domain of T (NOM)
ϕ: valued
vP
3
v
v: ___
ϕ: val1
PassPPhase
3
Pass
v: PASS
VP
…
vP
3
v
v: PASS
ϕ: val1
v
VP
…
v: PASS
ϕ: val1
1 = AGENT
2.2.2 Explective v1
•
•
•
•
(6)
ϕ-features are inserted unvalued
Object does not get ACC from v (not v: AGENT); moves to Spec,vP (phase edge)
Object values v’s ϕ-features (no thematic relation is established)
T values v with a default value; v: EXPL (Schäfer 2008)
ϕ: unvalued
v’
3
v
v: ___
ϕ: ___
T
3
vPPhase
3
v’
3
OBJ2
VP
…
v
v: T≈EXPL
ϕ: val2
1 This part has been developed in discussions with Marcel Pitteroff.
2
v
v: EXPL
ϕ: val2
VP
…
2 = THEME
(7)
a.
The door opened
b.
Die Vase
The vase
Inchoative, anti-causative, absolute construction
zerbrach
broke
Brazilian Portuguese (Negrão and Viotti 2010)
•
•
(8)
Absolute construction: no se (sometimes impossible), non-agentive, non-stative; not middle
Examples (all active and without se): the carpet finished, the train missed, the program installed, the subject was treating, a serve erred, the garden destroyed, the house sold
a.
A Maria
impregnou a blusa
The Mary scented
the blouse
‘Mary scented the blouse’
com/de perfume
with/of perfume
b.
A blusa
foi
The blouse was
impregnada
sented
com/de perfume
with/of perfume
passive
c.
A blusa
se
The blouse SE
impregnou
sented
com/de perfume
with/of perfume
middle
d.
A blusa
impregnou toda
*com/de perfume
The blouse scented
all
*with/of perfume
[OK if middle with dropped se; R. Lacerda, p.c.]
anti-causative
Excluded configurations?
Passive
ϕ: valued
v valued by Pass
•
?
ϕ: unvalued
v valued by Pass
Expletive
ϕ: unvalued
v valued by T
?
ϕ: valued
v valued by T
PassP and unvalued ϕ-features:
o Object moves to Spec,vP and values v’s ϕ-features (ϕ: val2); Pass values v (v:
PASS); v: PASS identifies the object as the agent argument  Theta mismatch
o Subject merges in Spec,vP and values v’s ϕ-features (ϕ: val1); Pass values v (v:
PASS); v: PASS identifies the subject as the agent argument, but semantics of pass
requires an existentially closed agent argument; conflicts with overt NP.
•
No PassP, but valued ϕ-features on v: *[v: T=EXPL, ϕ: val]; ϕ-features cannot be identified
(need an explicit [AGENT] or implicit [PASS] argument introducing feature).
2.2.3 Complex predicates
(9)
3
v
VP
v: val
3
V
vPPhase
try/let
3
v
VP
ϕ: val/__
…
v: ___
Restructuring ≈ voice dependency
3
3. Restructuring
3.1 Summary of proposal
3
v
VPPhase
v: val
3
V
vPSOD
2
2
{v }
V
{v}
VP
v: ___
…
ϕ: val/__
(10)
•
•
•
Restructuring involves a v
Restructuring vP is a (potential) phase
Incorporation of v and phase extension
Different spell-out options for incorporated v




Dynamic phase approach: The highest projection of a cyclic domain is a phase (Bobaljik and
Wurmbrand 2005, 2013, den Dikken 2007, 2012a, b, Bošković To appear, Wurmbrand
2013a, b); relevant here: [Phase {AspP/PassP} {vP} VP ]
Phase extension: Following den Dikken (2007), among others, phasehood is extended by
head-movement; incorporation of the embedded v extends the embedded vP phase to the matrix VP and the embedded vP becomes a spell-out domain [SOD].
Movement has to go through matrix Spec,VP—anti-reconstruction derived (without
‘agreement domains’; Bobaljik and Wurmbrand 2005)
(11) a.
b.
weil er alle Fenster
vergessen hat [ tOBJ zu schließen]
since he all windows (ACC) forgotten has [ tOBJ to close]
‘since he forgot to close all the windows’
∀ » forget; *forget » ∀
John-wa
subeto-no ringo-o
John-TOP
all-GEN
apple-ACC
‘John forgot to eat all the apples.’
tabe-wasure-ta
eat-forget-PAST
∀ » forget; *forget » ∀
3.2 Restructuring as VP+ complementation
Long passive
•
•
Embedded restructuring complement lacks a functional domain (Wurmbrand 2001 et seq.)
Embedded object is dependent on the voice properties of the matrix predicate
(12) a.
b.
c.
dass der Traktor und der Lastwagen zu reparieren versucht wurden
German
that [the tractor and the truck]. NOM to repair
tried
were. PASS .PL
‘that they tried to repair the tractor and the truck’
Aneuk agam nyan geu-ci
(*geu-)peuréksa
lé dokto
child male DEM
3.POL-try (*3.POL-)diagnose by doctor
Lit. ‘The child was tried to be diagnosed by the doctor.’
‘The doctor tried to diagnose the child.’
naqaru.un i
t.um.uting
ni yumin ku bawaq
finish. PV
LNK beat. AV .beat GEN Yumin NOM pig
Lit. ‘The pigs were finished to be beaten by Yumin.’
‘Yumin finished beating/killing the pigs.’
4
Acehnese
[Legate 2012: 501]
Mayrinax Atayal
[Chen 2010: 5]
Reasons for the presence of v in restructuring
•
•
•
•
Association of embedded predicate with a subject (Chierchia 1984—meaning postulates; can
we do better?)
Voice-marking on the embedded predicate in many languages
Transitivity mismatches of matrix and embedded predicates
Difference between default voice and voice matching languages
(13) a.
b.
c.
(14) a.
b.
Ma’a’ñao
i pätgun
ha-taitai
NPL.RL. IN .afraid
the child
3SG.RL. TR -read
‘The child is afraid to read this book.’
esti na lepblu
Chamorro
this LNK book
[Chung 2004: 203; (5a)]
Chinägi
dinispensa
si Carmen
NPL.R.IN. PASS .try NPL.RL.IN. PASS .forgive
DET Carmen
Lit. ‘Carmen was tried to be forgiven by Maria.’
‘Maria tried to forgive Carman.’
gias Maria
OBL Maria
[Chung 2004: 219; (31a)]
Iliskinun-ku
bunbun-a
tu
baliv-un
want. PV -1SG.ACC
banana-that. NOM TU buy- PV
Lit. ‘The bananas are wanted to be bought by me.’
‘I wanted to buy the bananas.’
*Tinituhun
ha-lalatdi
si Dolores
NPL.RL.IN. PASS .begin 3SG.RL.TR-scold Dolores
‘Dolores began to scold the children’
*Tinituhun
kumati
NPL.RL.IN. PASS .begin NPL.RL.IN.cry
‘The child began to cry.’
Chamorro
Isbukun Bunun
[Wu 2013: 40]
i famagu’un
the children
[Chung 2004: 219; (32a)]
i pätgun
the child
[Chung 2004: 219; (32b)]
c.
*Ha-hähassu
si Carmen binisita
i biha
3SG.RL.TR-think.PROG Carmen
NPL.RL.IN. PASS .visit the old.lady
‘Carmen is thinking of visiting the old lady.’
[Chung 2004: 222; (37a)]
d.
*Kao ha-ayuda
man-sinedda’
i famagu’un
Q
3SG.RL.TR-help PL.RL.IN- PASS .find the children
‘Did my brother help find the children?’
ni chi’lu-hu?
OBL sibling-1SG
[Chung 2004: 222; (37b)]
But: restructuring complement lacks a subject and accusative Case
(15) a.
Es wurde versucht [PROIMPL sichIMPL den Fisch
mit Streifen
It was tried
[PROIMPL SELFIMPL the fish.ACC with stripes
‘People tried to imagine what the fish would look like with stripes.’
vorzustellen]
to-imagine]
b.
*weil sich
der Fisch
mit Streifen
vorzustellen versucht wurde
since SELF the fish.NOM with stripes
to-imagine tried
was
‘since somebody tried to recall the image of the fish’
RI
c.
weil [ sich
den Fisch
mit Streifen vorzustellen ] versucht wurde
since [ SELF the fish.ACC
with stripes to-imagine ] tried
was
‘since somebody tried to recall the image of the fish’
NRI
5
3.3 Restructuring v
•
Incorporation and spell-out
(16)
restructuring
ϕ unvalued
VP1Phase
3
•
•
NP.OBJ
V’
3
V
vPSOD
•
2
2
v
V1
v
VP2 •
v: ___
v: ___ @
ϕ: ___
ϕ: ___ V tObj
vP
2
v
VP2
v: ___
ϕ: ___
PF copy choice:
{v}
{v}
Restructuring: v, ϕ unvalued
No ACC, no embedded subject
(v: ___ cannot associate an NP
with a theta-role at this point)
v incorporates into matrix V
phase extension to VP1, edge
movement (anti-reconstructions)
{v}  spell-out of v postponed (Chamorro etc.)
{v}  default value: Atayal—AV (see below);
German—infinitive; Acehnese—bare V
(17) Active matrix predicate
vP
3
NP1
ϕ: val
v’
3
v
VP1
v: AGENT
3
ϕ: val1 NP.OBJ
V’
ACC
3
V
vP
2
v
V1
v: AGENT
ϕ: val1
3
v
VP1
v: AGENT
3
ϕ: ___ NP.OBJ
V’
ACC
3
V
vP
2
v
V1
v: AGENT
ϕ: ___
 LF: NP1 is the agent of both matrix and embedded v
(18) Passiv matrix predicate
3
v
VP1
v: ___
3
ϕ: val1 NP.OBJ
V’
ACC
3
V
vP
2
v
V1
v: ___
ϕ: val1


PassP
3
Pass
vP
v: PASS
3
v
VP1
v: PASS
3
ϕ: val1 NP.OBJ
V’
ACC
3
V
vP
2
v
V1
v: PASS
ϕ: val1
LF: 1 is the agent of both matrix and embedded v
PF: in voice matching languages both v’s spell out as PASSIVE
6
3.4 Further evidence
v incorporation
•
•
Complex head approaches to restructuring: V—V formation (Geach 1970, Steedman 1985,
Haider 1993, 2003, Hinrichs and Nakezawa 1994, Butt 1995, Kiss 1995, Bouma and Noord
1997, S. Müller 1999, 2002, 2006, Meurers 2000, Saito and Hoshi 2000, Williams 2003)
Separation of the two verbs as in VP-fronting
(19)
[Zu reparieren ]VP wurden nur blaue Autos
[To repair
]VP were
only blue cars
‘They only forgot to repair blue cars.’
vergessen
forgotten
[Wurmbrand 2007: 264]
Default voice in Mayrinax Atayal
(20) a.
b.
c.
d.
•
•
b.
c.
d.
•
[Chen 2010: 5]
m.naqru
i
t.um.uting
cu bawaq
AV .finish
LNK beat. AV .beat ACC pig
‘Yumin is finishing beating/killing pigs.’
[Chen 2010: 7]
*naqaru.un
finish. PV
i
*m.naqru
AV .finish
i
LNK
LNK
tuting.un
beat. PV
ni
tuting.un
beat. PV
i
GEN
NOM
i
NOM
yumin
Yumin
yumin ku bawaq
Yumin NOM pig
[Chen 2010: 11]
yumin cu bawaq
Yumin ACC pig
[Chen 2010: 11]
Object A’-extraction: only possible if V is marked PV
Restructuring: object A’-extraction possible, despite AV of embedded V.
(21) a.
•
naqaru.un i
t.um.uting
ni yumin ku bawaq
finish. PV
LNK beat. AV .beat GEN Yumin NOM pig
Lit. ‘The pigs were finished to be beaten by Yumin.’
‘Yumin finished beating/killing the pigs.’
nanuan ku
tuting.un
ni yumin
what
NOM beat. PV
GEN Yumin
‘What is Yumin beating/killing?’
*nanuan
what
ku
NOM
t.um.uting
beat. AV .beat
ku
NOM
siwal.an
allow.LV
[Chen 2010: 8]
i yumin
NOM Yumin
nanuan ku
naqaru.un i
t.um.uting
what
NOM finish.PV
LNK beat. AV .beat
‘What did Yumin finish beating/killing?’
*nanuan
what
Mayrinax Atayal
ni yumin
GEN Yumin
ni tali
i
t.um.uting
i yumin
GEN Tali COMP beat. AV .beat NOM Yumin
Clitics: there are no ACC clitics; in simple clauses, object clitics are only possible when they
are NOM, which in turn requires that the verb occurs in PV
In restructuring contexts (with clitics), the lower verb must still occur in AV.
7
3.5 ‘Passive’ restructuring and retroactive v
German let ‘passive’ (with Marcel Pitteroff)
(22) a.
b.
Ich
ließ
ihn
feuern
I
let
him.ACC fire.INF
‘I let him fire (something).’
‘I let (someone) fire him.’ ‘He is being fired.’
Ich
ließ
ihn
vom Chef
feuern
I
let
him.ACC by.the boss
fire
‘I let him be fired by the boss.’ ‘I let the boos fire him.’
(23)
restructuring
ϕ: valued
vP
2
v
VP2
v: ___
ϕ: val1
•
•
VP1Phase
3
NP.OBJ
V’
3
•
V
vPSOD
•
2
2
•
{v}
V1 {v}
VP2
@
v: ___ let
ϕ: val1
V tObj
(24)
vP
3
3
v
VP1
v: AGENT
3
ϕ: ___ NP.OBJ
V’
ACC
3
V
vP
2
v
V1
v: AGENT
ϕ: val1

Restructuring v; ϕ valued
No ACC (?), no embedded nonoblique subject
v incorporates into matrix V
phase extension to VP1
edge movement of object
NP2
ϕ: val2
v’
3
v
VP1
v: AGENT
3
ϕ: val2 NP.OBJ
V’
ACC
3
V
vP
2
{v}
V1
v: AGENT let
ϕ: val1
LF: NP2 is the agent of the matrix predicate, but “1” is the agent of the embedded predicate
Retroactive infinitives/gerunds—preliminary
(25) a.
% b.
Your hair needs/wants/requires cutting.
This matter needs handling carefully by an expert.
(26) a.
Ta kniha potřebuje přeložit
(zkušeným překladatelem)
Czech
that book needs
translate.INF (experienced translator.INSTR)
‘That book needs translating by an experienced translator.’ [Dotlačil & Šimík 2013: (6)]
b.
Ta skladba potřebuje zahrát
(??záměrně)
velmi pomalu
that song
needs
play.INF (??intentionally) very slowly
‘It is desirable to play this song intentionally very slowly.’
[D&Š 2013: (23a)]
8
[Hantson 1984: 95]
“
c.
d.
e.

•
•
•
•
•
Ta kniha
byla
čtena
(záměrně)
that book was
read.PASS (intentionally)
‘The book was read intentionally very slowly.’
[D&Š 2013: (23b)]
Karel
potřebuje
učesat
Karel
needs
comb.INF
‘Karel’s hair needs combing.’ [possibly by Karel]
[D&Š 2013: (24a)]
Karel
byl
učesán
Karel
was
comb.PASS
‘Karel’s hair was combed.’ [Necessarily not by Karel]
[D&Š 2013: (24b)]
Speaker variation and mixed agent properties
Embedded predicate: (23)—ϕ: valued restructuring v
Object movement (Dotlačil & Šimík 2013); object associates with another theta-role in the
matrix predicate (some applicative/possessor/benefactive/source meta theta-role)
APPL v values embedded v; this allows the association of the ϕ-features with an agent-like
interpretation (e.g., allowing an agent-like oblique)
But: the embedded v is not v: AGENT, and hence is not compatible with properties that are
indicative of an agentive v (such as agentive adverbs); and v: APPL does not assign ACC
needs washed construction: by phrase also controversial (Brassil 2009, Whitman 2010);
http://microsyntax.sites.yale.edu/needs-washed.
(27) Raising/Control
3
Appl
VP1
v: APPL
3
ϕ: ___ NP.OBJ
V’
3
V
vP
2
v
V1
v: APPL
need
ϕ: val1
•
velmi pomalu
very slowly
ApplP
3
NP.OBJ
Appl’
ϕ: val2
3
Appl
VP1
v: APPL
3
ϕ: val2
tOBJ
V’
3
V
vP
2
{v}
V1
v: APPL need
ϕ: val1
Brazilian Portuguese: ϕ-valued restructuring or embedded expletive v?
(28) a.
b.
c.
A Maria
deixou
a criança
vacinar
The Mary let
the child
vaccinate
‘Mary let the child be vaccinated (by someone else).’
A criança
vacinou
The child
vaccinated
‘The child was vaccinated.’
[R. Lacerda, p.c.]
expletive v
[R. Lacerda, p.c.]
A Maria
deixou
a criança vacinar
*pelo/com o médico novo
The Mary let
the child
vaccinate *by.the/with the doctor new
‘Mary let the child be vaccinated by the new doctor.’
[R. Lacerda, p.c.]
9
4. Conclusion and further issues
Not covered
•
•
•
Different types of passive, middles…
Directions to pursue: configurations given in section 2.2.2 under Excluded configurations?
Distribution of possible combinations (e.g., why is the class of predicates that allow an anticausative/absolute construction in BP larger than in English, why are retroactive complements so restricted? etc. etc.)
Active
pro
Passive
Expletive
Restructuring Retroactive
ϕ: unvalued ϕ: valued ϕ: valued
ϕ: unvalued
ϕ: unvalued
ϕ: valued
v: AGENT
v: AGENT v valued by Pass v valued by T v valued by v v valued by v
Simple clause
Complex predicate
•
•
•
Two feature sets for v
Values determined by lexical properties of v and the syntactic context
System brings together several (odd) constructions
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10
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