CULTURAL MODELS OF APPEARANCE AND THE SOCIAL WORLDS OF
SOUTH KOREAN WOMEN
__________________
A University Thesis Presented to the Faculty
of
California State University, East Bay
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Master of Arts in Anthropology
__________________
By
Denise Christiana Benetatos
September 2014
Abstract
Women’s social worth is often determined by level of attractiveness, and conceptions of
beauty can significantly shape life experiences and access to resources. Appearance is
often a crucial symbol of social status and a key tool for gaining power and resources in
society. Utilizing qualitative research methods of open-ended interviews and analysis
software, Atlas.ti, this ethnographic research uncovers South Korean women’s shared
cultural models of skin color and physical appearance for distinguishing racial identity,
including these as indicators of beauty and social status among twelve first generation
Korean women living in the San Francisco Bay Area. First generation South Korean
women tend to use skin color and physical appearance in order to conceptualize Asian
women in socially defined terms of racial identity, social class, and gender divisions. This
research concludes that cultural models of beauty, specifically physical appearance and
skin color, are shared cultural knowledge that drive gender divisions, classism, colorism,
and a sense of Korean nationalism.
This study concludes three main findings: First, white features and pale skin are
associated with higher social class in Korea, and dark skin is associated with the rural
poor or impoverished foreign status. Second, modernization is shifting concepts of true
womanhood, as more women are entering the workforce, seeking beauty through
consumerism, but still maintain domestic roles of primary caregivers within their
families. And lastly, Korean nationalism and racial ignorance drive racism in Korea and
extremely rigid racial boundaries that excludes dark skinned people, especially African
and African American people.
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Acknowledgements
I would like to first thank the participants who offered their time and personal
experiences to this research. Without their stories this research would not be possible.
Thank you to my faculty mentors, Professor Laurie Price and Professor Andrew Wong, in
the Anthropology department at California State University, East Bay for their valuable
mentorship and efforts in the development of this research. These professors have been
primary mentors in the development of this thesis, an enormous positive impact on my
education, and profound shapers to my development as a scholar.
I have had the opportunity to be involved with a sponsor, Professor Jason Singley,
and the Center for Student Research at California State University, East Bay who funded
this research. Also, through a different program, the California State University PreDoctoral Program, I was able to participate in a summer research internship at the
University of California, Santa Barbara. Thank you to the Graduate Division at this
university for allowing time and space for me to develop my research, as well as
sponsoring me to progress my research in the summer of 2013. I would also like to thank
the faculty mentor from my summer experience, Professor Denise Bielby in the
Sociology department at the University of California, Santa Barbara for providing me
with constructive and critical feedback on my research.
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Table of Contents
Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………...ii
Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………….iv
List of Figures…………………………………………………………………………...viii
Chapter One: Introduction……...………………...……………………………………..1
Research Questions………..………………………………………………………3
The Power of Beauty……………………………………………………………....4
Current Research…………………………………………………………………..6
Cultural Models Theory…………………………………………………...8
Colorism………………………………………………………………..….9
Racial Longing for Whiteness…………………………………………...10
The Beauty Discourse……………………………………………………13
Chapter Two: First Generation South Koreans in the Bay Area: Study Setting, Sample,
and Methods….………….…………………………………………………………...…..19
Research Setting………………………………………………………………….19
Participants……………………………………………………………………….20
Participant Selection and Limitations……………………………………21
Procedure: Data Collection……………………………………………………….22
Picture Storytelling Interviews………………..…………………………22
Fourteen Open-Ended Questions on Skin Color………………..………..23
Analysis with Atlas.ti…………………………………………………………….23
Coding……………………………………………………………………………24
Coding Stages……………………………………………………………24
Stage One Coding………………………….……………………………..25
Stage Two Coding………………………………………………………..25
Stage Three Coding………………………………………………………27
Quotation Frequency and the Significance of Groundedness Levels……28
Establishing Code Families………………………………………………29
The Query Tool…………………………………………………………..30
Comments and Memos: Finding Meaning and Generating Theory……………...31
Establishing Relations……………………………………………………32
The Network View……………………………………………………….32
Chapter Three: Picture Descriptions……………………………………………………..35
Phoebe’s (PI, figure 1) Description………………...……………………………36
v
Summary of Results for Phoebe (PI)…………………………………….37
Charlotte’s (PII, figure 2) Description…………………………………………...39
Summary of Results for Charlotte (PII)………………………………….39
Cynthia’s (PIII, figure 3) Description……………………………………………40
Summary of Results for Cynthia (PIII)…………………………………..40
Sammy’s (PIV, figure 4) Description……………………………………………42
Summary of Results for Sammy (PIV)…………………………………..42
Chapter Four: Racial Boundaries……………...……………………………………….43
Race Consciousness and Color Blind Discourse………………………………...43
Racial Identity as a Mechanism to Distinguish Racial Boundaries……...44
Skin Color as a Mechanism to Distinguish Racial Boundaries………….44
Skin Color Discourse…………………………………………………………….46
The Significance of the Media…………………………………………...47
Modernization as a Symbol of Power and Status………………………………..48
The Image of the Modern Korean Woman………………………………51
Tanning as a Symbol of Modernization………………………………….52
Chapter Five: Low Tolerance for Interracial Relationships..……...…………………….55
Zero Tolerance for Black-Korean Interracial Relationships…………………..…55
Issue with Biracial Progeny……………………………………………...56
Acceptance of White-Korean Progeny…………………………………..59
Racial Discrimination……………………………………………………………61
Monoracial Nation……………………………………………………….62
Cosmetic Products and the Normalization of Light Skin…………..……65
Generational Differences and Korean Only Perspectives………………………..66
Pure-Blood Theory……………………………………………….………68
Cultural Differences……………………………………………….……………..69
Chapter Six: The Cult of True Womanhood…………………………….……….………71
Phoebe as a High Status Housewife……………………………………………...74
The Importance of Gender Roles……………………………………..….………76
Light Skin is Associated with Purity…………………………..….……………..78
Chapter Seven: A Sense of Nationalism……………………………………………….84
Indicators of Korean Ethnicity………………………………………..….………84
Blonde Hair is Associated with Foreign Women…...………………..….86
Dark Skin, Blonde Hair, and a Round Face as Not Korean……………...88
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Cynthia as a Foreigner and Low Status Service Girl……….……………93
Summary of Chapters Three-Seven….…………………………………………………102
Chapter Eight: Discussion and Conclusions……………..……………………………..105
Racial Boundaries………………………………………………………………105
Interracial Intimacies in Korea………………………………………….107
The Cult of True Womanhood………………………………………….107
A Rigid Standard of Beauty that Favors White Skin………….………..108
Future Research……………………………..………………………………….110
References………………………………………………….………………………..….112
Appendix A………….…………………………………….………………………..…..116
Appendix B………….…………………………………….………………………..…..118
Appendix C………….…………………………………….………………………..…..120
Appendix D………….…………………………………….………………………..…..123
Appendix E………….…………………………………….………………………..…..125
Appendix F……….….…………………………………….………………………..…..128
Appendix G………….…………………………………….………………………..…..131
Appendix H………….…………………………………….………………………..…..136
Appendix I…….…….…………………………………….………………………..…..138
Appendix J…….…….…………………………………….………………………..…..141
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Lists of Figures
Image 1 Plastic Surgery Advertisement…………………………………………….........15
Figure 1 Picture I (PI) Phoebe.………………...……….……………...………………...36
Figure 2 Picture I (PII) Charlotte…………………………………….…………………..36
Figure 3 Picture III (PIII) Cynthia…………………...…………………………………..36
Figure 4 Picture IV (PIV) Sammy…………………………………...…………………..36
Figure 5 Phoebe’s (PI) RQ1b Network View for Concepts of True Womanhood &
Physical Appearance…..……………………………………………………..…………..38
Figure 6 Cynthia’s (PIII) RQ1a Network View for Concepts of Cultural ID & Skin…...41
Figure 7 Quotation Count for Comments on Skin for Picture Interview Images………..45
Figure 8 Quotation Counts for Perceived Womanhood for All Images…...……..……...72
Figure 9 Phoebe’s (PI) RQ1b Marital Status & Concern for Physical Appearance……..75
Figure 10 Phoebe’s (PI) RQ1a Cultural ID & Skin……………………………………...86
Figure 11 Cynthia’s (PIII) RQ1a Network View for Concepts of Cultural ID &
Physical Appearance..........................................................................................................90
Figure 12 Quotation Count for Cynthia’s (PIII) Ethnicity………………………….........92
viii
1
Chapter One: Introduction
Beauty is greatly influenced by cultural concepts of skin color preferences and
racial depictions; these factors are socially constructed and play an enormous role in
shaping concepts of beauty. Since standards of beauty are largely historically and socially
situated, beauty standards and skin color preferences vary immensely by culture and
location. However, the influence of globalization, the expansion of industrialization, and
capitalism greatly intersect and influence other cultures, shaping and molding standards
of beauty and power politics. Because of this influence, standards of beauty are becoming
universal, and are firm factors that control acceptance and power in society. Along these
power lines are racial and gendered ideas that police rigid standards and fuel racism and
gender inequality.
Growing universal standards of beauty for Asian women include light skin, a thin
body, a “small face,” and an “upturned” nose. Korean standards of beauty tend to reflect
an appearance that discourages ethnic appearances that resemble people of color,
including Asians, and glorifies white races. Oftentimes, Koreans are perceived as wanting
to mold to the appearances of white people. This is a common perception that Americans
in the United States have of South Korean women. This outside view of Korean culture
describes South Korean women as motivated to have the “same” appearance.
A quotation from an online blog written in 2013 by Ashley Perez, an Asian
American English teacher in South Korea entitled I Wasn’t Beautiful Enough to Live in
South Korea, emphasizes the importance South Koreans place on beauty and appearance
2
for women. In the following quotation, Perez emphasizes that South Korea enforces a
rigid standard of beauty that encompasses a regal perception of white ethnicities:
I would not be accepted as a true fellow Korean. In a culture where so
many people strive to look the same way, any slight difference in
appearance rapidly singles you out. In my case, I was too tall, too fat, and
too dark — traits that are not typically considered beautiful by Korean
standards. In many ways, being partially Korean actually made my
experience more difficult than that of my foreign white friends. Whereas
Koreans admired their white skin, small faces, and upturned noses, I
remained a vaguely Korean-looking girl who didn’t quite stack up.
-Ashley Perez English Teacher in South Korea 2013
Retrieved from http://www.buzzfeed.com/ashleyperez/i-wasnt-beautifulenough-to-live-in-south-korea
Perez’s observation of South Korea’s standards of beauty stem from the perceived
exclusion she felt while teaching English as a foreigner in South Korea; Perez states that
she felt excluded and unbeautiful because of her biracial identity marked by darker skin;
by the same token, Perez states that white features are glorified by Korean people. A
white feature, such as light skin, symbolizes a strong racial boundary that defines people
as an authentic member of Korean ethnicity. In Perez’s perceptions of South Korean
people, these boundaries reflect issues of power and control connected to concepts of
women’s beauty and Korean ethnic authenticity. In other words, women’s beauty is
connected to racial identity, as skin color symbolizes these concepts and may determine
acceptance and power in the Korean social world. In sum, concepts of beauty are
extremely influential in the lives of women because a woman’s worth is often associated
with her physical appearance and perceived ethnicity.
3
Research Questions
The Korean standard of beauty is extremely rigid, and globalization has rapidly
shifted perception, glorifying specific features. This thesis examines the issues
surrounding skin color in determining women’s beauty in South Korean culture by
focusing on theoretical concepts of colorism, racial longing for whiteness, the prevalence
of racial boundaries, and the power politics of racial and gender aesthetic preferences as
they relate to standards of beauty. In sum, this research focuses on first generation South
Korean women in the San Francisco Bay Area in 2013 and addresses the following
questions: What significance does skin color hold in shaping cultural models of racial
identity, racial boundaries, and standards of beauty for women in Korean culture? How
do cultural models of skin color frame social status and influence life experiences and life
chances for women?
A first generation South Korean is defined in this project as a native Korean, who
is born and raised in Korea for the first 18 years of their life, and now lives in the United
States. This research seeks to explore the experiences and cultural identities that are
unique to first generation Korean women. As the social world is complex, it is important
not to generalize the experiences of Asian women, as their geographical location, social
class, age, cultural upbringing, and other social factors are different. Conceptions of skin
and beauty may significantly differ between generations. Do first generation Koreans,
who have spent less time in the United States, have different cultural beliefs regarding the
importance of skin color than Korean Americans who have lived for more than one
generation in the U.S? Since this research only focuses on first generation Korean
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women, future research should also examine other generations to create a more complete
understanding of these differences.
Because this research is ethnographic and only includes 12 participants, it is not
fully representative. However, this project is an important beginning for anthropologists
to achieve a deeper understanding of cultural models of the social world. The use of
ethnography captures the experiences of South Koreans from the participant’s own
personal perspectives. Again, this research may not be representative of the entire first
generation population of Korean women because this research has a small sample size.
Instead, this ethnography seeks a deeper understanding of perceptions among South
Koreans, because current research has not sufficiently examined this group to date.
The Power of Beauty
Beauty holds enormous influence in the lives of women. With the expansion of
women’s liberation movements and women gaining more economic power and presence
in the workplace as well as the political realm, beauty remains a value system that is used
to oppress women, particularly women of color. In fact, beauty standards have become
more rigid in order to maintain cultural ideologies and structures that uphold traditional
gender divisions and inequality. Cultural systems, such as in South Korea and the United
States where gender inequality persists, embrace specific appearance guidelines for
women that dictate self-expression and identity. Oftentimes, beauty guidelines become so
powerful that they are policed by the society that upholds them, and women become
instigators in their own oppression through participation and enforcement of rigid
standards of beauty (Wolf, 1991).
5
Level of attractiveness in women determines social worth, and conceptions of
beauty can significantly shape life experiences. Since many societies are patriarchal and
male-centered, a woman’s appearance becomes a crucial symbol of social status and a
key tool for gaining power and resources. South Korea operates as a patriarchal and
male-centered nation, and women are often less powerful than men. Choice of mate is
crucial in shaping a woman’s life experiences and access to resources. Since Korea is
collectivist and family-centered, there is extreme pressure to marry, and a woman’s
appearance can influence the quality of mates. Social institutions, such as family or
media, impose social demands and beauty standards (Yang, 2007).
Because physical appearance is a powerful indication of identity and social status,
beauty has become a critical symbol of a person’s worth, especially for women. As a
result of globalization, cultural exchange is rapid and almost immediate, as the flow of
cultural messages influence, and may oversimplify, the perceptions of others. Many
theorists have pointed to colonization and the cultural flow of global superpowers to
explain universal standards of beauty as rigid and overwhelmingly reflecting a preference
for appearances that favor fair skinned people (Glenn, 2008; Bissell, & Chung, 2009;
Fifield, 2008). Nonetheless, beauty standards that dictate social worth are culturally
constructed, and changing throughout space and time. Because women are often excluded
from male activities, beauty has become a mechanism for women to gain some power in
society. However, this power may be a fallacy, as beauty standards may work as an
oppressing mechanism that often results in women’s subordinate position in society
(Wolf, 1991).
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Beauty standards are reflections of cultural values and a symbol of one’s racial
identity, gender role, and social status. Although constantly changing, beauty standards
remain powerfully imposed on women and dictate a woman’s worth and identity.
Standards of beauty exist in every culture, and women who may or may not participate in
achieving standards cannot escape the power attached to appearance. These imminent
standards dictate access to marriage partners and high paying jobs. In contemporary
Korean culture, the plastic surgery industry is booming, as many women modify their
physical appearance to reach a very specific appearance. The plastic surgery boom may
be a cultural phenomenon that is modern evidence of the enormous importance beauty
holds in women’s lives, and more significantly is a reflection of the most desirable
appearances.
Current Research
To the researcher’s knowledge, there is little anthropological research that
examines South Korean women’s cultural conceptions of skin color and the importance
of beauty that explores messages of racial identity and social status. There is even less
research that focuses closely on the specific group of first generation Korean women in
the United States. For example, in the social sciences, the few research projects that
address this topic tend to clump Asian Americans into a single group (Glenn, 2008;
Rondilla & Spickard, 2007). However, culture greatly differs throughout time and space,
including different generations of immigrants within each Asian population. Generational
differences among Korean immigrants are significant to explore because time spent in the
7
US may influence cultural perceptions of beauty, and the experiences of first
generation South Korean women are significant to their own experiences. In other words,
each generation is different and unique to the others because time spent living outside of
Korea may influence thought, identity, and perceptions surrounding beauty standards.
Social influences, such as globalization, the expansion of colonialism, western
media, capitalism, and technology, impact cultural perspectives of beauty that drive
cosmetic industries (Bissell & Chung, 2009; Fifield, 2008; Glenn, 2008; Herring &
Horton, 2004; Li et al., 2008; Rondilla & Spickard, 2007; Yang, 2007). Although there is
extensive research that examines these industries and the media attached to these
industries, there is little research that examines anthropological perspectives of the people
they target, specifically, South Koreans on the topic of beauty. Moreover, there is even
less research that targets first generation Korean women.
A research study published in Advances Consumer Research examines
attractiveness levels of women and men from four Asian countries (e.g. India, Hong
Kong, Japan, and Korea; Li et al., 2008). Although this research uncovers the specific
features that are preferred, there is little research that presents sociological explanations
for how and why these features are preferred. There is even less research that targets this
topic among South Korean women. Overwhelmingly, the cosmetic and plastic surgery
industry has boomed in South Korea. Throughout Asia, South Korea is well known and
ranks high among destinations to obtain cosmetic changes (Kim, 2012). Moreover, within
Korea, advertisements for these surgeries and products are commonplace. As more
people are obtaining cosmetic changes and surgeries, it has become clear that there are
8
very specific appearances that are preferred (Bissell & Chung, 2009; Perez, 2013; Glenn,
2008; Kim, 2012; Rondilla, & Spickard, 2007; Stewart, 2013; Yahoo Blog, 2010; Youn,
2013).
Research in the social sciences argues that Asian women still wish to possess an
Asian ethnic appearance, but want to be perceived as possessing a higher social class
within their communities (Rondilla & Spickard, 2007). Certain features symbolize
womanhood, social status, and wealth, and it is social class that drives aesthetic and skin
color preferences. These features may have become preferable because those with high
status and social power more often resemble the faces of people from nations with pale
skin colors. Globalization, the expansion and rapid exchange of cultural information and
colonization are major social phenomena that have caused this perception, as the images
that people encounter on a daily basis glorify specific appearances, which often resemble
the faces of individuals and cultures of colonizing nations and global superpowers.
Cultural models theory. Cultural models theory significantly guides this
research, and is used to explore the emic classifications of race or ethnicity from
participant’s own cultural perspective. According to this theory, cultural models in
human cognition are not only used to create meaning and order within the social world,
but also to create agreement among the people who uphold them. For example, the rules
of dating and the institution of marriage both contain cultural knowledge and rules that
are deemed acceptable or unacceptable romantic unions. Moreover, these institutions
exist because society maintains its existence, whereas objects in the natural world, such
as the planets and everything alive in the universe exist whether or not there is belief in
9
its existence. The social world is different in this sense that cultural practice and
knowledge could be destroyed by the very society that maintains it (Holland & Quinn,
1987).
Marvin Harris (1970), an American anthropologist in the 21st century is a major
theorist who examined emic perspectives of cultural knowledge of ethnicity primarily in
South American countries, such as Brazil. In fact, for Harris and his followers much of
this kind of work primarily focuses on South American countries. This research borrows
Harris’ methods of examining emic ethnic classifications through picture descriptions of
Brazilians from their own personal perspectives. In his work, Referential Ambiguity in the
Calculus of Brazilian Racial Identity, Harris (1970) claims that racial identity is
ambiguous and heavily influenced by social status. Within this theory there is much
debate within anthropology of whether or not these emic ethnic classifications are shared
or agreed upon and representative of the entire population of the group in focus (Gravlee,
2005).
Colorism. Another significant and more recent piece of research that borrows
Harris’ methods of picture descriptions is Is Lighter Skin Better?: Skin Tone
Discrimination Among Asian Americans (2007) by Paul Spickard and Joanne Rondilla.
According to Rondilla and Spickard (2007), skin color is seen as an important indicator
of beauty, social status, and health. Skin color is a frequent topic among participants in
this study and those reported in other research literature (Reisher & Koo, 2004).
Colorism, as defined by Cedric Herring (2004), is racial discrimination that exists within
the same cultural and ethnic group on the basis of skin pigment (Herring & Horton, 2004;
10
Glenn, 2008; Rondilla & Spickard, 2007). The presence of raical discrimination within
the Korean community strongly influences access to power in the lives of their women.
Because racism exists within the Asian community, dark skin in women is often
associated with shame, sexual promiscuity, poverty, or racial and sexual impurity
(Rondilla & Spickard, 2007; Wolf, 1991). As this research and past research has
revealed, colorism is very relevant to understanding Korean women, as skin color is a
major indicator of beauty, character, and social status in the Asian community (Rondilla
& Spickard, 2007). Because skin color profoundly influences perspectives of ethnicity
and beauty, which includes levels of acceptance and access to resources, it is crucial to
further examine the importance of skin appearance in Korean women’s lives, and explore
the reasons light skin and western-looking features, such as a high nose ridge, taller
height (but not too tall!), and rounder eyes with double eyelids are so important. This
issue has become controversial: Why do Koreans want to have these western-looking
appearances?
Racial longing for whiteness. Because “white skin symbolizes gender, virtue,
and racial identity” (Li et al., 2008, p. 2) in the broadest possible terms, there is a need to
better understand the particular reasons that South Korean women desire lighter skin.
Many Asian women tend to prefer a specific appearance, which often resembles
Caucasian appearance (Bissell & Chung, 2009) that is large-almond shaped eyes with
double eyelids, a higher nose bridge, and white skin. These features are often achieved
through treatments, cosmetics, and even surgery. Oftentimes, a home remedy, such as
taping is used to achieve a double eyelid appearance. While it is obvious that those
11
features that are deemed most desirable tend to resemble Caucasian women, it is
uncertain whether this also means that Koreans want to resemble individuals with fair
skin, such as Europeans, Canadians, and US Americans. This notion is known as racial
longing for whiteness (Rondilla & Spickard, 2007).
This notion of a longing for whiteness is prevalent in popular media, e.g. internet
blogs and medical news articles. For example, Dr. Anthony Youn (2013), a plastic
surgeon in Michigan, wrote a recent article in CNNHealth in June 2013, expressing his
concern for the major increase in plastic surgery in South Korea and among Korean
Americans in the United States. According to Youn (2013), many boys and girls as young
as 8 years old are pushed by their parents to undergo double eyelid surgery. He states that
the features most desired among his patients tend to resemble western features.
Moreover, Youn (2013) questions their motives for receiving such specific features, and
he concludes that it is possible that Koreans want to look more white or western. Youn
(2013) claims that unlike Americans in the US, Koreans are more likely to admit to
undergoing plastic surgery. This may hint at the normalization of plastic surgery to
achieve a more western physical appearance.
Both within and outside the social sciences, there is a growing discussion of Asian
motives in undergoing cosmetic surgery and skin lightening procedures. Although still
new and developing, few scholars in sociology and anthropology argue that the motives
for plastic surgery and skin lightening among Asian populations often resembles western
features, but motivations for these appearances are more complex than simply wanting to
become white people. Theorists, e.g. historian Paul Spickard and sociologist Joanne
12
Rondilla (2007), argue that white skin tends to be associated with high social status,
which drives these aesthetic preferences.
The standard of beauty has become rigidly defined, and is commonly described as
a symptom of colonialism, pressure to assimilate, and the glorification and control of
colonial nations, which tend to be people with fair skin. Korean celebrities, especially
women, are increasingly more likely to undergo plastic surgery that more often depicts
light skin and “white” features, such as bigger eyes, a higher nose bridge, and a more
oval jaw line. These features are desirable because they have developed an association
with higher socioeconomic class. However, some participants also claim that there are
some Korean celebrities that tan; however, light skin is more common among celebrities.
Capitalism and industrialization also have a major impact on skin color discourse.
Light skin is a visual indicator that symbolizes social status; in other words, light skin is
more often a prized look and is associated with a higher socioeconomic class. After a
major economic shift from feudalism to capitalism took place in Korea, those who work
in farming are often poor. Because farming labor requires intense and prolonged sun
exposure, and sun exposure produces darker skin, dark skin became associated with
peasantry and the working class instead of prosperity and socio-economic achievement.
As more people began moving to cities and working indoors, skin color became a major
indicator of a person’s socioeconomic status. Thus, the appearance of skin has become a
major symbol of status and power, as those with more economic resources are more
likely to work indoors (Xu & Feiner, 2007).
13
In Korea, where colonialism has deep historical roots, light skin has become a
symbol of sophistication and high status because white skin reflects the faces of the
wealthy classes. However, understanding the issue of lighter skin is more complicated.
Chinese and Japanese nations were colonizing South Korea for longer periods than the
US; although the US has had some influence in shaping Korean culture, US culture
cannot be the only explaining influence for this preference. Issues surrounding skin color
preferences are more complex. For example, research shows that people may be treated
differently if their skin is too light; this exists among the African American community.
In the Black community, sometimes if individuals are too light, then they may experience
rejection from their communities (Rondilla & Spickard, 2007). It is worthwhile to
examine whether this concept is also prevalent in Korean societies, as skin color may
function as a way of creating racial boundaries, which excludes people with light skin.
The beauty discourse. Although gender roles are changing, contemporary
pressures to be beautiful, and concerns with appearance, affect women more profoundly
than men. There are immense cultural pressures on women to maintain a very specific
physical appearance. This appearance can affect social status, access to social resources,
as well as choice and quality of mates. Because male worth is more connected to
socioeconomic status, income, and education, appearance is not as important for men
(Glenn, 2008; Wolf, 1991). As a result, women may feel more pressure to maintain a
specific appearance that takes time and money, such as avoiding dark complexions and
undergoing major cosmetic treatments (Rondilla & Spickard, 2007; Glenn, 2008).
14
As societies become more connected through globalization and technology,
beauty constructs seem to be influenced by other cultures. In other words, cultures that
interact tend to influence each other’s beauty perspectives and may transform those
perspectives. The development of technology increases the opportunity for travel and
media-based contact. Cultures that were previously less influenced by other cultures are
transforming as they come into greater contact with each other. The expansion of
industrialization, capitalism, and colonialization has an enormous impact on
understanding how beauty is conceptualized and expressed in cultural terms (Glenn,
2008; Lycett, 2013).
Because there is immense pressure on women to achieve a specific level of
attractiveness, many believe that attractiveness is symbolic of a woman’s level of selfesteem and social power. Among South Koreans, pain and debt are often endured in order
to be beautiful, and some women even seek cosmetic surgery (Bloch & Richins, 1992).
Modern technologies make it possible for people to alter their faces and bodies to become
more aesthetically pleasing (Hogle, 2005). An example of the popularity of cosmetic
surgery is seen in South Korea’s public areas, such as Seoul’s mass public transportation
system, where many advertisements for plastic surgery that target Asian women and men.
As a strategy to promote their services, these advertisements tend to display before and
after photos of Asian faces that have undergone facial cosmetic surgery:
15
Image 1
Plastic Surgery Advertisement
Note. In 2011, the researcher took this image on a train in Seoul’s underground
subway system. It is very common to find images like these in this location as well
as throughout tunnels, stairways, and waiting areas of the transportation system.
The image displays a before and after surgery example of both a man and woman
in order to advertise plastic surgery services.
Photos in these ads overwhelmingly depict women more often than men.
Sometimes men are also depicted in these photos, but the few advertisements of men are
almost always accompanied by another picture of a woman in the same advertisement.
When the public is constantly bombarded with these images, plastic surgery may create
16
pressure and arrive at a sense of normalcy. According to Glenn (2008), plastic surgery in
South Korea is becoming a widely accepted practice, and many Koreans who have had
plastic surgery are likely to admit to cosmetic changes. This sense of normalcy that now
surrounds plastic surgery may function as one explanation for the rise in plastic surgery
in South Korea (Hogle, 2005; Fifield, 2008).
One article published in Seoul, South Korea, examines the popularity of cosmetic
surgery. Park Min-Joo, a native Korean, who has undergone jawbone, cheekbone, and
mouth cosmetic surgery, reports that others perceived her in a more positive light after
she received surgery. She claims that there is a strong connection between her level of
perceived beauty and her level of success. The article claims that 62% of women in their
twenties (in Seoul) have undergone some kind of cosmetic enhancement (Fifield, 2008).
As more people are receiving cosmetic alterations, South Korea is becoming a popular
destination in Asia to receive cosmetic surgery, and it is becoming more affordable than
neighboring countries (Fifield, 2008).
Wei Lou (2012), a professor of communication, examines advertising websites of
cosmetic hospitals in China. Focusing on the ideal beauty constructions in web
advertisements for cosmetic surgery, the author concludes that tensions exist between
western and Chinese ideals of beauty. The author highlights the importance of skin color
among Chinese women, which often is a symbol of ethnic identity (Lou, 2012). Although
the focus is not Korean women, this article is helpful because it describes cultural models
of ‘normative beauty’ and highlights culturally desirable appearances that symbolize
Chinese identity.
17
Lou’s (2012) study participants have a strong desire to remain Chinese. Cosmetic
‘hospitals’ are careful not to label their procedures as western. For example, double
eyelid surgery is labeled as oriental eyes rather than western eyes (p. 86). Lou argues that
this difference in terminology is due to women’s desire to remain Chinese (Lou, 2012). In
sum, Lou claims that facial features may indicate cultural models of nationalism, and
specific features represent membership to Chinese ethnicity. It is interesting that although
cosmetic surgery for eyes is to create an eyelid that closely resembles eyes of Caucasian
people, yet consumers prefer these eyes to be labeled as Asian eyes. This demonstrates
that standards of beauty are shifting and may become universal.
It seems that the standard of beauty for Chinese people in this article reflects eyes
with a double eyelid, which make it appear larger. There may be a sense of internalized
racism that results from a universal standard of beauty. However, although the
preferences do resemble Caucasian eyes, these Chinese women may not necessarily alter
their appearance to resemble Caucasian women, but rather, they may desire a more
authentic Chinese ethnicity. Bigger eyes have become associated with authentic Chinese
ethnicity. It is worthwhile to further examine the symbolism and functions these physical
appearance hold. Double eyelids may function as a way to create social stratification in
signaling membership into a specific social class and ethnicity.
The motivations and explanations for this strong preference for such a specific
standard of beauty are fueled by concepts of racial identity and social status. The reasons
that motivate Asian women to desire such a specific standard of beauty remain
controversial. Although the literature reflects that Asian women claim to still want to
18
keep their Asian identity, even further, the standard of beauty for Asian women tends to
reflect features that are less commonly seen in Asian people, such as white skin and
double eyelids. These features have become Asian standards of beauty, because they
symbolize wealth, glamour, and more significantly, Asian authenticity. To untangle this
controversy and discover the motives that drive Korean women to pursue specific
standards of beauty, this research draws on qualitative methods of in-depth interviews
and picture descriptions to understand concepts of race and beauty, which are outlined in
the next chapter. Focusing on first generation Korean women may offer US American
and Korean infused cultural knowledge.
19
Chapter Two: First Generation South Koreans in the Bay Area: Study Setting, Sample,
and Methods
This project is exploratory and ethnographic. The goal is to discover how first
generation South Korean women conceptualize and describe skin color and physical
appearance as indicators of racial identity and social status. To learn more about the
significance of physical appearance and skin color of first generation Korean women, this
research utilizes qualitative methods of picture storytelling and in-depth interviews. For
the picture storytelling process, study participant described four images of Asian women
(see page 36, figures 1-4). Furthermore, for the in-depth interview process, participants
responded to fourteen open-ended questions on skin color (Appendix A). The following
chapter demonstrates the methods this research utilizes in the process of discovery.
Research Setting
This research focuses on first generation South Korean women in the San
Francisco Bay Area, specifically, women located in the Alameda County. According to a
2010 consensus, Alameda County has a total population number of 1,510,271, and of this
number 17,464 is home to South Korean people (Alameda County Population and Races,
2010). However, in California, Los Angeles and San Jose tend to have the highest
population density of Koreans.
Since the end of the Korean War, South Korea’s economic growth has been
booming, and more South Koreans are migrating to the United States (Tudor, 2012).
Moreover, the industrial revolution in the United States, first in 1883-1945, mark a
historic time and place that influenced the future growth of Korean immigration in the
San Francisco Bay Area. As a result of heavy industrialization and foreign immigration,
20
the treaty of Amity and Commerce was the first treaty signed between Korea and the
United States. Moreover, this treaty is significant because it is the first treaty Korea
signed with a western nation (Chey, 2002).
Participants
Twelve women between the ages of 20 and 46 in the San Francisco Bay Area
were interviewed in this study. Seven of the twelve participants were between the ages of
20 and 24, while five of the twelve participants were between 31 and 46. Participants
who are younger in age are more often college exchange students, who are studying in
the university setting temporarily, such as for 6 months to four years, and then plan to
return to South Korea. Those participants who are older in age tend to be college level
English teachers or other subject teachers working in the university system. These
teachers have prolonged exposure to US American culture, and tend to be permanent
residents in the San Francisco Bay Area. In order to protect participant confidentiality,
pseudonyms are used for all participants.
Because this research focuses on first generation South Korean women’s cultural
models of beauty, participants were selected based on specific criteria that are significant
to first generation Korean women. Participants needed to be fluent in Korean as a first
language, and they had to have lived the first 18 years (of their lives) in South Korea.
These language and residence requirements ensure that respondents have spent a
significant amount of time in their native country, particularly their malleable early years,
when cultural models are largely acquired. Participants must have spent enough time in
21
their native land so that Korean culture became an integral part of their identity, and they
are equipped to comment on cultural beliefs and practices of Korean people.
Participant selection and limitations. Participants were recruited by snowball
sampling techniques, i.e. participants were asked to refer other first generation Korean
women to participate in the study. Although unintentional, most of the interviews were
conducted at California State University, East Bay and the University of California,
Berkeley. Also unintentional, some participants were selected from the researcher’s own
social network.
Since the researcher is not fluent in the Korean language, language barriers
restricted participant selection: only bilingual women, who speak English fluently, were
able to participate in this study. Although the researcher has some linguistic competence
in Korean, this was not sufficient enough to conduct interviews in the participant’s native
language. Therefore, there were limitations on participant selection, as subjects must also
be fluent enough in English to convey complex thoughts and ideas in order for data to be
meaningful and useful to the researcher.
Although these language requirements limit the sample selection, they are
significant to first generation Korean women and offer value to this research. Bilingual
competence demonstrates that participants have had cultural exposure to Englishspeaking countries, particularly the United States. This exposure to the US increases the
likelihood of some understanding of US American culture. Because of prolonged
residency in the US, participants often comment on US American culture or create
comparisons of the two cultures in their responses.
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Procedure: Data Collection
The interviews were structured in two parts: the first part of research collection
includes picture storytelling, and the second part consists of fourteen open-ended
questions exploring the significance of skin color. Part I data collection interviews were
single blinded and semi-structured, in which four images of Asian women (figures 1-4 on
page 36) were presented in the same order to each participant in separate interviews.
Specific questions were absent to allow participant freedom to comment on any topic.
This storytelling process with the four images lasted about 10-30 minutes in length. After
the picture interview descriptions were complete, the researcher prompted fourteen
questions on the significance of skin color (see Appendix A for fourteen question list).
Overall, the two-part interview lasted 60-120 minutes in length, and was scheduled
according to researcher and participant availability from March-May 2013.
Picture storytelling interviews. The four internet photographs of Asian women
were selected from an internet stock photo database. The women in the images were
unknown to the participants and the researcher. This was to ensure that respondents could
speak freely about the pictures with low risk of filtering their responses. Because the goal
of this research was to uncover cultural conceptions of beauty as those relate to physical
appearance and skin color, the researcher selected photographs that were very different in
appearance, age, and skin tone. Because of differences in physical appearance, it is not
surprising that participants often comment on physical traits that are obvious visual
indicators that make each picture distinctively different.
23
Each interview began with these pictures (see page 36, Figures 1-4) presented to
each informant separately in the same order, starting with Picture I Phoebe (PI), Picture II
Charlotte (PII), Picture III Cynthia (PIII), and then ending with Picture IV Sammy (PIV).
Participants were prompted to tell a story about the woman in each picture based on her
appearance. During this process, participants were not told that the focus of the research
was on skin color, as the researcher did not want to skew or influence responses. In order
to initiate long responses, the researcher probed participants to report socio-economic
status, lifestyle, and personality.
Fourteen open-ended questions on skin color. After each picture was discussed,
the researcher then disclosed the purpose of the research to the informants and proceeded
to ask a series of fourteen questions that focus on the importance of skin color and skin
appearance for women in Korea (see Appendix A for the list of questions). The fourteen
question interview is a valuable part of this research as it not only directly explores the
topic of skin color, but it provides deeper context for the single blinded picture
storytelling interviews.
Analysis with Atlas.ti
After these interviews were carried out, the researcher then fully transcribed each
interview to provide complete context for coding and analysis. Full context strengthens
the validity of this research, as data are less likely to be misinterpreted. Access to full
context during the analysis phase provides the researcher deeper familiarity with the data.
After data is collected and interviews are transcribed within a word processing program,
the researcher began working with Atlas.ti, an advanced qualitative analysis software, to
24
start the analysis process. This research utilizes Atlas.ti, (version 6.2), which tends to
possess complex terms; these terms will be defined as they arise in this chapter.
Within Atlas.ti, the researcher is able to upload any research materials into a
database called the Hermeneutic Unit (HU). The Hermeneutic Unit is interactive in
nature, and stores all research materials, such as pictures and interview text. Within the
HU, the researcher can add notes, codes, and ask questions of the data. The query tool
allows the researcher to ask questions of the data, which retrieves quotations that answer
the research questions.
Coding
The coding process is the first step in beginning analysis with Atlas.ti. Utilizing a
grounded approach, coding categories were developed based on the research questions
and themes that emerged from the interviews. Text was coded whenever there were
indications of a specific concept relevant to the research questions. Significant codes
must reoccur across most participants. In other words, the researcher was particularly
attentive to concepts that stretch across more or all respondents, and possesses similarity
between a particular word, phrase, sentence, or concept throughout all 12 interviews.
Coding stages. In order to uncover, become familiar with, and organize common
themes in the text that relate to the research questions, coding is a crucial first step.
Moreover, proper use of the query tool requires a specific coding process. To accomplish
accurate interaction with the data, this research follows the three coding stages outlined
by Atlas.ti software expert Susanne Friese (2012). The three coding stages outlined by
Friese strengthens researcher usage and capacity when working with Atlas.ti, as these
25
coding stages are imperative to building a strong foundation in using the query tool.
Again, the query tool allows the researcher to ask questions of the data, in which
quotations are retrieved to answer research questions. Because of this, the coding process
is complex and requires three stages.
Stage one coding. There are many techniques for coding; however, since this
research relies on a grounded approach, stage one coding is descriptive. The main
purpose of stage one is to become familiar with the data and create codes from the text
that the researcher finds significant to the research questions. Rather than beginning with
predetermined codes, developed from the research questions, the researcher draws from
the interview texts to begin developing codes. This approach allows the data to speak for
itself. Of course, this process is accomplished with the research questions in mind. In
sum, stage one works primarily as a pilot run to begin building researcher familiarity with
the data, and allows room for the data to suggest significant topics. During stage one of
the coding process, the researcher should not be hesitant to edit or eliminate codes.
Stage two coding. Stage two coding consists of less descriptive application and
more meaning attachment. During stage two coding, the researcher can begin to see
common themes arise within the data. During this process, main category codes and
subcategory codes are developed. Main category codes are displayed in all capital letters
at the top of each code family (see Appendix B, C, D, and E for the picture interview
code families, and Appendix F for the fourteen questions on skin color code families).
Main category codes help with the development of subcategory codes, and tend to
become code families when working with the query tool. For example, in stage one
26
coding, any quotation that describes Phoebe’s physical appearance will be coded with the
main category code, PI_PHYSICAL APPEARANCE. This will cause the code to become
very dense, growing in groundedness level (number of quotations). During stage two
coding, the researcher will develop subcategory codes within this main category code.
For example, the subcategory codes for the main category code, PI_PHYSICAL
APPEARANCE are PI_Physical Appearance_Age, PI_Physical Appearance_Clothing,
PI_Physical Appearance_Eyebrow, PI_Physical Appearance_Eyes, PI_Physical
Appearance_Hairstyle, PI_Physical Appearance_Make-up, PI_Physical Appearance_Not
Beautiful, PI_Physical Appearance_Resemblance to Known Person, PI_Physical
Appearance_Skin, PI_Physical Appearance_Smile (see Appendix C4). In Appendix C4,
the main category code, PI_PHYSICAL APPEARANCE, has become a code family
because it contains all subcategory codes that describe Phoebe’s physical appearance.
Main category codes are significant to organizing the codes in the first stages of
code development, and these also create a setup for establishing code families in stage
three coding. Main category codes provide an overall description and association for each
subcategory code, and subcategory codes provide a one to three word summary of the
quotation. Main category and subcategory codes may be renamed to fit common themes
throughout stage two coding. During this process, colors may also be applied to the
codes, which creates a visual and effective organization of codes during the coding
process. Applying colors to codes also offers a visual representation within the network
view function of Atlas.ti. Because building a network view is the last stage of analysis, it
is discussed in more detail at the end of this section.
27
Stage three coding. During stage three coding, code families are created for the
use of the query tool. Code families filter subcategory codes to program queries in the
query tool. During all coding stages, repeating codes may arise. At this final stage, the
researcher reviews the codes for repeating codes, and merges them to eliminate coding
redundancy. For example, within the merge code function, if there are two repeating
codes, such as PI_True Womanhood_Mother and PI_True Womanhood_Primary
Caregiver, these two codes are synonymous and can be merged to reduce redundancy.
Moreover, eliminating repeating codes strengthens the validity of analysis when working
with code groundedness levels. Code groundedness level simply refers to the number of
quotations attached to a particular code, which offers insight into the significance of the
code. For example, if PI_True Womanhood_Mother has the highest groundedness level
than any other code, this means that the majority of participants across the entire sample
believe that Phoebe’s appearance resembles a mother.
In order to strengthen the validity of groundedness levels, it is important to
hyperlink quotations among the same participant that describe Phoebe as a mother or the
results will become skewed; meaning, the code’s groundedness level will become
disproportionately high even though only one participant characterizes her as such within
multiple places throughout the interview. In sum, after codes are attached to quotations in
each coding stage, the last step is to add these hyperlinks and finish any final clean up
with the merge code function in order to eliminate repeating codes that may skew the
data.
28
Quotation frequency and the significance of groundedness levels. During
analysis and to help the researcher create visual representations of analysis, the researcher
utilizes graphs that display quotation counts for significant concepts that relate to the
research questions (the x-axis of these graphs list the participants associated with the
quotation, and the y-axis on these graphs lists the groundedness level; see figure 7,
Quotation Count for Comments on Skin for Picture Interview Images, on page 45 and
figure 8, Quotation Counts for Perceived Womanhood for All Images, on pages 72-73). In
these graphs, groundedness level plays a significant role in demonstrating the
significance of these concepts, such as skin color and true womanhood. By utilizing
quotation count graphs, the researcher is able to create a visual representation of concept
significance. Again, the code groundedness level refers to the number of times a
quotation is applied to a specific code. Groundedness levels are shown in each code node
within the network views, and are shown as the first number within the parenthesis after
each code title. A network view, which is discussed in more detail later in this chapter, is
a visual diagram that allows the researcher to present the relationships between the data
by linking any node; a node is a code, memo, or image within the network view.
Codes with the highest groundedness are significant to explore because they have
the highest level of quotations linked to a specific code, meaning the code is commented
most frequently among all participants. In order to increase the validity of utilizing codes
with a high groundedeness level, the researcher creates quotation hyperlinks among each
primary document for quotations that may be repeating or explaining the same quotation
previously coded within the text. A primary document is an upload image or interview
29
transcription within the HU that may be coded for analysis. Codes with a high
groundedness level help the researcher recognize significant codes, which sheds insight
to topics that are significant to the research. Again, codes with a high groundedness level
are codes that are commented more frequently among the entire sample of participants.
Establishing code families. Code families work as a filtering property when
working with queries, and tend to stem from main category codes. Code families allow
the researcher to combine codes based on specific questions the researcher wants to ask.
For the picture storytelling interviews, Appendix B lists code families for Phoebe PI;
Appendix C lists code families for Charlotte PII; Appendix D lists code families for
Cynthia PIII; and Appendix E lists code families for Sammy PIV. Code families for the
fourteen interview question series are listed in Appendix F. Again, code families are used
for the query portion of analysis and are critical to properly analyzing the queries.
Code families include categories such as Racial Boundary, Social Status, Physical
Appearance, and True Womanhood. Each picture has its own families within these
categories in order to properly filter the queries and create organization within the data.
Code families will be referred to consistently in the findings and analysis portion of this
research when discussing the queries. The code families for “Social Status” include the
main category codes, LIFESTYLE and OCCUPATION.
The main category codes are broad categories with many subcategories. For
example, the main category code PHYSICAL APPEARANCE becomes a code family
that is the container for subcategory codes that express the theme of physical appearance.
These code families create a filtering function that allows the researcher to program the
30
query tool to retrieve quotations that focus specifically on these themes and the
associated codes. Code families work more as a filter for queries rather than a category
generator; this will make more sense when discussed in the query tool section of the
findings and analysis chapter.
The Query Tool
The query tool is critical in the process of discovery. This tool provides more
possibilities for interaction and ways of looking at the data. Moreover, this tool offers the
ability to ask specific questions of the data. For example, if the researcher wants to know
how physical appearances influence perceptions of racial identity, the researcher may
program the query to display all quotations in which physical appearance and racial
identity occur together within a quotation. For this query, the researcher would use
physical appearance code families and racial identity code families to retrieve quotations.
The query will display all quotations in which physical appearance and racial identity
occur together within a quotation. During use of the query, patterns may arise, then the
research may record, comment, or link the data. Furthermore, the memos tool allows the
researcher to record notes and analysis and then link it to the data.
There are many operators within the query tool. This research uses the proximity
operator COOCCUR. The COOCCUR function reveals quotations that occur together.
For example, if the researcher wants to know how skin color affects perceptions of
ethnicity, the researcher would ask the query tool to show quotations that skin and
ethnicity occur together with the COOCCUR operator. The researcher chose this operator
because it combines all seven operators within the proximity operator function, which
31
includes the following commands, such as AND, OR, ENCLOSES, WITHIN,
OVERLAPPED, PRECEDES, and FOLLOWS. In other words, although there are many
functions of the query tool, for the purpose of this part of the research, the researcher will
be utilizing the query operator that retrieves quotations that occur together to find
correlations (see Appendix G-I for picture interview queries and Appendix H for fourteen
questions on skin color queries).
After quotations are retrieved from the query tool, and the findings are
summarized and interpreted in the memos tool, the researcher then finds relationships
within the data to be presented in the network view. The network view allows the
researcher to link codes to build a visual relationship within the data. Within each code
node, there are numbers that represent the frequency of quotations (also known as
groundedness) and the number of times the code is linked to other codes or nodes (also
known as density). For example, in the code, PI_Ethnicity_Korean (4-7), 4 is the
groundedness level, representing the number of quotations attached to the code and 7 is
the density level, representing the number of links the code is attached to other codes or
nodes. This knowledge is helpful in assessing the significance of each code to help
establish common themes existing within the data.
Comments and Memos: Finding Meaning and Generating Theory
Comments are also significant to the query process, as they allow the researcher
to “comment” or interpret specific quotations. Comments were given to specific
quotations that are significant to explaining the research question. The memo tool is the
place where more magic happens. In the memo tool, not only can the researcher record
32
all methods, research questions, notes, theory, and analysis, but also these memos can be
linked to any node within Atlas.ti. More significantly, the memos tool helps organize the
results of the queries.
During the query process, the memos tool functions as a great recording device
that may be linked to any node within the hermeneutic unit of this project. The memo
function in Atlas.ti is significant during all processes of analyses and coding, as it allows
the researcher to record each process of the research. This is a great organizing tool for
researchers. Furthermore, the memo function is included in the query process, as the
memos allow researchers to interpret and attach meaning to the data. Moreover, these
memos with analysis comments may be labeled as “theory,” “research question,” “coding
stages,” “methodology,” and may be attached to the text itself; this resembles the coding
function, where memos can be “coded” and attached to the text. In sum, memos are used
to record, analyze, and interpret the data, which can be attached to quotations within the
text.
Establishing relations. Relations are links given to codes, quotations, and memos
in order to describe the relationships between nodes, and provide the foundation for
attaching meaning and theory to the data. After results are summarized and interpreted
from use of the network view and memo tools, the researcher then applied links between
nodes to demonstrate connections between the codes and quotations.
The network view tool. A network view is a visualizing function in Atlas.ti that
allows the researcher to visualize the data. Within the network view, the researcher can
produce tangible results, and attach memos to the data, which creates meaning, theory,
33
and interpretation of the data. In other words, the network view is a visualizing tool that
allows the researcher to notice connections (these connections are the relations or links
between nodes). After code families are created, the researcher then creates more
relations (links) between nodes. After codes have been given a code family and links
between codes are well established, the researcher then creates a network view to display
relationships within the data and help visualize the results. As mentioned earlier, within
the network views, codes possess an applied color scheme to allow for better visual
representation and separation between code topics. Within the network view, the
researcher can produce tangible results, and attach memos to the data, which helps create
meaning, theory, and interpretation of the data. In other words, the network view is a
visualizing tool that allows the researcher to notice significant connections.
This section outlined the details in the process of discovery of this research. In the
past, many have characterized qualitative research as subjective and relative. However,
the use of Atlas.ti strengthens the validity, efficiency, and objectiveness of this research.
Moreover, these methods provide findings that can be replicated. Any researcher who
uses Atlas.ti knows the time consuming nature of learning the program, but it is well
worth the pay off for the efficiency the program offers as opposed to traditional penpaper analysis. With the use of Atlas.ti there are fewer mistakes and data does not
become lost. Research material and analysis are intertwined and connected to the HU,
offering more possibilities for interaction with data, resulting in deeper analysis.
Moreover, the program itself is able to retrieve programmed queries, which creates
34
efficiency and strengthens objectivity. The next chapter discusses the findings from these
methods and the results of this complex qualitative programming approach.
35
Chapter Three: Picture Descriptions
This chapter discusses the findings of the single blinded study of four photographs
included in the picture storytelling interview (see figures 1-4 on page 36). There are
many differences and similarities in how informants perceive these photos. The photos
are seen as similar in that they are all Asian women; however, the photographs are also
seen as distinctively different. This helps provide a deeper understanding of the diverse
perspectives on women’s physical attributes, including skin color, in Korean culture.
Physical appearance factors, such as skin color, age, hairstyle, makeup, clothing, and
demeanor play an important role in Korean cultural conceptions of womanhood, social
status, and racial identity. This research is broad in perspective and utilizes a grounded
approach to examine the significance of skin color and physical appearance from first
generation Korean women’s viewpoints.
As discussed in Chapter Two, the interviews began with this request: “Tell me a
story about the woman you see in the picture.” When participants displayed difficulty
providing long responses, the researcher prompted participants to comment on physical
appearance of each picture and draw conclusions based on perceived lifestyle, character,
occupation, or social status. From this grounded approach, this project seeks to uncover
South Korean cultural perspectives on skin color and physical appearance.
The picture storytelling method borrows from anthropologist, Marvin Harris’
study of Brazilians and his use of cultural models theory. By prompting picture stories of
Asian women that are distinctly different, emic classifications of race and ethnicity can
be explored from the participant’s own cultural perspective (Harris, 1970). According to
36
cultural models theory, culture conceptions are central to shaping human cognition and
influencing the social world of South Korean women. This research will shed light on the
controversy that surrounds this theory in exploring the extent of agreement among
participant descriptions of the images below.
Figure 1
Picture I (PI)
Phoebe
Figure 3
Picture III (PIII)
Cynthia
Figure 2
Picture II (PII)
Charlotte
Figure 4
Picture IV (PIV)
Sammy
Phoebe’s (PI, Figure 1) Description
Phoebe, picture I, has the lightest skin tone of the images. Phoebe may be the
oldest of the images, and she may also have the lightest skin and more natural looking
appearance because she is wearing very little makeup, if any, and maintains a natural hair
37
color and style. With a slight head tilt in smile and facial demeanor, she is wearing a
bright pink shirt that covers all body parts except the neck and face.
Summary of results for Phoebe (PI). Phoebe is more often characterized as a
housewife and mother. Participants associate Phoebe with a conservative character type,
who is likely to be Chinese or Korean. Participants describe Phoebe’s activities as
centered in her children, church, and home. This is demonstrated in the network view
below (figure 5):
38
Figure 5
Phoebe’s (PI) RQ1b Network View for Concepts of True Womanhood & Physical
Appearance
Figure 5 Note. The network view demonstrates physical appearances associated with
concepts of true womanhood for Phoebe (PI); the pink codes represent concepts of true
39
womanhood and the purple codes represent physical appearances that are associated with
these concepts. Phoebe’s physical appearances, such as hairstyle, with a groundedness
level of 13 quotations, smile, with a groundedness level of 9 quotations, age, with a
groundedness level of 8 quotations, and skin, with a groundedness level of 8 quotations
are associated with the true womanhood codes that express motherhood (5 quotations),
conservatism (3 quotations), piety (1 quotation), and domesticity (1 quotation).
Significant quotations that express these concepts are displayed in this network view.
This network view demonstrates Phoebe’s physical appearances that are most often
reflected by ‘proper’ womanhood.
Charlotte’s (PII, Figure 2) Description
Charlotte, picture II, has a darker background than the other images. She also has
a darker skin tone than Phoebe; although she does not have the darkest skin of the
images, she ranks second in the darkest skin tone. Charlotte is wearing colorful makeup
and may be younger in age. She also has a more stylish appearance, as her hair and
makeup are maintained with a very specific style. Her makeup is brighter in color than
the other images. With a side pose and smile to the camera, she is wearing clothing that
exposes the most skin of the other images. With a shawl-like appearance at the neckline,
her shirt is beige in color and exposes her shoulder and black bra.
Summary of results for Charlotte (PII). Charlotte was perceived as a modern
mother and a career woman. Because Charlotte appears more stylish and maintains her
appearance with more effort, she is characterized as able to balance a busy but happy life.
One participant uses the word “super woman” to describe this conception of Charlotte.
40
Moreover, Charlotte is perceived as Korean, and no other ethnicities are mentioned in her
assessment.
Cynthia’s (PIII, Figure 3) Description
Possibly younger in age, Cynthia, picture III, may have the most distinctively
unique appearance among the images. As the other images have jet-black hair, Cynthia is
the only image with blonde hair, and she has the heaviest application of makeup on her
face. Cynthia’s prominent bangs set her apart from the women in the other photos
because she is the only image with bangs. Cynthia’s clothing has a unique red and white
pattern. Cynthia and Sammy are the only women in the pictures that are wearing
necklaces, but Cynthia’s necklace is bigger, stylized, and more noticeable.
Summary of results for Cynthia (PIII). Cynthia is most often characterized as a
rebellious college student who is not Korean. Participants tend to highlight Cynthia’s
unnatural hair color, round face, and dark skin as characteristics that are not Korean.
When participants discuss Cynthia’s appearance, they tend to reference foreign women in
the sex or low status service industry in Korea. There is a strong emphasis that Cynthia is
not married and has no children.
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Figure 6
Cynthia’s (PIII) RQ1a Network View for Concepts of Cultural ID & Skin
Figure 6 Note. The network view demonstrates participant perceptions of Cynthia’s (PIII)
ethnicity. The orange codes display codes that describe Cynthia’s ethnicity. With a
groundedness level of 7 quotations, Cynthia is perceived as Japanese most often. Physical
indicators that associate Cynthia with perceived ethnicity are her dark skin and round
face; however, hair color was also a significant physical indicator as well. As shown in
the network view, the code PIII_Ethnicity_Racial Boundary has a groundedness level of
6 quotations, and often describes Cynthia as not Korean. This code was absent from the
other images, which make it significant to Cynthia only.
42
Sammy’s (PIV, Figure 4) Description
Sammy, picture IV, may be younger than the other images, and her appearance is
similar to Phoebe’s more natural look. Natural appearances are characterized by less
makeup and fewer alterations to face and body. With a slight head tilt, Sammy’s smile is
unique from the pictures, as she is the only woman that shows teeth in her smile. She is
wearing a bright red shirt with a denim short sleeved covering that has pockets in front.
Contrary to Cynthia’s bigger necklace, Sammy’s necklace is subtle and genteel.
Summary of results for Sammy (PIV). Sammy is identified as Korean most
often. She is sometimes characterized as married, but if she is characterized as single,
participants tend to emphasize that Sammy is saving money for her marriage.
Overwhelmingly, participants state that Sammy is hard working.
43
Chapter Four: Racial Boundaries
A “racial boundary” is a term to describe any behavior or belief that is used to
distinguish a person’s membership in or exclusion from a racial or ethnic group. These
beliefs and behaviors are universal in any culture that recognizes racial and ethnic
differences. However, the expression of these practices and boundaries change
throughout time and space within each culture. Recognition of ethnic and physical
difference is a powerful part of building and maintaining cultural ideology, because it
infiltrates our cultural systems in language, art, law, family, and politics. Especially for
women, skin color and beauty are powerful mechanisms that are used to distinguish racial
boundaries (Childs, 2005).
Race Consciousness and Color Blind Discourse
This research has revealed many mechanisms that both actively and passively
create racial boundaries. Actively created racial boundaries are purposeful,
acknowledged, and conscious. This active acknowledgement of race is defined as race
consciousness. Race consciousness is a behavior that openly and purposefully defines
race or ethnicity. Individuals who are race conscious are also more likely to acknowledge
incidents of racial discrimination, and they are also more likely to emphasize their own
racial identity as well as that of others. On the contrary, passively created mechanisms are
unknowing, unconscious, and unrealized. This is termed as color blind. Individuals who
are color blind are more likely to deemphasize race in social context and less likely to
claim witnessing incidents of racial discrimination (Childs, 2005).
44
Racial identity as a mechanism to distinguish racial boundaries. In this
research, racial identity is defined as the perceived ethnicity or cultural belonging to a
specific ethnic group. Within the US American and Korean cultural models of
appearance, skin color and ethnicity are powerful parts of human social identity that have
shaped history, law, ideology, and cultural practice. Racial boundaries, whether
conscious or unconscious, play a powerful role in the way people perceive and treat
others. These boundaries are so powerfully embedded in our cognition whether or not
there is a conscious acknowledgement of racial difference.
The existence and power of racial boundaries is greatly demonstrated in this
research. Almost every participant’s description of the images (figures 1-4) began with an
immediate attempt to identify the racial identity of the women in the image. This
immediate response demonstrates that racial identity plays a major role in describing the
life of a person in the first impression of them; each attempt to identify ethnic or racial
identity clearly plays a powerful role in specific ethnic assumptions and knowledge about
the social world. What’s even more powerful, every participant offers to identify the
ethnicity of each image without prompting by the researcher.
Skin color as a mechanism to distinguish racial boundaries. For the picture
interviews, it is not surprising that participants were more likely to comment on the
images that reflect dark and light skin complexions of Asian women. This finding
demonstrates that participants choose to focus on skin with the lightest and darkest skin
color. Since these differences in skin color are obvious enough that participants comment
on them, this demonstrates the importance of skin color when describing a person.
45
Figure 7 below shows the quotation count graph, and also shows the participants and
their quotations that mention skin in the picture interviews.
Figure 7
Quotation Count for Comments on Skin for Picture Interview Images
Note. This graph demonstrates the number of quotations that mention skin appearance in
the picture interviews. It is clear that Cynthia’s skin was mentioned more often with 10
total quotations represented in green. Phoebe (PI) is next most frequent, with 8 total
quotations represented in blue. Charlotte (PII) has 7 quotations represented in red.
Sammy (PIV) has the least mention of skin with 3 total quotations represented in purple.
Participants who use skin color as a mechanism to distinguish racial boundaries
more frequently comment on skin color for the images. Particularly, for Phoebe (PI) and
Cynthia (PIII)’s assessment, skin color is used as a mechanism to distinguish ethnicity. It
is interesting that participants commented more often on skin appearance for these two
images, because these two images represent the women with the lightest and darkest skin
46
tone for all four images. For example, participants associate Phoebe’s light skin with a
Korean or Chinese ethnicity and Cynthia’s dark skin with a US American, Japanese,
Southeast Asian, or Taiwanese culture. But more significantly, in Cynthia’s assessment,
her dark skin is more often characterized as not Korean (see Appendix G1 Phoebe and
G3 for Cynthia’s list of queries for skin and ethnicity).
Throughout the interviews, skin color is often used as a mechanism to draw
conclusions regarding ethnic identity. It was unanticipated that many participants would
volunteer to guess the nationality of the women in the pictures. Ideas surrounding the
power structure of skin color are discussed in more detail in the fourteen questions on
skin color as well (Appendix A). Within these findings, the importance of skin color is
explained by participants as crucial to Korean identity politics, acceptance into the
family, and membership into proper womanhood.
Skin Color Discourse
There is a powerful agreement within the Korean community, and most Asian
communities, that dark skin is undesirable because it represents an impoverished
lifestyle. Dark skin represents time in the sun, and for many years before the industrial
revolution and expansion of modern living, Korea was a feudal society. After city
development booms in the 1960s, particularly, after the Korean War and spilt of the
communist North Korea and the capitalist South Korea, more people began moving to
Seoul, and city life became “more sophisticated” (Tudor, 2012).
This rapid change in lifestyle is also greatly influenced by western civilization and
the influence of globalized media. These factors motivate desires for specific standards of
47
beauty and influence changes in Korean ethnic nationalism. For many parts of Korea’s
history, nationalism was extremely defensive and limited, as foreigners were less
accepted and interracial marriages were scarce. As the rate of foreigners entering the
country is increasing, and has reached its highest in this decade, skin color remains a
powerful tool to distinguish and maintain a sense of Korean ethnic nationalism.
The significance of the media. According to Yu-Ri, a 22-year-old old university
student, the preference for light skin is a standard for both men and women. She
attributes this to be due to a strong desire to not work in labor-intensive farmland, which
requires long hours in the sun. She also attributes this preference to the influence of the
media, and the common images on television and other media sources. She claims that it
is more common to see celebrities with lighter skin, which has created light skin as a
more popular beauty standard and status symbol:
Yu-Ri: …some people feel that they prefer to have men, they prefer men
to have white skin, as women, and also, if, I-men have darker skin, I feel
like that person is not working in the office, that person is doing like
physically laboring job outside (chuckling) outside the person’s skin is so
dark. Uh, yea, I think we are pretty much influenced by media a lot,
because you know, the media, all the people in there are really bright skin,
skinny, and everything. So, we kind of decide beauty based on what we
see.
This quotation demonstrates an association of modernization with higher classes,
and the glorification of white skin, which is often reflected in the media. Yu-Ri even
emphasizes that this standard is also true for men. Jin-Hee utilizes a color blind approach
to emphasize this preference, which includes her own preference for light skinned people.
While deemphasizing the significance of racism, she is emphasizing the importance of
white skin in today’s beauty standard in Korea:
48
Jin-Hee: I’m not racist. But, I don’t like dark skin. Yea, I don’t like Black.
I feel like. I don’t like. Just naturally. Yea, there is no reason. But, for the
guy, hm, I don’t know. I think, I don’t know, it’s sexier, that’s why I did
that, so, but, yea, I’m thinking that guy, the Korean-Japanese guy, who is
the fighter, UFC, he always make dark skin, he’s tanning at the Hawaii,
always, and he’s really dark. But, before, maybe when I saw him first time,
maybe seven, eight years ago, he look, he looks sexy, but now, he looks at
the, he looks working at the farmer, at the farms, because too dark, it’s like
you know, he’s working at the agricultural, the industry (chuckling). He
get all the sunlight, during all day, while he is working, yea, so it doesn’t
look sexy anymore for me.
Jin-Hee argues that it is natural to prefer lighter skin, and it is a deep-seated
preference that she believes comes naturally to her. She references a dark skinned fighter
that she used to believe to be attractive, but is now unattractive to her. While emphasizing
this preference to come naturally, it is a preference that has shifted to find dark skin as
unattractive.
Modernization as a Symbol of Power and Status
Skin color has become a symbol of economic power and is closely linked to
cultural models of social status. In Korea, dark skin often represents outsider status as a
foreigner or insider status with an unsophisticated and outdated feudal lifestyle.
Participants emphasize the importance for men and women to maintain light skin, as dark
skin symbolizes a difficult and harsh existence working in farmland. Sa-Rang, a 42-yearold old teacher, emphasizes this association:
Sa-Rang: Oh, like I said, in the past, maybe now it’s more like it’s
different, but in the past, it was associated with actually I didn’t talk about
the other category of, you know, women with the darker skin, Korea,
maybe women who live in the countryside or in rural areas, or in the
farming country, maybe they work out in the fields so long and then they
get like tan, you know, so that could look really dark. So, way, way in the
back, many people thought, many Koreans thought that people, whether
man, woman, or regardless of age groups, uhm, the people with darker
49
skin colors, uhm, perhaps live uh, not in the cities, they are not urban
developers there are more likely people who live in the country, maybe
farming and stuff or fishing.
Since the expansion of industrialization and capitalism, city life has become more
desirable, as many people believe modernization leads to more economic power and
comfortable living. Because of this shift, dark skin is more commonly associated with the
rural south. Jin-Hee, a 35-year-old old math teacher, emphasizes this shift in skin color
preference due to production change as a result of industrialization and modernization:
Jin-Hee: But, for the guy, hm, I don’t know. I think, I don’t know, it’s
sexier, that’s why I did that, so, but, yea, I’m thinking that guy, the
Korean-Japanese guy, who is the fighter, UFC, he always make dark skin,
he’s tanning at the Hawaii, always, and he’s really dark. But, before,
maybe when I saw him first time, maybe seven, eight years ago, he look,
he looks sexy, but now, he looks at the, he looks working at the farmer, at
the farms, because too dark, it’s like you know, he’s working at the
agricultural, the industry (chuckling). He get all the sunlight, during all
day, while he is working, yea, so it doesn’t look sexy anymore for me.
In this quotation, Jin-Hee emphasizes her perception of dark skin men, and argues
that dark skin preferences that were once desirable are no longer preferred because dark
skin represents a labor-intensive lifestyle working in the sun. When discussing skin color,
participants emphasize differences between the rural south and industrialized north of
South Korea.
Han-Bi, a 25-year-old old university student, emphasizes that Koreans are very
eager to go to Seoul and pursue a city standard of living because of the glamour of
industrialization and the promise of a better lifestyle. She recalls a conversation with her
friend from Busan, which is the second largest city in Korea, which despite increased
50
industrialization, is often associated with the rural south of Korea. Han-Bi mentions that
Koreans from Busan use a different dialect than Koreans from Seoul:
Han-Bi: I heard that, I actually had a conversation with one of my
girlfriend, and she came from Busan, you know, the second largest cities,
and then, she speaks a little bit of dialect, and then, I thought that’s really
cute, because it’s different from people from Seoul, like me. And, I kind
of gave her com-compliment about her accent, and then, she was really
embarrassed, which was really unintentional from me. And then, uh, she
said, so I asked them, like, do you guys always have this kind of like
complex. It seems like you guys always mention like, oh, I don’t really
have an accent, you know? The, the, it’s, the Busan belongs to uhm,
Sasang province, uh, so, there is a Gyeongsang province, the dialects
(경상 방언, Southeastern dialects), and I said, oh, you must always say oh,
like we do speak like the standard accent. They always say that! And then,
that kind of represents that, gives me a sense that they are really like,
reluctant to show people like, their accent, or other people to be thinking
like, oh, you have an accent, something like that, so, I told them like, why
is it? Because it’s very attractive, it’s different, and then, she said, uhm,
like, oh, you know what? So, what-since I was little, everyone just wants
to go to Seoul, and like, everyone wants to college in Seoul, it’s
everything. Even the second largest city is Busan, and they still really
eager to move to Seoul.
In this quotation, Han-Bi emphasizes that Korean spoken from Seoul is
considered to be the standard accent of Korea. Han-Bi’s friend was embarrassed by her
accent, which demonstrates shame of a southern status. This is an example of a common
conception that dialects in the northern part of Korea are considered more sophisticated
because it represents a more comfortable and fashionable lifestyle. Language and skin
color have become symbols of modernization, which is closely attached to social status.
Modernization and city life is conceived as providing a higher standard of living and has
become more desirable.
The image of the modern Korean woman. Women in Korea who are able to
balance their appearances, family, and job outside the home are characterized as modern
51
Korean women. A good example of the modern Korean woman is Charlotte (PII). More
often, participants characterize her as superwoman, who has opportunities in life that may
not be available to most women; Charlotte’s image represents the image of the good life
with a wealthy husband, children, beauty, a career, and even free time for extracurricular
activities (see Appendix C for list of code families and Appendix H2 for Charlotte’s True
Womanhood queries).
For Charlotte, five participants comment on skin appearance, but participants tend
to emphasize skin condition instead of skin color. Whenever skin is mentioned,
participants emphasize Charlotte’s skin condition. Chin-Mae emphasizes that Charlotte
buys cosmetic products and maintains a stylish hairstyle every two weeks because she
can afford it:
Chin-Mae: See look at it, over here, you, you will see the differences, after
like two or three weeks, you will like, oh gosh, I have to do something
with this. It’s money, she can afford it. Look at her make-up, and she has a
really good job to purchase this. She probably put some lotions like light
BB creams, you know to cover some like ages, if she wants, but, you can
just tell, like almost just like a plain face.
This quotation associates Charlotte with high status because she has a comfortable
enough income to buy expensive cosmetic products. Participants seem to associate
Charlotte’s concern for appearance with her hair and makeup, which they associate with a
high socioeconomic status (see Appendix I2 for Charlotte’s queries for social status). One
participant, Han-Bi comments on Charlotte’s skin color with a comparison to Phoebe
(PI). She makes a clear distinction that Charlotte has darker skin than Phoebe:
Han-Bi: Uhm, okay. Well, she, compared to the other girl (Phoebe, picture
I) she has a darker skin and a shorter hair. And, she looks more energetic
to me, more uhm, outgoing, more active…Expands: And, on this picture,
52
uhm, more skins are showing than the other girl. So, she also lives in the
cityside, not a countryside, and goes, uhm, has a job in like office job, I
think.
This quotation describes Charlotte as a modern Korean woman. She emphasizes
Charlotte’s darker complexion, and that she is showing more skin. Because of Charlotte’s
skin and general appearance, Han-Bi perceives her as living in the city and not the
countryside. This research has revealed that usually dark skin symbolizes a lower status
farming lifestyle; however, Han-Bi’s observation about Charlotte’s darker skin is
associated with a woman who has a city lifestyle. This demonstrates that very light skin is
not allows preferred, and women who fit a modern image, a stylish working mother with
money, may deviate this standard slightly.
Tanning as a symbol of modernization. Although there is a greater preference
for light skin because it represents higher status in Korea, some participants point out that
there are fewer numbers of people, particularly young people, who prefer tanned skin.
Oftentimes, participants comment that there is some acceptance of women who tan, but
this may be an indicator of westernization or “Americanization.” In Korea, sometimes a
tanned body is associated with higher social status, but this standard of beauty is not
common. Whenever this standard is expressed, participants tend to emphasize that few
people in the Korean community consider tanned skin beautiful. Moreover, whenever this
standard of beauty is discussed, participants emphasize the importance for tanned women
to have a thin and healthy body. For example, Yoon-Mi, a 25-year-old old university
exchange student, emphasizes the importance for dark skinned women to have a
glamorous body:
53
Yoon-Mi: Uhm. Like she said, if the woman have a glamorous body and
she got tanned. That looks, that makes her look more glamorous and more
attractive. But, if someone with uhm, just normal body or skinny, that
makes her more uhm, like country people, active. Yes. Hm. If uhm, if a
glamorous woman get tanned, that makes her more attractive and
glamorous more, more. It goes well with her. But, if a woman who have a
skinny body or just normal, and she get tanned, that makes her less pretty
and makes country woman.
Whenever participants mention tanning, they also emphasize the importance of
body shape. There is a common conception that women who tan are more likely to show
off their body parts to others, so it is important for them to have a luxurious body.
According to Yoon-Mi, if a woman has dark skin and her body is not “glamorous” and
healthy (not too skinny and not too fat), and then she would be considered a poor farmer.
It seems there is a strong pressure for dark skinned women to maintain an acceptable
body shape. In other words, body shape and weight are extremely important for dark
skinned women to be considered beautiful.
Although there are some deviations to cultural models of skin color discourse, as
demonstrated by some preference for dark-tanned skin, dark skin is rarely preferred and
associated with Korean celebrities. Pale skin overwhelmingly reflects the Korean
standard of beauty. Moreover, this chapter demonstrates that other physical appearances
and women’s glamour influence perceptions of the modern woman in Korea, which is
shown by Charlotte’s assessment. However, racial boundaries and cultural differences
marked by dark skin also greatly influence perceptions of beauty, social status, and racial
identity. The next chapter discusses skin color discourse in more detail through exploring
ideas surrounding interracial romantic relationships. Relationships are often a crucial
54
reflection of rigid standards for appearance and the policing of beauty standards as it
relates to racial identity.
55
Chapter Five: Low Tolerance for Interracial Relationships
In responding to the fourteen question series on skin color, almost the entire
sample of participants emphasizes a low tolerance for interracial relationships, especially
among the older generations of Koreans. More significantly, participants emphasize a
zero tolerance for Black-Korean interracial relationships, a moderate tolerance for light
skinned Asian-Korean interracial relationships, and a higher, but still less accepting
tolerance for white-Korean interracial relationships. Overwhelmingly, participants
characterize the importance and social pressures they feel from their parents to only
marry other Korean people.
Zero Tolerance for Black-Korean Interracial Relationships
The fourteen question interview responses reveal that there is a strong disapproval
of interracial relationships that involve people with black skin romantic dating or
marrying with Korean people (see Appendix A for list of questions). This disapproval
exists either by the participant themselves or if not by the participant, the participant
would reference someone significant in their life that disapproves; mostly this
disapproval comes from their parents.
Chin-Mae, a 46-year-old old university teacher, claims that Black-Korean
interracial relationships are strongly discouraged by Korean people, such that in public
places others will frown or stare at the couple. Chin-Mae and other participants
emphasize that Black people tend to be poor and uneducated and are seen as poor
providers and marriage partners. Chin-Mae emphasizes that Korean people tend to be less
56
tolerant of interracial relationships of people with Black skin, and she states that this
intolerance is a class issue:
Researcher: Do you think Koreans consider skin color when choosing
someone to marry?
Chin-Mae: Yes. Hm, not because-(short pause) uhm, (low voice) this
could be a really sad part of Korea, uhm, they kind of judge a person’s
social status depends on the skin color, it’s sad. And, because it’s a status.
I need to admit that there is a dark side Korean too.
Issue with biracial progeny. Oftentimes, when disapproval is expressed,
participants emphasize Korean perceptions of biracial children. For example, Min, a 20year-old old university exchange student, expresses community disapproval of BlackKorean interracial relationships; she also mentions the issue of racially mixed progeny:
Min: Because his skin color is black. Yea, that is kind of racist. Just that’s
all. I don’t want, because if you get married with him, and you have
children in Korea, maybe other people thinks about you really strange.
Your, your children, your husband feel like a painful or sad or like. Yea,
many people.
In this quotation, Min states that in Korea biracial children will experience
rejection and sadness throughout their lifetime. She states that there is racism toward
biracial progeny, particularly surrounding nationalities with black skin.
Participants also attribute strong racism for families of interracial family units
because it is less common in Korea. In other words, participants emphasize that because
people of color are less common in Korea, there is disapproval of biracial children with
dark skin. For example, Chin-Mae emphasizes that skin color is a symbol of social status,
and dark skin, especially black skin, is considered third world or low class. Since Korea
is a culture that places high value on the collective and family values, the issue of
57
progeny arises in this discussion. Overwhelmingly, participants claim that the Korean
community will not accept biracial children. In the following quotation, Chin-Mae
emphasizes that children with interracial parents, especially if one parent has dark skin,
will experience racial discrimination and rejection from the Korean community:
Chin-Mae: Yea! Yea! Like 깜둥이 is like a nigger, 다시 is a son, child.
So, what is different from, excuse me? It’s all the same insulting. They
just-they think they can insult the person and also, uhm, not just 깜둥이,
but now they have Korean men, especially countryside, uhm, they’re
working the farmer area, and there are a lot of Korean women women,
they don’t like to marry, you know, men who’s working, no, who is
leaving, and then working the farming countryside. I told you before, and
this is and now, and they are starting find uh, because they need to-they
want to-they need to have their own family, and ju-produce next
generation, so, there are a lot of those guys-start marrying-fi-star-start,
start, start marrying people from the Vietnam, not Thailand, but Vietnam
and Cambodia. There are a lot of Vietnamese. And of course, they have
dark skin, and Filipinos too.
In this quotation, Chin-Mae emphasizes the word, 깜둥이, which is a derogatory
term for people with black skin or Asians with dark skin. As discussed earlier, men with
dark skin who work in farming are associated with the poor rural working class, and there
is a common conception that they have difficulty finding Korean women to marry, so
they marry foreigners from other Asian countries. There is a strong disapproval of
interracial marriages, including Korean-Asian interracial marriage, because social class
and maintaining the Korean linage is important. The children of these interracial families
tend to be less accepted in Korean society. In the following quotation, Chin-Mae
emphasizes the importance of Korean families to produce children that are not biracial
and skin color is an important indication of Korean identity and staple for a proper family:
58
Chin-Mae: Because there more, there are more men than women in Korea,
because men’s hierarchy society. And, I think not really seriously now, but,
when I, when I was in Korea, when I was like 25 or 26, and I told you, like
one of my friends, she had three-chil-children, three girls, and she was
really disgre-depressed, because her mother in law kept asking her to have
another baby until, until have a son. Still, Korea is a really strong men
hierarchy society, so, there’s no women in the countryside, and the women,
they don’t want to be dark, have a dark skin, they don’t want to work hard
under sun. So, if you look it up, it’s a uhm, now they called it다문화 가족.
(Writing it down, and speaking aloud as writing, breaking into syllables)
다, 문, 화, 가족. It-다문아 is a다, means multi, 문화 is culture, 가족
means family. So, you, you man, you’re Korean man you married a
Vietnamese, and you have children with mixed. We did not have before,
even when I was young. They call it 다문화 가족. They don-they don’t
accept as Korean family. They, they, labelResearcher: So, does the word have a bad or negative connotation?
Chin-Mae: They try to make it, it’s like a positive. This is really funny.
They try to accept them, you know, we have to accept the differences, so
let’s call them as a 다문화 가족 (chuckling). And we just have to be
really nice, and just accept them as part of us. And I said, if you want it,
why you label them? But, they want to accept it, but still they want to
make them, you are different. But, we are willing to accept you as our
community, as part of our community. It’s really sad, I don’t like their
mentality, sorry. So, you can look it up, this one too. So, that, that means
their children is treated different at school, because, because yea, they are
outside.
Throughout the interview, Chin-Mae expresses strong disapproval of Koreans to
build interracial family unions with Blacks and dark skinned Asians. Chin-Mae often
recalls other people that she knows that have had relationships with Black people
(because she has not) and reports strong discrimination and disapproval of these
relationships in Korea. Chin-Mae states that skin color is an important indication of
Korean authenticity. When Chin-Mae emphasizes this point, she emphasizes that white
skin is a symbol of status and a comfortable lifestyle working away from the sun and
59
rural lifestyle. Because of this intense disapproval of rural lifestyle, Korean men who
have been working in the countryside have less access to marriage partners and must
marry interracially, which creates biracial progeny. Interracial progeny become symbols
of racial mixing, which creates a dilemma in Korean nationalism.
Acceptance of white-Korean progeny. Participants make it very clear that there
is disapproval from the general community that Black-Korean and Asian-Korean
interracial relationships are less accepted. Overall, there seems to be significant pressure
to date and marry Korean people. However, there tends to be higher acceptance levels of
white-Korean interracial relationships. Chin-Mae emphasizes these points:
Chin-Mae: You guna be treated different by other Koreans from the, the-if
you-the person who married African American. They treat significantly
different. So, I say, I have Black-my husbands’ a foreigner, and they ask is
he white or Black? No, they don’t say Black, is he white? It’s they, they
kind of have those uhm, it’s sad, it’s wrong stereotype of, uhm, the
judging people by their skin color. See, my kids are they half and half, and
I say, you know what? Your kids are pretty, because, if they commented I
was like surprised, and I want to cover kids ear. And said, you know what,
because white and the Asian mixes best.
Chin-Mae is a 46-year-old old Korean woman who married interracially with a
white male and had two children. While Chin-Mae states that there is a strong
disapproval of Black-Korean interracial relationships, because of the dark skinned
children they produce, she concludes in the quotation above that white and Asian produce
more aesthetically pleasing children. This may be due to the standards of beauty that
favor white features. As these quotations demonstrate, the issue is skin color and not
cultural differences:
Chin-Mae: But, my parents, probably and I think there’s some ways yes, I
would concern the race too, skin color too, because I cannot ignore all
60
those years I was socialized. Right? Yes. And, how would you, how would
your parents feel if you married someone with darker skin than you?
(inhale) I marry white (chuckling). But, I am not sure if I married Black.
Chin-Mae emphasizes that skin color is significant when selecting a marriage
partner because dark skinned children are less preferable. She states that this standard
exists toward Asians with darker skin:
Chin-Mae: And, of course, they would have to pay, but, uhm, they’re
treated differently, so, their children is treated differently, so skin color,
especially like, so when you have, like, the colored woman, not the (pause
exhale) white, but the colored, like dark colored, uhm wife, that means,
you cannot find anyone here. That is kind of like their-(inaudible) like
there’s how do you say that? They just judge the other person, like, you
know, it’s just very bad stereotypes, so, yea. But, it’s like, you cannot find
anyone, something wrong with you, probably you are, you know,
whatever (chuckles), so, yea, there is this one Filipino woman on TV, and
she said, she came out, and she said, you know, I said, I have a dark skin,
and I, (clears throat), I said, me-medicines back in Philippine, so, she got a
like, really good education, and my husbands’ is, is a business man, and
then we met in Philippine, when he came to Philippine for business. So,
we both had a really good education background. And I said, its like, we
got married, and we came here, and I realized that I was treated, like, you
know, you are from the third world country. And, you are Filipino, you
have dark skin. And it’s just kind of-I, they do not want to know who I am
automatically, even though I speak good Korean, and just kind of like, I
was really (short pause) the, the attitude was really bad; it wasn’t really
pleasant.
According to Chin-Mae, children of biracial parents who have dark skin tend to
be less accepted in Korean society. She points to specific Asians that tend to have dark
skin, such as Filipinos. This racial boundary is heavily influenced by social status, as she
states that even though a Filipino may be well educated with a well paying job, racial
discrimination prevails because dark skin is associated with third world countries.
Because of this, interracial relationships and biracial children are less accepted as
authentic relationships.
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Racial Discrimination
When the topics of interracial relationships and marriage are discussed, many
participants admit that Korea has extreme prejudices that prevent acceptance of
multiculturalism. Li-Na, a 22-year-old university exchange student, states that there is
respect and acceptance of people with fair skin, but Black people are considered third
world and less educated: Li-Na: “...in Korea, people think about the Black peoples are
less clever and maybe they only respect like only white people, is kind of stereotype…”
Li-Na states that people of color tend to have less life chances in Korea such that they are
less likely to be hired for a job or they may face more discrimination than their white
counterparts. Ji-Su, a 39-year-old old university teacher, also claims that Black people in
Korea tend to be perceived as less educated and aggressive, or even violent:
Ji-Su: a lot of Asian people are very prejudice against Black people. Black
people are very, I mean, the same as here. Black people are less educated,
you know, they are not-they are-they can be very rough, violent. Don’t
have good manners. So, yea, my parents would probably the same
prejudice.
This discrimination based on skin color exists not only in the workplace, but also
in family politics. Sun, a 23-year-old old university student, comments that her parents
would disapprove of her dating interracially with a Black person because they are
perceived with negative stereotypes: Sun: “so, that’s like mom, mom or daddy never
allow me to have like African American boyfriend, and I don’t know, they not that
awesome image.”
Participants often attribute racial ignorance and lack of exposure to Black cultures
to explain low acceptance levels and discrimination against interracial family unions.
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When asked why this perception exists in Korea, participants report that these racial
stereotypes exist because Koreans are afraid of Black people. According to participants,
Korea has not seen many people of color and the media portrays them in negative ways,
which explains racial discrimination in Korea. In this quotation, Hee-Yun, a 24-year-old
old university exchange student, admits a general fear of Black people: “Korean thinks
like Black people are scary and afraid of-but Koreans, there’s not, there’s not many
Koreans that have like really Black skin.” Yoon-Mi also claims this same perception, and
attributes racial discrimination to lack of exposure to African or African American
cultures:
Yoon-Mi: I was student, my parents told me you do not marry, marry
your-marry with black people. You can’t-it’s okay to like people, but-uh, I
don’t know, they, they don’t have hm, uhm, prejudice, but they, they
don’t-familiar with black people, so they say that. They are not familiar so
they are prejudice.
There seems to be a general assumption that racial discrimination against Black
people stems from lack of exposure to them. Although the number of foreigners is
growing in Korea, there still tends to be fewer foreigners in Korea, particularly Black
foreigners. This research defines Korea as a monoracial nation, because it tends to have
very few foreigners.
Monoracial nation. Participants often emphasize that people with Black skin,
such as people from African or African American cultures are not commonly seen in
South Korea. In their view, there is fear of these cultures because they are not generally
seen in Korea. Furthermore, participants emphasize that the media shapes racial
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perceptions, which tends to convey negative arrays and messages that tend to
oversimplify Black people.
Jin-Hee emphasizes that South Korea has few people with dark skin. She suggests
that some Koreans may have dark skin because they spend their leisure time in the sun:
Jin-Hee: Uhm, there’s-I don’t see-there is-many people has dark skin in
Korea. Maybe, like me, it’s dark skin, I don’t see any of them too dark.
Maybe it was someone go out for golfing, golf, to play golf, then they get
sunlight, right, so, their skin tends to dark.
Jin-Hee attributes lack of exposure to Black skinned people as the reason for low
tolerance of people with Black skin. Moreover, she states because there is lack of
exposure, people do not consider interracial marriage unions: “I mean, I grew up in Korea,
they know only Korean people. So, they never think about I get married other race.” In
this quotation, Jin-Hee emphasizes that because there are few foreigners in Korea, other
people do not consider or think about interracial relationships because few exist. Jin-Hee
takes a race conscious approach in describing racial discrimination. Han-Bi also takes a
race conscious stance on the issue, emphasizing that interracial unions are growing in
Korea; however, Korean-Black interracial relationships are less common than others:
Han-Bi: So, those like, uhm, you know, like even like a few decades ago,
interracial marriages were less common than nowadays, but people are
changing because they are exposed to those kind of examples, where
oftentimes, right? So, the categorization, like, the common sense, you
know, it changes, and I make it, you make it, people make it, so, the
reason why the, the interracial marriage between Black and Korean girls.
It’s, it’s less common, these times, that’s just simply, like that.
Sun also attributes cultural differences and low population rates of African and
African American people to be the reason for discrimination toward Black people.
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However, Sun takes a color blind approach when emphasizing this point because she
deemphasizes that this discrimination is not due to skin color:
Sun: It doesn’t-the color doesn’t matter, maybe ethnic, what-nationality,
that matters, don’t but the color doesn’t really matter. Uh, okay, uhm, I am
not racism, but, in Korea, we don’t really see a lot of Black people, so,
uhm, African American people, so, that’s like mom, mom or daddy never
allow me to have like African American boyfriend, and I know, they not
that awesome image. Like, here, it is pretty much similar, so, uhm, that’s
why I wouldn’t like to have Black boyfriend, like, African American
boyfriend, but, I wouldn’t mind if my boyfriend has darker skin, but sKorean or Asian, whatever. Yea, or white.
Whether or not skin color is recognized as a significant factor in dating and
marriage politics, overwhelmingly, participants agree that racial discrimination is
prevalent against people with Black skin in Korea. This disapproval is most often seen
from parents. Like Sun, Li-Na uses a color blind approach to explain racial
discrimination in Korea, and emphasizes a lack of exposure to explain racial
discrimination. She emphasizes strong parental disapproval is attributed to the presence
of foreigners as a new phenomenon, which includes people with fair skin:
Li-Na: But, I don’t know about him and maybe concern about that. I think
it’s normal for my parents, because they never meet different, never meet
person who came from different country. Maybe white people are really
new for them. But, Black people is more new for them.
In this quotation, Li-Na emphasizes that her parents maintain a strong sense of
Korean nationalism in policing acceptable marriage partners for their daughter. Because
people of color are less prevalent in Korea, her parents strongly disapprove of interracial
relationships with dark skinned people. Moreover, low population levels of Black
foreigners influence their strong disapproval of interracial relationships with these people.
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Cosmetic products and the normalization of light skin. Korea only recently
opened its borders (around the 1990s) to international trade; at the same time,
immigration laws have become more accepting of foreigners. The cosmetic industry
promotes a cultural model of beauty in which light skin as normalized and deemed more
beautiful. Oftentimes, participants report that foundation products are difficult to find
when they go back to Korea with darker skin. Sun, a 23-year-old old university student
who has been living in Korea for four years, claims that there are few color variations
offered by Korean cosmetic products that favor dark skin shades:
Sun: it’s the funny thing is-if I go Korea, like, I was a little darker, and
then, when I go to Korea, I couldn’t find my color foundation, because
everything is light. So, meaning that all the foundation or powder is like
really, really lighter.
Sun claims that while she is living in California, her skin becomes darker, and
when she returns to Korea for visiting, it is difficult for her to find darker shades to match
her complexion. Oftentimes, dark skin shades are not offered throughout Korea’s
standard and popular cosmetic stores, such as The Face Shop. If people living or visiting
Korea need darker shades, they must travel to a very specific place in Seoul, where a
large portion of Korea’s foreigners are located, even the US military base. In the
following quotation, Sol-Bi, a 33-year-old old journalist who has been living in the US
for 10 years, comments on the limited shades offered by Korean cosmetic stores:
Sol-Bi: I don’t think that cosmetic Korean, Korean cosmetic shop has the
uh, cosmetics for Black skin. But, when you go to like Itaewon or you
know, Itaewon is right next to the uh, United States army base, so there is
a lot of Black people, so they might have the uh shop which has the
cosmetic for the Black skin. I don’t think usually the normal skin shop has
the colors for the Black skin.
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These quotations that comment on the limited availability of cosmetic foundations
note that they are so limited that even when participants become tanned it is difficult for
them to find a matching color. This impacts beauty standards as more often products
reflect the desires of consumers.
Generational Differences and Korean Only Perspectives
“Yea, Korean parents are really strict about this one, I guess. Any Korean parent,
you must be Korean (chuckling), not even Asian” -Yu-Ri, (22-year-old old exchange
student). Although there is much higher acceptance rate of Korean and Caucasian
interracial marriages and unions, there remains a hint of disapproval of any interracial
relationships regardless of the race. Yu-Ri states in this telling quotation that Korean
parents tend to strongly disapprove of any relationships outside of Korean ethnicity.
Many participants emphasize that there is a generational difference in perspectives
between their generation and their parents’ generation. They state that older generations
tend to disapprove more strongly of romantic relationships and marriage outside the
Korean community. Han-Bi recalls a telephone call with her father when she prompts his
perspective of dating a white man:
Researcher: Have your parents ever pressured you to date a certain race?
Han-Bi: Yes. Uh, my dad, uhm, so, I’ve never told-talk my dad that I was
dating Caucasian guys, but then, uhm, just ask him, like what if I bring a
guy who isn’t Korean? And then, he flipped out, and said, why? There’s
so many like, nice Korean guys out there, like, no, you know what, the
world is so big, and like, you know, you sent me out here, and then, I have
like way more chances to see the non-Korean guys in here and like, you
expect me to date only Korean guys, my chances are really, really limited.
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In this quotation, Han-Bi emphasizes her father’s strong disapproval of her dating
anyone who is not Korean, even white men. She emphasizes that she is exposed more
often to white males because she is living in California. According to Han-Bi, experience
in the US increases her chances of dating interracially, particularly white men.
Participants often present an enormous generational gap between older and
younger generations acceptance levels of interracial relationships. Sa-Rang, a 42-year-old
teacher who has been living in the US for 16 years comments on this gap:
Sa-Rang: A lot of Korean women, or families, especially older generations
would not really approve of marriages uhm between Koreans and
especially Korean women and uhm, Kore-uh, Black like darker skin color
people. I don’t know why, but it’s just something. It’s not that
common…uhm, Korean, not even Asian, my parents, definitely my
parents. When I told them that uh, I was guna date, or I was dating a white
guy, they just you know, they were quick to show their disapproval, like
they just said nope! You are not dating a white guy, just end that
relationship and come back, because I was here, and they wanted me to
come back to Korea.
In this quotation, Sa-Rang emphasizes the reason for this generational gap is
because of the higher prevalence of exposure to interracial unions by the younger
generations. In the past, interracial relationships were less common; as a result, older
generations are less likely to accept these unions. Sa-Rang emphasizes the importance
older generations hold on continuing Korean kinships. Emphasizing low tolerance of
interracial unions by older generations is due to lack of prevalence, she states that
exposure to other cultures increases the likelihood of prevalence of these unions, which
explains younger generations higher acceptance levels. However, Sa-Rang also
emphasizes that white people in Korea tend to be English teachers or US American
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soldiers. She notes that US American soldiers tend to have bad reputations. Participants
attribute low tolerance for any interracial marriages because of the low rates of interracial
unions as well as poor behaving foreigners in Korea.
Pureblood theory. Pureblood theory promotes Korean only families and
marriages. According to Daniel Tudor (2012), a journalist based in Korea, Koreans tend
to discriminate against any interracial marriage or union because of “pure-blood theory,”
which is largely generational. The younger generations tend to be more accepting of
interracial unions and are more likely to engage in interracial unions themselves because
of higher rates of exposure to other cultures. There is a growing assumption that since
immigrants are entering the country in larger numbers as time progresses, the acceptance
rates of interracial unions will increase. Tudor highlights that racist attitudes largely
depend on the country of origin of immigrants; origin matters because social status
matters. Those that come from wealthier nations have higher acceptance rates.
Foreigners who come from wealthy nations, such as the United States or other
English speaking countries are more likely to have employment in skilled jobs, such as
teaching, military, or business; whereas those that come from poor nations are more
likely to work in low skilled jobs, such as farming or prostitution. For example, there
tends to be high levels of discrimination toward Southeast Asians for economic reasons;
these countries tend to be poor and immigrants that come to Korea from these countries
tend to be low skilled and uneducated. Racial discrimination against people from these
nations, who also tend to have dark skin, is due to wealth disparity. Although there is
more acceptances of interracial unions with white people, who tend to come from
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wealthy nations, which is decreasing pureblood theory, the acceptance levels for people
from poorer nations is much slower.
Cultural Differences
Participants see language barriers as a major issue that reduces communication
between the parents and a relationship partner who is a different race. Sun highlights
Black skin as a major indicator of potential language barriers:
Sun: Actually, they said, as long as the guy has, not have Black skin, like,
Black people, or, blue eyes (chuckling). Yea. Because I think they prefer
Asian, because we have similar cultur-culture. And then, my mom and dad
speak English, but, not like, too fluent, so maybe that’s why. I mean, I
don’t know, like, I think it’s cultural reason, even a lot my friend, prefer to
have, prefer to have Asian boyfriend, uh, compared to like, white or Black,
because of the culture. Cause, if you want to date somebody, it could be
great if you have awesome boyfriend, like, awesome looking boyfriend,
but, if you want to have long relationship, you might need to understand
each other more. And they-if you have a different culture, sometimes it’s
hard to understand, you know, maybe that’s why my mom or dad always
mention that.
In this quotation, although Sun hints some acceptance of other Asian cultures, she
stressed the importance of cultural similarities. Sun mentions that cultural similarity
ensures that relationships will last, which is the reason there is strong pressure by parents
to date and marry Korean men. The ability to communicate with the spouse is a major
motivation for this preference.
The institution of marriage and policing of marriage partners demonstrates the
significance family holds in shaping a person’s life in Korea. Parents demonstrate a
strong disapproval of partners that are not Korean. Sol-Bi explains that it is important to
marry within the same race because it will create lower risk of divorce. Because of this,
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she believes that if she dates a Korean man, they will share similar values and cultural
practices that will ensure a long and happy marriage to last for her entire life:
Sol-Bi: Yea. Uh, uh, cause you know, you have to, I don’t want to get
divorce when I get married, so uh, I don’t think it’s guna be possible to
have the, living the whole life with the different culture person, I mean, I
can, I can be friends, but I’m not sure if I can live the whole life, you
know. And then, especially when person, when people are getting old,
they usually uhm, wanna keep your own culture, and then, you know,
when people are getting older and older, they get, their get more
conservative, right? So, I think uh, uhm, the first time, their guna, the first
time, they met, it’s okay. But, as the time goes, it’s guna be more trouble.
So, and uh, I don’t know, yea, cultural difference.
Sol-Bi values marriage without divorce and this value is driven by views on
issues surrounding race and culture. Because Sol-Bi believes that US American and
Korean men are very different in their cultural practices and values, and she prefers to
marry a Korean man, her choice in marriage partners is limited while she is living in the
United States. The institution of marriage is a powerful reflection of ways racial
boundaries are defined in Korean culture, and there seems to be a strong desire to marry
within the same race. For women in Korea, choice in marriage partner is as critical as
divorce is rare and highly stigmatized. Moreover, choice in marriage partner greatly
shapes a woman’s life experiences and social status. The next chapter explains the
importance of marriage and women’s roles in Korean society as it relates to concepts of
womanhood and social status.
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Chapter Six: The Cult of True Womanhood
The cult of true womanhood is a cultural belief system that centers on glorifying
women of higher socioeconomic status, and that creates standards for ideal women in
South Korea. These standards include four components: domesticity, piety, purity, and
submissiveness. Favoring high class women, domesticity promotes women to have
activities and lifestyle revolve around the home. These domestic activities include
cooking, cleaning, and childrearing. Women, who are ‘proper,’ work in the home.
Women who are able to not work outside the home tend to have other means to gain
income or tend to come from wealthy families. Piety refers to a strong sense of
nationalism or loyalty to the dominant religion of the nation, a fear in God, and an active
member of a church organization. Women who are ‘proper’ may find community through
the church. Purity includes a pure sexuality. Women are ‘proper’ women only engage in
sexual intercourse when they are married, including exclusion from nighttime activities
associated with promiscuity, such as drinking or clubbing. The submissiveness doctrine
specifies that women should have a passive character. Women who are ‘proper’ are
obedient, prudent, quiet, and reserved. Concepts of domesticity, piety, purity, and
submissiveness are cultural constructs embedded in belief systems and cultural models
heavily shaped by classism. Moreover, this belief system is upheld for all women
regardless of class (Freedman, 1979).
Starting in the early 15th century onwards, women’s rights deteriorated in Korea;
this was also during the reign of King Sejong, who is still highly respected in Korea
today. King Sejong is considered as a progressive thinker of his time, as he developed
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modern day Hangeul (the Korean alphabet). Hangeul was carefully designed to increase
literacy rates. Hangeul is easy to learn, which promoted literacy in a time when the
country was poverty-stricken. As a result, today, the Korean alphabet is very easy for
foreigners to learn.
The 15th century marks a time in Korea when Neo-Confucius beliefs promoted a
woman’s place to be in the home. Women were not allowed to leave the home or travel
distant places from home. Oftentimes, women were also not allowed to visit temples. Still
today, an ideal woman is seen as a woman who serves the demands of her family,
particularly her husband and in-laws. Light skin is the result of working inside of the
home. As the history of Korea reflects a value system that promotes women’s roles to be
inside the home, women with dark skin are deviating this belief system, because dark
skin is associated with sun exposure. Therefore, this cultural model includes a notion that
dark skinned women deviate from proper womanhood. A light skinned woman is a
person who spends her time at home away from the sun. However, dark skin symbolizes
not only time in the sun but is associated with provocative clothing that exposes the body
to the sun.
Among the images in the picture interviews and with the highest groundedness as
shown in figure 8, Phoebe (PI) most often reflects concepts of true womanhood, as
reflected by domestic activity, a submissive character, a pious nature, and a pure
sexuality. Phoebe is often characterized as best fitting this value system.
Overwhelmingly, participants associate Phoebe as a common reflection of a Korean
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woman and participants project these value systems in their discussions of Phoebe’s
appearance (see Appendix H1 for Phoebe’s True Womanhood queries).
Figure 8
Quotation Counts for Perceived Womanhood for All Images
Note. The graph displays the number of quotations that discuss concepts of true
womanhood for Phoebe (PI), Charlotte (PII), and Sammy (PIV). Cynthia (PIII) is not
included in this graph because the concept is missing, because participants did not
describe Cynthia as fitting notions of true womanhood. Represented in dark blue with 8
quotations, the strongest code for true womanhood is PI_True Womanhood_Mother,
which demonstrates that Phoebe is most often characterized as fitting concepts of true
womanhood. The other image assessments tie at 4 quotations. Represented in red,
Charlotte (PII) is also characterized as a mother. In green, Sammy (PIV) is characterized
as feminine, and represented in purple she is characterized as a “good girl.”
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Phoebe as a High Status Housewife
Participants tend to comment on perceived marital status, which sheds light on
perceived social status. Study participants who classify Phoebe as married, state that she
is a common reflection of a typical Korean woman. By the same token, participants who
categorize Phoebe as single, also tend to state that she is not concerned with appearance.
They tend to emphasize her age. Many participants state that she has a normal lifestyle
and then comment on marital status, categorizing her more often as married. Age seems
to influence perceptions of marital status; young women are more often characterized as
single and older women are more often categorized as married. Because Phoebe appears
to be older in age, participants characterize her as married. The network view below
(figure 9) demonstrates that age and concern for appearance indicates marital status.
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Figure 9
Phoebe’s (PI) RQ1b Network View for Concepts of Marital Status & Concern for
Physical Appearance
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Figure 9 Note. This network view demonstrates that participants perceive concern for
physical appearance is associated with marital status for Phoebe (PI). Other code nodes
are also shown to demonstrate factors that also influence perceptions of marital status,
such as skin and lifestyle (as indicated by the code PI_Physical Appearance_Skin and the
code PI_Lifestyle_Normal/Ordinary).
The Importance of Gender Roles
Light skin also influences perceptions of womanhood, as the preference for light
skin stems from women’s roles in the home. Because of this, light skin symbolizes proper
gender roles for women. Participants tend to emphasize division of gender roles to still be
very powerful in Korea. Han-Bi comments that women are perceived as fitting proper
gender roles if they do not play outside in sports or study in school:
Han-Bi: And then, for same color, guys to be darker, girls to be brighter
than guys…Because we do more emphasize on like the distinguish and
separating the gender roles. Girls should be submissive, guys should be
more protecting. Oh (claps), for that, uhm, the reason why guys go for
brighter skin, I think, guys think that girls who has a brighter, palelooking, they want to protect the girls, yea. They want to do something for
the girl, and then, those kind of like skinny, like, white skin color girls,
uhm, make the guys to do something for them, so, basically, we think that
like the skinny girls, they kind of like, looks like, I don’t know, they don’t
really hang out really, like able to do much things in their life, like, let’s
say, like sports, or like uh, a lot of amount of studies, something like that,
and then, guys just jump in and just do the girls jobs, and they just help
out, and then, when they (inaudible). So, it’s no matter if the girls’ jobs,
they have say some like problem, oh, I did this for this girl, and then, she
needs me, and then, I can get on her, and then, yea.
In this quotation, Han-Bi emphasizes that gender roles for men and women in
romantic relationships are for women to have few hobbies outside of the home. For men,
they take the role to do the job for the women. This emphasizes man’s role outside of the
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home. Because gender roles are powerful in Korea, light skin has become the standard of
beauty for women. Many participants emphasize the importance skin color has on
influencing access to marriage partners:
Sol-Bi: when they have a brighter skin color, they are considered as like,
cuter. I mean, let’s say, if there is same looking to woman, and then, one
has like a dark skin, and but, well, actually, I have to define what is a dark
skin, honestly, but so, one has like a darker skin than the other girl. And
then, she would probably have more attention from the guy, cause that is
considered as cuter or prettier, not for everyone, but then, majority of guys
would think that.
In this quotation, Sol-Bi emphasizes the importance and pressure on women to
have light skin. She states that light skin colors are more desired by men, and men
consider skin color when they select a wife. According to Sol-Bi, skin color influences
membership in proper womanhood because it influences choice in marriage partners.
Overwhelmingly, participants describe a preference for white skin colors.
Participants often depict light skin as more beautiful and feminine. Light skin is a symbol
of proper womanhood, and participants often claim that Koreans use the word baby to
refer to preferred light skin tones, because babies’ skin is young, flawless, and white. In
the following quotation, Li-Na emphasizes these concepts of proper femininity:
Li-Na: Many Koreans like white skin because some celebrities in Korea,
they have-uh, tan, tanning skin. They look good, but they are celebrity.
Normal person like me and my friends, like what to be more, have more
bright skin. Because it looks very girlish. I think the per-uh the girl who
has tanning skin looks very strong, and very healthy, but hm, beside the
girl who has white skin looks very baby or, many Korean mans like white
skin girl, bright skin. Baby has soft and white skin, so it looks like more
younger and more, more pretty.
In this quotation, Li-Na emphasizes a different beauty standard for Korean
celebrities and the general Korean population. Korean celebrities are considered beautiful
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if they have tanned skin, but women in the general population are required to keep their
skin white. Korean celebrities are different to the general population because they tend to
fit the extremely rigid beauty standards of having a high nose ridge, double eyelids, and
oval jaw line. Korean women celebrities are more likely to have access to expensive
plastic surgery procedures, which may explain this double standard.
Light Skin is Associated with Purity
Most study participants associate light skin with youth and innocence. Women are
expected to be sexually pure, which supports the belief that they are to serve their
husband inside the home. Dark skin has become associated with sexual promiscuity
because women who are tanned are more likely to spend time outside of the home and
engage in activities that reveal the body, such as sun tanning. In the following quotation,
Yu-Ri reports that dark skin is associated with prostitution:
Yu-Ri: uhm, I don’t know, like, uh, there was a survey last time, I read an
article about surveys, about skin color. And, the survey was for the men,
men in their 20s or 30s, but some men, think the woman with darker skin,
they don’t like women with darker skin, because they feel like they are
prostitute. Because most of them are generally, kind of brighter skin,
right? So, in order to get a darker skin, you need to get some, like tan, how
do I say, like in the sun tan, or you go to the beach and you wear a bikini,
and then use just tan your skin. So, they feel like that woman is kind ofnot very, how do I say? It’s kind of like related to patriarchal society, they
want women to be submissive and don’t wear bikini and that kind of thing,
but, if you, if your skin color is darker, it means that you like to wear the
clothing that revealing your body, that kind of thing, it’s kind of connects
to the kind of thing that the woman is not good as a wife or a girlfriend,
yea.
In this quotation, Yu-Ri states that it is important for women to avoid the sun and
not wear bikinis that reveal their body parts. Women who wear bikinis have darker skin,
and these women are considered as more promiscuous because they are willing to show
79
their body to others. Many participants express that women are not supposed to be
“sexy,” and this word can often have negative connotations because women’s sexual
purity is held in high esteem:
Hee-Yun: Uh, oh. In Korea, I don’t know, in America, but sexy is good
word, but it’s not the most, the best compliment for a woman in Korea.
Sexy, like pretty, pretty, or cute, this kind of word is most, best
compliment. Not sexy.
Women are expected to stay in the home and not go out at night. This often
excludes women from parties and the drinking. Hee-Yun emphasizes how dark skin is
associated with women who go out at night and women who are poor marriage partners
because of sexual impurity:
Hee-Yun: Sexy, like if you are sexy, that means you-like it is not
generalized idea, but sometimes, it happens, if you are sexy, maybe you
enjoy the nighttime culture, nighttime activities. So, uh, maybe a guy
thinks of you, like, you are, you are not, uh, how can I say, you are not
innocent girl, or they even think of you as just one night partner.
In this quotation, Hee-Yun emphasizes that dark skin is associated with
promiscuous women who are more likely to be one-night sex partners.
A true woman is often associated with the wealthy class because women have the
luxury and resources to work inside the home. Sun emphasizes that light skin is
preferable in Korean beauty standards because light skin is associated with the wealthy.
Not only is light skin important in determining a true woman, but skin condition
also plays a significant role. Sun identifies skin condition as important for women in
Korea, because women who are able to keep their skin out of the sun and flawless
without sun marks, pimples, or wrinkles are more likely to have money; moreover, they
are more likely to purchase expensive beauty products and treatment in order to maintain
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skin that is light and good condition. Like Sun, many participants comment on skin
condition as a signifier of social status. Wrinkles and blemishes indicate a rough life
filled with trouble; those that are wealthy live more comfortable lives and are more likely
to have good skin that is light in color:
Yu-Ri: So, lots of people, they go to the dermatologist to make their skin
brighter, and I think they kind of decide because uhm, I heard that my
friend had a job interview, and then she went to get some make-up to look
beautiful, like, to, better first impression, and then, she was kind of have
darker skin, but they make it kind of really bright, and then, they put like
lots of foundation on her necks too. They feel like brighter skin makes
better.
This quotation demonstrates that people with well-conditioned, light skin are
more likely to get a job, because Korean employers perceive these people as better
workers. Skin condition is an indicator of social status, because skin that is in good
condition is associated with the ability to purchase beauty products and symbolizes a less
stressful life. Furthermore, flawless skin that does not have wrinkles or blemishes reflects
a happier life, thus light skin is associated with happy people. Dark skin and skin that is
in poor condition are associated with a lifetime in the sun, filled with stress that causes
wrinkles. Ji-Su highlights this concept in her assessment of Phoebe (PI):
Ji-Su: Hm, she has nice skin. Uhm, she has nice skin, she is not very tan.
That means she doesn’t really, she has an office job, and she doesn’t have
a lot of wrinkles, so probably she is living a pretty easy, comfortable life.
And, very nice skin. You know, in Korea, they usually, the women who
live the rough life, from poor family or with labor, labor work, profession,
you know, they don’t have nice skin, cause they don’t have time to take
care of their self, their skin. Or, they can’t afford this nice cosmetic lotions
and this beauty products to maintain their skin. Which she has very nice
skin, so that means she has some kind of money to do that.
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Ji-Su also comments that people with light skin that is in good condition are also
more likely to have higher paying jobs, such as working in an office rather than in the
sun. Ji-Su’s assessment of Phoebe demonstrates that people with this kind of skin are
perceived as having a better more happy life and family (see Appendix I1 for Phoebe’s
list of queries on social status). As discussed earlier, not every participant categorizes
Phoebe as concerned with her appearance. For instance, Ji-Su states that women in Korea
who are poor are more likely to have a rough life, which causes more skin problems.
Factors such as lack of money and resources cause a woman's skin to become wrinkled
and unmaintained. Poor women cannot afford beauty products or trips to the beauty
parlor. She states that skin appearance indicates income level and social status. Ji-Su
mentions that tanning is not a symbol of Korean ethnicity, and tends to be associated with
an American ethnicity:
Ji-Su: Yea, and usually dark skin indicates, I don’t know, nowadays the
trend, like people are more Americanized and they like to get sun tan and
tanned stuff, but, when my generation, when I was in Korea, the light skin
is better than dark skin. Light skin is more admired and more appreciated.
So, people will spend a lot of time and money to keep their skin light. I
mean, I think, people still do that even now. Yea, so, a lot of lightening
beauty products are very expensive and popular, yea, skin products, yea.
She’s got light skin, and she’s got a lot of money on her skin.
Although many participants characterize Phoebe as having light flawless skin,
which they associate with higher status, one participant associates Phoebe’s skin and
physical appearance with a low social status. Sun states that Phoebe appears to be low
status because she does not take care of her skin. Sun also indicates in her response that
other factors, such as hair and clothing influence perceptions of social status.
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Sun: She looks like, I don’t know, 20s, 30s (laughing), and I don’t know,
she looks Chinese. And, I don’t know, she has good smile (laughing). I
don’t know, that’s it. She doesn’t really look like uhm, whatcha mu call?
High, high, high, she doesn’t look like she has high status. I don’t know,
like her hair style or, or even, I don’t know, I cannot even see her clothes.
But, uhm, like, maybe maybe not, she doesn’t really look like a woman
who care her appear-hair, like hair or skin cause, I don’t know, I feel like
it (chuckles).
Sun’s characterization of Phoebe as low status is contrary to the majority
description of a high status category. This shows some degree of cultural variation in
propositions about skin among South Korean young women. This uncovers that cultural
model theories may vary throughout individuals or different generations of people within
a particular cultural group.
Because Sun cannot see Phoebe’s clothing, she states that it is difficult to
determine her social status. This demonstrates that not only is skin condition important,
but also clothing attire is important. Overall, Phoebe is most often characterized as
possessing an appearance that is wealthy Eastern Asian or Korean. Phoebe’s pale skin
tone, long straight hairstyle, and demeanor in her manner of looking at the camera
indicate this conclusion. Moreover, Phoebe is most often associated with the value
system as prompted by the cultural model of true womanhood, associated with the cult of
domesticity. This value model tends to reflect the value system of the wealthy.
Focusing on concepts of womanhood, this chapter demonstrates specific gender
roles that are significant to women in Korean culture. Ideas of proper womanhood are
closely intertwined with the institution of marriage, and a women’s choice in mate
influences her social status and perceived womanhood. Moreover, participants tend to
emphasize the importance of preserving culture, pure-blood progeny, and proper gender
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roles. These cultural models are motivated by a strong sense of Korean nationalism. This
is discussed further in the next chapter.
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Chapter Seven: A Sense of Nationalism
As demonstrated with by the strong disapproval of interracial relationships and
marriage partners, skin color is used as a mechanism to distinguish insider membership as
an authentic Korean. Korean nationalism is defined in this research as a political and
sociological creed that upholds an attachment and value to the ascribed status of Korean
identity.
Indicators of Korean Ethnicity
Participants largely assert that light skin in Asian women is associated with
Korean ethnicity. This is reflected in the picture image assessments. Dark skin tends to
significantly indicate a foreigner status in Korea. For example, Sun emphasizes that when
she allows her skin to become tan and she returns to Korea with tan skin, she is often
characterized as “Americanized” by people in her community:
Sun: I am pretty darker than other Korean, since I am in America, and I
got tan a lot, and I go to beach. So, uhm, so, I’m like, I don’t care, but, if I
go to Korea, people think I am not from Korea. They think I am Korean
American, or even here. Maybe I am dark, or maybe because I speak
English, but, uhm, yea, cause, normally, a lot of Koreans are way lighter
than me. I got a little lighter these day, cause it’s not summer yet
(chuckling), but, yea. Uhm, but, I used to be even darker, so, uhm, when I
went to Korea, my friends’ say, oh you really looks like girl from
California, cause I got darker, but, uhm, yea, but, I think I consider a little
darker than Korean girl.
Participants emphasize an enormous pressure to maintain white skin. White skin
in women symbolizes Korean authenticity, and darker skin symbolizes a foreign racial
identity. Sa-Rang comments on this social pressure, which is also enforced on children as
well. Because skin color plays a significant role in racial identity and membership in a
Korean ethnicity, children use these same mechanisms to create these boundaries:
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Yu-Ri: And also, uhm, it kind of reminds people, actually, you are not
Korean. Like, you just came from like East Asia or something like that.
And people kind of like make fun of it. Actually, you are not Korean.
Like, one of my friend, she kind of had a darker skin, and like lots of
people, like, when she was like elementary school student, they made fun
of her, like, you’re from Africa (chuckling), or something like that. Yea,
so, (chuckling).
Phoebe and Sammy are the images with the lightest skin in the four pictures. As
shown in the network view (see Quotation Count for Comments on Skin for Picture
Interview Images Figure 7 on page 46), Han-Bi and Sol-Bi comment explicitly on skin
color when they discuss the racial ethnicity of Phoebe (PI). Phoebe has the lightest skin
of the images. Sol-Bi notices Phoebe’s white skin and associates this light color with a
typical Korean student in a women’s university in Korea. Another participant, Han-Bi
also concludes that Phoebe could be Korean; however, she also adds other Eastern Asian
distinctions, such as Chinese. These participants comment on skin color more often than
the other participants, and they usually use words such as clean and bright to describe
light skin for Asian women. Another interesting note is that whenever these participants
commented on Phoebe’s ethnicity, they also commented on her skin color. A white and
bright skin color is clearly associated with a Korean or Eastern Asian ethnicity (see
Appendix G1 for Phoebe’s and G4 for Sammy’s queries on ethnicity and skin). This is
demonstrated in the network view (figure 10 below):
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Figure 10
Phoebe’s (PI) RQ1a Cultural ID & Skin
Note. This network view demonstrates how skin is associated with ethnicity for PI
(Phoebe). Because of her light skin, Phoebe is associated with two ethnicities: Korean
and Eastern Asian. The quotations associated with these codes are also displayed in this
view.
Blonde hair is associated with foreign women. Blonde hair tends to be less
acceptable for Korean women because it is seen as unnatural and is associated with
foreign people. There is a common misconception that Koreans glorify white features and
prefer to have the appearance of people with fair skin. As demonstrated by Cynthia’s
assessment, blonde hair is considered unnatural for Asian women. Women in this study
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tend to emphasize the importance of a natural looking appearance, and therefore, do not
prefer Asian women with blonde hair. Furthermore, these preferences play a major role in
distinguishing identity for women, as unnatural appearances are identified more often
with foreigners and not Korean people, which is less desirable.
According to Ji-Su, blonde hair in Asian women is considered as an effort to
resemble the western world or celebrities. Ji-Su states that she would disapprove of her
sister dying her hair blonde. Because blonde hair marks outsider status, Ji-Su states that
blonde hair tends to be more acceptable for foreigners or someone outside the family.
However, participants largely assert that blonde hair is not acceptable for Asian women.
Ji-Su disapproves of blonde hair on Asian women because she characterizes herself as
conservative. There seems to be a connection between conservativism and Korean
identity that dictates acceptable hairstyles. This contradicts previous misconceptions that
claim Koreans long to be white people. People that are Caucasian tend to have light hair
colors, but since Koreans tend to disapprove of blonde hair for Korean women, this
demonstrates that motivations for western features is more complex than simply longing
to be white.
Another significant finding that demonstrates Koreans do not want to be white
people is reflected in their description of blonde hair. For example, Sun associates blonde
hair with American culture, and Koreans tend to be less accepting of blonde hair in Asian
women because it looks unnatural. She states that Cynthia’s hairstyle makes her look
more Americanized because it is not brown, the more commonly natural hair color for
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Koreans. However, Sun offers other physical characteristics that make Cynthia resemble
an Americanized Asian woman:
Sun: She looks younger. Uhm, she looks like, I don’t Japanese girl
(laughing). And, uhm, maybe she gu-like compared to other girl she looks
younger. But, uhm, uhm, it looks good, but, I prefer the, the girl that I saw
earlier than this, the second one. Even though, I don’t really like the makeup. Uh, I don’t know, I like, I like different color of hair than brown, but
somehow it, that, that hair color doesn’t really looks uh, go with her face. I
think it’s just appearance, like her bang, her, she has a round face, and a
round faces and if they have bang, they look really more round face, and
maybe that’s why address-she’s more likely, I feel like more
Americanized, I guess. Because her dress is like, maybe showing more,
and her face is kind of tanned. And her hair is more, like, I don’t know,
like, more, more free, than like black hair lady. Uhm, she, she looks a little
chubby than the girl that I saw earlier. The second and first one, chubbier
than that, them. Uhm, she looks way younger than those girls earlier, so,
maybe because it was hair.
According to Sun, Cynthia’s bangs do not complement her face because they
make her face look more round. Sun associates a round face as a less attractive attribute.
Sun seems to associate Cynthia’s round face and blonde hair with American culture.
Dark skin, blonde hair, and a round face as not Korean. Skin color is the main
attribute participants use to determine ethnic identity. Ethnicity is clearly an important
factor in understanding and describing people. As shown with Cynthia’s case,
participants often not only use skin color, but also facial structures to determine ethnicity.
Many participants associate Cynthia’s “small” and “round” face with other Asian
countries. Although skin color is significant to determining ethnic identity, participants
also utilize other physical attributes to identify the images. Sun states that Cynthia looks
more “Americanized" because her skin is tanned. She also refers to other physical
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characteristics, such as her round face and hairstyle that influence this perception of
Cynthia’s ethnicity (Figure 7 on page 45).
Sun and Sol-Bi comment that Cynthia has a round face and dark skin, which
influence their perceptions of her ethnicity. It seems that a round face and dark skin are
signifiers of other Asian ethnic groups, especially Japanese and US American culture.
Sun tends to deemphasize the significance of skin color, describing skin color as not
significant to determine anything about a person, such as a person’s lifestyle, ethnicity, or
life experiences, etc. However, in this statement, Sun claims that she believes Cynthia has
a more “Americanized” lifestyle because she has dark skin and a round face; she also
mentions her style of clothing. For Cynthia’s assessment, Sun references other physical
characteristics, such that her dark round face and blonde hairstyle influence a non-Korean
perception of Cynthia (Figure 7 on page 45).
Sun also mentions other physical characteristics that influence this perception of
Cynthia’s Americanized appearance. Another participant who comments on skin is SolBi; Sol-Bi states that Cynthia does not fit a Korean woman's standard of beauty because
she does not have white skin. Like Sun, Sol-Bi also emphasizes a round face when
determining Cynthia’s ethnicity (figure 11):
Sol-Bi: uh, cause her face is so round and uh, compared to the uh,
compared to the second woman (picture II), uh, the second woman
(picture II) looks very (inaudible) she has uh small face, but this woman’s
face is very round (picture III) and looks kind of chubby. And, uhm, I
don’t know, and in in the standard type of the Korean woman’s beauty,
she’s, she’s not white (laughing).
Sun and Sol-Bi state that Cynthia’s round face and dark skin influence
perceptions of ethnicity. It seems that a round face and dark skin are signifiers of other
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Asian ethnic groups, and maybe even American culture. Participants who are more
conscious of skin color throughout the interviews tend to comment on Cynthia’s dark
skin, round face, and blonde hair to identify her as not Korean.
Figure 11
Cynthia’s (PIII) RQ1a Network View for Concepts of Cultural ID & Physical
Appearance
Note. As shown in the network view, the code PIII_Ethnicity_Racial Boundary has a
groundedness level of 6 quotations. This code was absent from the other picture
interviews, which make it significant to Cynthia only, as this code was applied to
quotations that use racial definitions to describe perceptions of racial identity.
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Oftentimes, participants use distinctive visual indicators to describe Cynthia’s racial
identity as not Korean, such as hair, makeup, and skin.
In this study, Cynthia (PIII) has the darkest skin complexion. Because of this
darker complexion, participants emphasize skin color when discussing Cynthia’s
ethnicity. Skin is commented more often for Cynthia with a groundedness level of 10
quotations. Because of her dark complexion, many participants state that Cynthia has
dark skin and identify her as Japanese or Taiwanese: “Okay. Uh, she seems to me a
Japanese or Southeast Asian, or from Taiwan, Taiwanese. Uh, the reason why I guess her
nationality from those three areas is that she has darker skin, like a tan skin.” –Han-Bi
Like Han-Bi, other participants, such as Sun and Sol-Bi, comment directly on
Cynthia’s darker skin color when determining ethnicity. While Han-Bi characterized
Cynthia as Southeast Asian, Sun states that she looks more “Americanized" because her
skin is tanned. With the presence of darker skin, participants tend to establish a racial
boundary for the images. Dark skin is used as a mechanism to identify other nationalities.
Figure 12 below shows the quotation count for Cynthia’s ethnic perception among
participants.
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Figure 12
Quotation Count for Cynthia’s (PIII) Ethnicity
Note. Cynthia’s (PIII) racial categories were more dispersed. She is perceived as
“Americanized,” Asian, Chinese, Japanese, not Korean, and Taiwanese. As represented
in purple with the code PIII_Ethnicity_Japanese, participants overwhelmingly comment
that Cynthia is Japanese with 7 total quotations. The code with another high quotation
frequency, resulting in 3 quotations is PIII_Ethnicity_Taiwanese, which is represented in
orange, and PIII_Ethnicity_Not Korean, which is represented in light blue; these two
codes that identify her as Taiwanese and/or not Korean are absent from any of the other
picture interview results. It is also significant to note that more participants comment on
ethnicity for PIII than the other images (9 of the 12 participants commenting on PIII
ethnicity; see figure 7). Cynthia has the highest groundedness level in the main category
code PI_ETHNICITY quotation counts, meaning that participants commented the most
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on Cynthia’s ethnicity (there are 20 quotations commenting on her ethnicity). Moreover,
participants who do not comment on nationality for the other images did mention
nationality for Cynthia. Cynthia’s ethnicity assessment is unique, as she is the only image
that was distinguished as not Korean by many participants. Participants comment more
often on Cynthia’s ethnicity because visual indicators make them perceive her as
distinctively different from the standard Korean women’s image.
Cynthia as a foreigner and low status service girl. Many participants also state
that Cynthia appears to work in the service industry. Oftentimes, Cynthia is described as
working in a low status service job in Korea, which foreigners tend to occupy. Sol-Bi
implies that Cynthia may even work in prostitution (see Appendix I3 for Cynthia’s
queries on social status):
Sol-Bi: She is a Karaoke service woman. So like, uh, in Korea, there’s a
lot of 노래방, it’s like room salon. Yea, when uhm, man goes there, and
then, there are a lot of woman, and then they are like, uh singing together,
drink together, you know.
Researcher: Is it like prostitution?
Sol-Bi: Uh, some, some places they are having prostitution, but, not, not
all of it. Yea, there are some places one of, anyways, it’s bad. She kind of
look like, I mean, like when you are in Korea, when you uh, pass this style
like some places where the room salons and Karaoke are all together,
when you pass the streets, you can see a lot of these kind of womans. Like,
uh, dyed with the yellow hair, like, and too much make-ups, and like
some, some very dressy, uh, dressy dress, yea, with the high heels…still
like 80 to 90 percent of uh Korean people are very conservative. So, when
they see a woman with the yellow hair, I mean, not foreigner, the Korean
woman with the yellow hair, or red hair, or purple hair, people usually
think that person is uh, really cheap…I think this woman in this picture
could be uh, the typical cheap looking woman in Korean...And, I don’t
think she got married…she looks like in her 20-seomthing age.
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Sol-Bi emphasizes that people in Korea with Cynthia’s appearance are associated
with cheap low status foreign workers. She highlights Cynthia’s blonde hair, strong
makeup, clothing, and dark skin to emphasize her cheap appearance. She emphasizes that
Korean women tend to not have this appearance, which makes Cynthia appear as a
foreigner. Moreover, Cynthia’s blonde hair and heavy makeup tends to be associated with
deviant behavior and a sexually promiscuous woman who exchanges money for sex.
Blonde hair, which is a western standard of beauty, does not fit Korean standards of
beauty.
Participants often emphasize that a natural appearance is a standard of beauty and
a signifier of Korean ethnicity. Han-Bi states that Cynthia looks like a typical Asian girl
because of the way she is smiling, but comments on Cynthia’s unnatural appearance. She
states that Cynthia’s blonde hair is not beautiful:
Han-Bi: And then, her hair is definitely dyed to like a blonde color, which
is not really pretty to me, because it looks very unnatural, and then, also
her eye make-up is way more stronger than the other two girls. The first
and second pictures. Uhm, she’s smiling, but then, also like, not showing
her teeth. So, she’s typical, like Asian girl, maybe.
Because of these observations, Han-Bi concludes that Cynthia is an Asian girl, but
does not provide a specific ethnicity in this quotation. Han-Bi emphasizes that an
unnatural appearance for Asian women is less attractive, and she prefers natural
appearances. Like Han-Bi, Sol-Bi emphasizes the importance of a more natural
appearance in her description of Cynthia. Emphasizing the appearance of Cynthia’s
make-up and dyed hair, Sol-Bi states that Cynthia is wearing a “costume”:
Sol-Bi: Oh. Is she Korean? She doesn’t look like Korean. Yea, she looks
like uh, Japanese or Taiwanese. She looks like a Japanese or Taiwanese.
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Or, I don’t know, I mean, she doesn’t look like Korean, but, uh, I can say
that she is Asian girl, and then, she has full make-up and dyed hair, and
necklace, and (clears throat) with her costume, it looks like she has very,
she has enthusiasm to uh, make her uhm, to be look like beauty, beautiful.
It is interesting that Sol-Bi’s first reaction to Cynthia questions whether she is
Korean, and then states explicitly that she is not. This is an interesting finding, as this
observation was absent from the other picture interviews. In the other picture interviews,
participants tend to discuss people they have seen in Korea. However, participants do not
identify Cynthia as Korean; in fact, participants state that she is not Korean.
Sol-Bi perceived Cynthia as having a cheap appearance. Sol-Bi highlights
Cynthia’s hair and makeup to argue that Cynthia is cheap looking, and adds that this
perception is a typical stereotype that exists in Korea for women who look similar to
Cynthia. Again, a more natural appearance is represented as more preferable for an Asian
woman’s appearance. She comments that women who have hair colors that are unnatural
tend to be labeled as cheap in Korea. This shows the importance of a natural looking
hairstyle. Sol-Bi not only comments on this character type, but also hints at inferences
about Cynthia’s sexual behavior and ethnic identity. Sol-Bi states that Cynthia is
unmarried and likely to be found in the streets of Korea where there are foreign women
offering drinks and maybe even sexual services to men.
As stated earlier, Han-Bi is the only participant that hints Cynthia might work in
an office job. Most participants, including Sol-Bi believe that Cynthia does not work in
an office job because of her flashy appearance:
Sa-Rang: Is she Korean? I don’t know. Uhm, the same questions, she
seems more experimental because she colored her hair. Uhm, uhm, maybe
a little daring because she is showing her, you know, kind of cleavage and
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the chest area a little bit more. Uhm, with the highlighting with her
necklace and she is still wearing the make-up, and her eye line is kind of
really dark. So, yea, maybe a little bit more experimental, uhm, spunky a
little bit maybe. Uhm, looks quite young. So, I don’t know about
education or can’t tell really about uhm the uhm, family, the-Uh, yea, huh,
job, she wouldn’t look like a type of a person who may just work in the
office, cause in Korea, I mean, at least with that look uhm, women can’t
really go to work the office like that with that kind of hair color. So,
maybe working as a maybe uhm, if it is-does it have to be, do I need to
make a relationship to Korean society and culture? Yea, so, in Korea, I
don’t think any office or girl would show up like that. It would be really,
uhm, yea.
In this quotation, Sa-Rang implies that women who work in office jobs in Korea
should not have Cynthia’s appearance. Like Chin-Mae, Sa-Rang implies that because
Cynthia has a spunky and youthful appearance, she may not have high status. Many
participants also suggest that Cynthia is a student. Overwhelmingly, participants state that
Cynthia is unmarried and does not have children. This finding also links to age: in the
participants’ view, Cynthia’s youth motivates her “spunky” appearance. This implies that
Cynthia is too immature to be married with children.
Participants tend to conclude that Cynthia is working in a lower status service job.
Jin-Hee states that Cynthia works in a restaurant or a clothing store that is not an
expensive designer brand name, because Cynthia’s hair, outfit, and necklace make her
appear low status:
Jin-Hee: And, okay, she has a job, she’s working at the restaurant or cloth
store. Yea. Like, BB, it’s a brand name. BB cloth store or Banana
Republic, yea. She is not working high class of designer brand name, she
just (inaudible) brand name.
In sum, Cynthia’s overall appearance characterizes her as occupying a low status
job, such as a shoe sales person, a prostitute, a karaoke worker, an artist, a student, or a
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farmer. Yu-Ri states that dark skin demonstrates a non-Korean ethnicity, and oftentimes
within the Korean community, if there is a Korean with darker skin, others may comment
that they are not Korean, which tends to outcast:
Yu-Ri: And also, uhm, it kind of reminds people, actually, you are not
Korean. Like, you just came from like East Asia or something like that.
And people kind of like make fun of it. Actually, you are not Korean.
Like, one of my friend, she kind of had a darker skin, and like lots of
people, like, when she was like elementary school student, they made fun
of her, like, you’re from Africa (chuckling). or something like that. Yea,
so, (chuckling).
Skin color is clearly significant to determining who is Korean is and who is not.
Light, pale skin has become a symbol of an authentic Korean ethnicity. Sa-Rang
comments that dark skin is used as a tool to distinguish insider status in the community:
Sa-Rang: Oh, yea, I think that she’s not, I think that she’s prob-from
somewhere like uhm, in Asian, but maybe uhm. It’s kind of southern part
of Asia, and some parts of Asian uhm, are consid-it’s like some countries
are maybe considered maybe less developed, so socio-economically, or
you know, whatever family backgrounds or whatever, they are not so
desirable or they, or if they are darker. But, I think it’s not just the color of
their skin, but it’s more the features of, of their, you know, their facial
features and stuff like that. It’s more of, I think it’s more based on not just
the skin color, but it’s more based on how the skin color is related to the
ethnic backgrounds. It’s more maybe people from uhm, like South
America, or people from some parts in Asia or people from Africa, not
necessarily from Africa, but from America, but African Americans, uhm
are considered less educated or maybe less, it’s very stereotypical,
prejudice idea, but somehow people think that they are less educated, uhm,
and you know, socioeconomically belong to uhm, like a low kind ofSa-Rang also comments that there is a strong prejudice of people with dark skin,
especially those of African descent. There is a common perception that people with dark
or black skin are more likely to be less educated and more likely to be poor. Sa-Rang’s
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statement offers insight into concepts of character and social status; in this quotation,
Han-Bi states that Sammy has a comfortable life, which may imply a higher social status.
Participants tend to emphasize the importance of skin and women’s beauty for
Korean women when discussing Sammy’s skin appearance. Participants tend to associate
Sammy with a higher social status. When the researcher asked which woman is the most
beautiful of the images, Min states that Sammy is the most beautiful, emphasizing
Sammy’s flawless skin condition (see Appendix I4 for Sammy’s queries on social status):
Min: And, and I think her skin is really, really good. Like a no pimples, no
dots, any dots. In Korea, that is really important. Many people want to
have really clean skin so she look like a really pretty. I want to pick her.
Min’s interpretation of this standard reflects the importance for healthy skin. She
emphasizes the importance of flawless skin, which entails skin without blemishes or
pimples. Sol-Bi also emphasizes this, but expands on the importance of long luxurious
hair:
Sol-Bi: I wanted to see her face without her uh, I wanted to see when she
has a short hair like man. Oh yea, cause you know, Korean woman, they
usually say like uh, woman is the really important for woman, is skin,
eyes, and hair, cause they think the long hair is-the longer the hair, it
makes the woman more uh, prettier.
Light or white skin is a significant standard of beauty for women in Korea, but
skin condition also seems to be an important indication of Korean ethnicity and beauty.
Other physical indicators, such as hairstyle and face also play a major role in cultural
models of beauty and ethnicity. In the quotation above, Sol-Bi emphasizes these
concepts. However, this quotation was drawn from a context, which argues that Sammy’s
(PIV) has a boyish appearance. During the interview, Sol-Bi was covering Sammy’s hair
99
with her finger to make Sammy appear to have shorter hair. Sol-Bi emphasizes Sammy’s
masculine appearance. This observation is very different from other participant
responses; as discussed earlier, Han-Bi characterizes Sammy as the most feminine of the
images. The differences in Min’s and Sol-Bi’s interpretation of Sammy’s appearance
demonstrates again, that there is some intracultural variation in cultural models of true
womanhood.
Participants discuss other physical indicators of ethnicity. Participants often
reflect on someone they know or have seen in Korea. For example, Sun believes that
Sammy resembles high school students she has seen in Korea because Sammy has light
makeup, appears to be young, and the manner in which Sammy is smiling resembles
women in Korea. Sun combines these visual indicators to infer that Sammy is a high
school student in Korea. Sun states that Sammy looks Korean because she smiles more
than the other pictures.
Associating Sammy’s image with women she has seen in Korea, Sun states that
Sammy’s high cheekbones and natural looking makeup makes her look Korean. She
states that women in Japan tend to wear heavier makeup, and may even apply artificial
eyelashes. Again, for participants, natural beauty is a significant indicator of ethnicity.
Asian women who are light skinned and have natural looking (light) makeup are
associated with Korean ethnicity. Although Sun identifies Sammy as Korean, earlier she
states that Sammy is careless about her appearance. When discussing Cynthia, Sun earlier
stated that Asian women who care less about their appearance are likely to be Chinese. It
100
is interesting that Sun characterizes Sammy as Korean, since she also states that Sammy
does not care for her appearance.
Ji-Su states that Cynthia’s blonde hair color is not a normal color for Asian
women. She states that natural hair color is preferable, and usually only Asian celebrities
dye their hair blonde to look more westernized. She states that for a typical Korean
woman, this hairstyle is less likable. She states that if her sister dyed her hair, she would
disapprove because it is unnatural. She repeats that women who have blonde hair want to
be more westernized:
Ji-Su: Oh, she looks just like one of my students, from Japan… And, the,
the hair color that she chose is something that Asian women wouldn’t
easily choose. That blonde, super blonde, not highlight. Yea. So. Yea…
expands: I am very conservative. I wouldn’t say anything, but, if my sister
does that then I wouldn’t be happy about that. Why did you do that?
Mom! Uhm, I don’t know. Yea, I wouldn’t, if my sister ask me, like what
do you think about this color then I would say don’t do that next time
(chuckling). Yea, cause I like, I like natural hair color. Natural beauty. It’s
not unnatural for her. This is-a lot of people, a lot of Korean girls, like, uh,
not a lot some, some Korean women uh who like to have blonde, cause
they watch a lot of movies, and you know, they think blonde, blonde girls
are beautiful, more, more beautiful than Asian women who have black
hair. And they would like to be more westernized. Uhm, yea, but I think
black hair is beautiful too. And it suits better for us than super blonde hair
like that.
In this quotation, Ji-Su implies that hair color should have a more natural
appearance. According to Ji-Su, a blonde hairstyle is more often seen in Asian celebrities,
and women who are not celebrities that choose this hairstyle try to be more western. JuSu makes an association between a Korean woman with blonde hair and a desire to
project a more western appearance. She also claims that Korean women who have blonde
hair watch a lot of movies. There is also an association between blonde hair and influence
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of the media and western world. Ji-Su states that Asian women who have blonde hair are
likely to be more Americanized.
In concluding this section, the picture storytelling descriptions helped to uncover
a deeper understanding of South Korean cultural models, and the diversity in cultural
perspectives of women’s physical attributes, including skin color. It is clear that physical
indicators, such as skin color, age, hairstyle, makeup, clothing, and demeanor play an
important role in Korean cultural models of shaping ideas surrounding proper
womanhood, social status, and racial identity.
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Summary of Chapters Three-Seven
To conclude this section, Chapter Three, Picture Descriptions, reveals findings
from the picture stories. By prompting pictures of Asian women that are distinctly
different, emic classifications of race and ethnicity reveal that there is large diversity in
Korean cultural models surrounding physical appearance and skin color. However, the
similarities are too large to be coincidental. For example, although there are some
deviations, Phoebe is more often characterized as a Chinese or Korean housewife and
mother, Charlotte is perceived as a modern mother and a career woman, Cynthia is most
often characterized as a foreigner or rebellious college student who is not Korean, and
Sammy is characterized as a hard working Korean college student or graduate.
Participants are more likely to comment on the skin color of the images with the lightest
and darkest skin tones. Moreover, the images with the lightest skin tones, Phoebe,
Charlotte, and Sammy, are more likely to be characterized as Korean, whereas the image
with the darkest skin tone, Cynthia, is more likely to be characterized as not Korean.
Chapter Four Racial Boundaries incorporates findings from the fourteen
interview question series. There is a powerful agreement that dark skin is undesirable
because it represents an impoverished lifestyle in Korea or a foreign status. Because of
this dynamic, Koreans in the rural south are considered less sophisticated than Koreans in
the industrialized north. Furthermore, as demonstrated by Charlotte’s assessment,
modernization has become a glorified lifestyle in Korea that symbolizes the good life.
Modern women are more likely to be characterized as high status, with a happy and
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comfortable lifestyle, because they have the luxury of a wealthy husband, monoracial
children, a fashionable appearance, and lavish hobbies.
Chapter Five, Low Tolerance for Interracial Relationships, largely discusses the
fourteen question interview series, which reveals strong racism against Africans and
African American people in Korea. Participants emphasize a zero tolerance for BlackKorean interracial relationships, a moderate tolerance for light skinned Asian-Korean
interracial relationships, and a higher, but still less accepting tolerance for white-Korean
interracial relationships. Overwhelmingly, participants characterize the importance and
pressures they feel from their parents to only marry other Korean people. Lack of
exposure, the influence of the media’s overgeneralizations and its messages of racist
stereotypes, as well as a strong sense of Korean nationalism seem to heavily maintain
racism toward these people of color and disapproval of interracial relationships.
Moreover, biracial progeny contaminates authentic Korean families, and is strongly
disapproved by many parents and older generations of Koreans. Although sometimes
white-Korean interracial relationships are accepted, especially if the marriage partner has
economic wealth, there still seems to remain a strong disapproval of any interracial
relationship. There are some contradictions in perspectives, as some participants state that
they have been pressured to only date Koreans, whereas other claim that Asians and
whites “mix” the best.
Chapter Six, The Cult of True Womanhood, illustrates strong cultural models of
womanhood in Korea. Again, these standards include four main components:
domesticity, piety, purity, and submissiveness, and glorify high class women as ideal.
104
Overwhelmingly, Phoebe is characterized most often as reflecting the appearance of a
proper Korean woman because she appears to be married with children. Phoebe’s light
skin tone and natural looking appearance are major indicators that associate her with
proper motherhood.
Chapter Seven, A Sense of Nationalism, reveals the importance to maintain
Korean authenticity. There seems to be a heavy pressure for Asian women in Korea to fit
a Korean standard of beauty. As demonstrated by Ashley Perez’s (2012) blog quotation,
in Chapter One, she felt a strong pressure to fit the Korean standard of beauty. Perez is an
Asian American, a biracial progeny, and she claims that her biracial identity fails to meet
Korean standards; she felt excluded and not accepted by the general population of
Koreans.
As demonstrated by the strong disapproval of interracial relationships and
marriage partners, skin color is used as a mechanism to distinguish insider or outsider
membership as an authentic Korean. Again, Korean nationalism is defined in this
research as a political and sociological creed that upholds an attachment and value to the
ascribed status of Korean identity. As demonstrated in the picture stories and the fourteen
questions on skin color, light skin has become a strong symbol of Korean nationalism,
and blonde hair is rejected and heavily disapproved.
105
Chapter Eight: Discussion and Conclusions
This study explores the cultural knowledge of first generation South Korean women.
The study uses four images of Asian women that are significantly different from one another
in physical appearance, e.g. skin color, hairstyle, makeup, clothing, age, and demeanor.
When study participants discuss skin color, this conveys the significance of this factor for
Korean women, because the picture story interview was single-blinded and did not reveal
that the topic of this research was on skin color. By choosing images that are significantly
different in physical appearance, this research explores cultural models of the social world
and the meanings of skin color, beauty, social status, and racial identity.
Racial Boundaries
It is clear that cultural models drive perceptions of specific social identities.
Participants discuss the meanings of physical appearance for women in Korean culture
from the native Korean’s point of view. Participants hold a cultural model that a woman’s
physical appearance plays a key role in shaping her lifestyle, marital choices, behavior,
relationships, and occupation.
This research confirms other studies that found that lighter skin is preferred in Asian
cultures, partly because lighter skin symbolizes higher social status. The study explores
social status, but also expands on topics of skin color and social status as these relate to
concepts of true womanhood and racial identity. Anthropological research has explored how
skin color is perceived in cultural models of racial identity. However, most of this work
focuses on South American, African, and African American communities. For Korean
106
women, level of attractiveness is not only defined by skin color, but other physical
characteristics that symbolize proper womanhood, level of Koreanness, and social status.
Although skin color is significant and often discussed throughout the interviews,
participants also comment on physical appearance factors that signify a specific ethnic
identity and social status. Dark skin is often used as a marker of ethnic identity and is
associated with other Asian ethnicities that are not Korean. Furthermore, women with
lighter skin tend to be characterized as Korean or Chinese (i.e. Eastern Asian ethnicities),
whereas women with darker skin tend to be characterized as Taiwanese, Japanese, or
Southeast Asian ethnicities.
Skin color is not the only physical appearance attribute that participants use to draw
racial boundaries. It seems that hair color, hairstyle, makeup, and even clothing also are used
to draw conclusions about specific identities. Participants often utilize their perceptions
concern of appearance to draw racial boundaries gender concepts. Standards of beauty have
become Eurocentric and universal standards favor light skinned people. Because of this
rigid standard the Korean community significantly controls intimate relationships and
marriage unions based on rigid classifications of skin color.
In their discussion of skin color and ethnicity, participants tend to adopt either a
race consciousness, where they openly acknowledge race and incidents of racism, or they
adopt a color blind approach where race is deemphasized as significant and racism is not
acknowledged. Participants who adopt a color blind discourse seem to deemphasize
racism and skin color as significant in Korean culture. Although these participants
deemphasize race, there is a strong contradiction when they discuss the importance of
107
maintaining white skin. If skin color were not significant, participants who adopt a color
blind approach would likely not emphasize the importance of white skin.
Interracial intimacies in Korea. This research has revealed that racial
boundaries are very strong within Korean culture and has started to identify cultural
models of ethnicity. Participants report strong disapproval of dark skinned Asians and
Africans, including African Americans. This disapproval is reflected in cultural and
character perceptions of these people: poor character is associated with people with very
dark or Black skin. Oftentimes, people with dark skin, especially Black communities, are
characterized as criminals and/or low class. These racist stereotypes become evident
when interracial romantic intimacies come into discussion.
The Cult of True Womanhood
For the picture storytelling interviews, there is high consensus about the
occupations, lifestyles, and social status of the picture interviews. There is overall
agreement that concern for appearance and marital status are related to social status and
concepts of true womanhood and social status. Charlotte’s varied results display the
range of interpretations when women are seen as concerned with appearance. On the
contrary, commentaries on Cynthia’s image are more cohesive with more agreement in
informant responses. As discussed earlier, in cultural model theories there has been some
debate about intracultural variation. Certain concepts may not have complete consensus
among people in a particular ethnic group, but may still be important. It seems that
images that fit Korean standards of beauty tend to have more varied and positive
responses, but for women who deviate from Korean standards of beauty, responses are
108
less varied and more negative. This finding sheds light on the proliferation and
construction of racial stereotypes.
A major finding in this research is the significance of marriage, and the strong
gender lines that monitor this social institution. Because marriage and family are a
fundamental social institution in South Korea, women’s womanhood and femininity are
measured by her ability to obtain domesticity and maintain sexual purity.
Overwhelmingly, participants draw conclusions about a woman’s sexuality and marital
status when discussing an image’s physical appearance. Participants also comment on
other physical traits that suggest a woman’s marital status. For example, hair color and
style are major indicators of concern with appearance and marriageability. Participants
tend to associate long black hair with proper womanhood for Korean and Asian women;
in contrast, blonde hair is associated with unmarried status and a more rebellious
lifestyle.
Another major finding that challenges popular ethnocentric concepts that South
Korean women want to be white women is reflected by their distaste for blonde hair in
Asian women. Blonde hair is seen as less attractive for Korean women, and it is
associated with promiscuity and foreignness. This cultural model challenges common
assumptions that Korean women want to be white women, as blonde or light hair is a
common physical trait for Caucasian women.
A Rigid Standard of Beauty that Favors White Skin
Cultural standards and ideas of beauty are constantly changing, and these
standards change as society changes. Thus, anthropologists continually examine
109
propositions about appearance and social identity. For instance, since there has been a
significant increase in skin lightening products and plastic surgery in South Korea in the
last decade, there is a growing misconception that Korean women wish to change their
ethnic appearance (Glenn, 2008; Bissell, & Chung, 2009; Fifield, 2008), i.e. because of
growing use of whitening products and plastic surgery in South Korea, Koreans are often
perceived as wanting to be white people.
This dilemma is not that South Korean women want to be white women, but
rather, the standard of beauty rigidly favors white women. When Asian women are
increasingly receiving plastic surgery and avoiding the sun to accomplish this standard of
beauty, it is very easy to assume that it is because they want to be white people. But
rather, the standard of beauty has become so rigid, that it has become a universal pressure
to accomplish a very specific appearance. Because of this social pressure and influence,
and with the heavy influence of globalization and the media, the standard of beauty
becomes very rigid. Because this standard has crossed all borders, Koreans have adopted
this standard and are increasingly perceived as wanting to be white people.
This study concludes three main findings: First, white features and pale skin are
associated with higher social class in Korea, and dark skin is associated with the rural
poor or impoverished foreign status. Second, modernization is shifting concepts of true
womanhood, as more women are entering the workforce, seeking beauty through
consumerism, but still maintain domestic roles of primary caregivers within their
families. And lastly, Korean nationalism and racial ignorance drive racism in Korea and
110
extremely rigid racial boundaries that excludes darker skinned people, especially African
and African American people.
Future Research
This study analysis utilizes picture storytelling and ethnographic interviews on
cultural models of appearance and social identity. After each picture was discussed, the
researcher then asked a series of fourteen questions that focus on the importance of skin
color and skin appearance for women in Korea (Appendix A). These interviews reveal
deeper context for the picture interviews. The participants emphasize preference for light
skin and reveal discomfort about Asian-Black interracial relationships and marriages.
While the picture storytelling interviews show the significance of physical appearance
and especially skin color, the follow-up question interviews uncover further cultural
propositions about racial boundaries in Korean society.
There is very little research on cultural models of women’s appearance among
Koreans. This research focuses on first generation Korean women’s perspectives. Future
research should include first generation Korean men as well. A more complete picture of
generational differences would bring insight about how shifts in models of appearance
occur with extended residence in the United States or in other English speaking countries.
As cultural models of appearance, social status, and ethnic identity are dynamic, it is
likely that attitudes about interracial relationships and marriages will also change with
extended residence outside South Korea.
This research reveals strong racial boundaries that exclude Africans and African
American people from Black-Korean interracial family unions or marriages; this
111
exclusion may be due to lack of exposure to these cultures and also to racial
oversimplifications of Black people promoted in mass media. Future research should
explore these perceptions further in order to gain a deeper understanding of racial
boundaries that are driven by culture clash and perceptions of skin color. For example,
research should explore perceptions of Africans and African Americans toward Koreans
as well as Koreans toward Black people. There may be similarities that drive racial
discrimination and misunderstanding between these cultures. Moreover, this research
topic interconnects with standards of beauty, because in Korea these standards are very
racially and culturally driven. As standards of beauty become more rigid, racial
discrimination and tensions between cultures may increase.
112
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Appendix A
Fourteen Open-Ended Questions on Skin Color
Do you believe that skin color can affect someone’s life chances?
a. Are certain skin tones liked more?
2. If you could choose your skin color, what would you choose?
3. How do you think your skin color is viewed in the Korean community?
4. Is there a Korean word to describe someone with dark skin?
a. Is there a Korean word to describe someone with light skin?
5. What do Koreans think about sun tanning?
6. Have you ever been told not to go in the sun?
a. Who told you not to go in the sun?
b. Was it family? Friends? Coworkers? A boss?
7. Do you sun bathe?
a. Why? Why not?
8. What characteristics are usually associated with dark skin in women?
a. Is it different for men?
9. Do Koreans consider skin color when choosing a mate?
a. Do you consider skin color when choosing a mate?
10. Have your parents ever pressured you to date a certain race?
a. Have your parents ever pressed you to date people with a specific skin
color?
11. How would your parents feel if you married someone with darker skin than you?
117
a. How would you feel if your son/daughter married someone with darker
skin?
12. Do men you date ever discuss the importance of women’s skin color?
a. Do any men you know discuss the importance of skin color for men?
13. Do Korean women do things to change their skin color?
a. Do they do it to look whiter?
b. Why do they do it?
14. Do you use skin lightening products?
a. If so:
i. What kind? What brand?
ii. How do they work?
iii. How well do they work?
iv. Have you ever had any negative effects from using these products?
v. Have you ever had any positive effects from using these products?
vi. Where do you get these products?
vii. How much do they cost?
b. If not:
i. Do you know anyone who uses them?
118
Appendix B
Code Families for Phoebe (PI)
Figure B1
Code-Filter: Code Family for PI Ethnicity
PI_ETHNICITY
PI_Ethnicity_Eastern Asian
PI_Ethnicity_Korean
PI_Physical Appearance_Resemblance to Known Person
Figure B2
Code-Filter: Code Family for PI Character
PI_CHARACTER
PI_Character_Boring
PI_Character_Calm
PI_Character_Classical Music
PI_Character_Conservative
PI_Character_Desires Beauty
PI_Character_Hard Working
PI_Character_Kind/Generous
PI_Character_Not Concerned with Appearance
PI_Character_Not Confident
PI_Character_Sad
PI_Character_Shy
PI_Character_Two Faced
Figure B3
Code-Filter: Code Family for PI Social Status
PI_LIFESTYLE
PI_Lifestyle_Active
PI_Lifestyle_High Status Distinction
PI_Lifestyle_Low Status Distinction
PI_Lifestyle_Marital Status
PI_Lifestyle_Ordinary/Normal
PI_Lifestyle_Simple
119
PI_OCCUPATION
PI_Occupation_Math
PI_Occupation_Office Job
PI_Occupation_Student
PI_Occupation_Teacher
PI_Occupation_Writer
Figure B4
Code-Filter: Code Family for PI Physical Appearance
PI_PHYSICAL APPEARANCE
PI_Physical Appearance_Age
PI_Physical Appearance_Clothing
PI_Physical Appearance_Eyebrow
PI_Physical Appearance_Eyes
PI_Physical Appearance_Hairstyle
PI_Physical Appearance_Make-up
PI_Physical Appearance_Not Beautiful
PI_Physical Appearance_Resemblance to Known Person
PI_Physical Appearance_Skin
PI_Physical Appearance_Smile
Figure B5
Code-Filter: Code Family for PI True Womanhood
PI_TRUE WOMAN
PI_True Woman_Domesticity
PI_True Woman_Feminine
PI_True Woman_Mother
PI_True Woman_Piety
PI_True Woman_Purity
PI_True Woman_Sensitive
120
Appendix C
Code Families for Charlotte (PII)
Figure C1
Code-Filter: Code Family “PII Ethnicity”
PII_ETHNICITY
PII_Ethnicity_Korean
PII_Physical Appearance_Resemblance to Known Person
Figure C2
Code-Filter: Code Family for “PII Physical Appearance”
PII_PHYSICAL APPEARANCE
PII_Physical Appearance_Age
PII_Physical Appearance_Clothing
PII_Physical Appearance_Cute
PII_Physical Appearance_Eyes
PII_Physical Appearance_Face
PII_Physical Appearance_Fashionable
PII_Physical Appearance_Hairstyle
PII_Physical Appearance_Make-up
PII_Physical Appearance_Most Beautiful
PII_Physical Appearance_Natural
PII_Physical Appearance_Resemblance to Known Person
PII_Physical Appearance_Skin
PII_Physical Appearance_Smile
PII_Physical Appearance_Unnatural
PII_Physical Appearance_Weight_Healthy
Figure C3
Code-Filter: Code Family for “PII Social Status”
PII_LIFESTYLE
PII_Lifestyle_Marital Status
PII_Lifestyle_Active
PII_Lifestyle_Career Woman
PII_Lifestyle_High Status Distinction
PII_Lifestyle_Low Status Distinction
PII_Lifestyle_Shopping
121
PII_Lifestyle_Social Status Cannot Be Determined
PII_OCCUPATION
PII_Occupation_Barber
PII_Occupation_Creative Job
PII_Occupation_Model
PII_Occupation_Office Job
PII_Occupation_Service Industry
PII_Occupation_Student
PII_Occupation_Teacher
PII_Occupation_Unemployed
Figure C4
Code-Filter: Code Family for “PII Character”
PII_CHARACTER
PII_Character_Attention Seeker
PII_Character_Cheerful
PII_Character_Childlike
PII_Character_City Girl
PII_Character_Concerned with Appearance
PII_Character_Confident
PII_Character_Friendly
PII_Character_Honest
PII_Character_Kind
PII_Character_More Chances with Men
PII_Character_Open-Minded
PII_Character_Outgoing
PII_Character_Party Girl
PII_Character_Postive Character
PII_Character_Refined
PII_Character_Show Off
PII_Character_Sociable
122
Figure C5
Code-Filter: Code Family for “PII True Womanhood”
PII_TRUE WOMAN
PII_True Woman_ Piety
PII_True Woman_Domesticity
PII_True Woman_Feminine
PII_True Woman_Mother
PII_True Woman_Purity
PII_True Woman_Super Woman
PII_True Womanhood_Character
123
Appendix D
Code Families for Cynthia (PIII)
Figure D1
Code-Filter: Code Family for “PIII Ethnicity”
PIII_ETHNICITY
PIII_Ethnicity_Japanese
PIII_Ethnicity_Racial Boundary
PIII_Ethnicity_Taiwanese
Figure D2
Code-Filter: Code Family for “PIII Physical Appearance”
PIII_PHYSICAL APPEARANCE
PIII_Phsyical Appearance_Hairstyle
PIII_Physical Appearance_Age
PIII_Physical Appearance_Attractive
PIII_Physical Appearance_Cheap
PIII_Physical Appearance_Clothing
PIII_Physical Appearance_Fashionable
PIII_Physical Appearance_Flashy
PIII_Physical Appearance_Least Attractive
PIII_Physical Appearance_Less Attractive
PIII_Physical Appearance_Make-up
PIII_Physical Appearance_Resemblance to Known Person
PIII_Physical Appearance_Round Face
PIII_Physical Appearance_Skin
PIII_Physical Appearance_Smile
PIII_Physical Appearance_Unconventional Appearance
PIII_Physical Appearance_Unnatural
PIII_Physical Appearance_Weight_Overweight
Figure D3
Code-Filter: Code Family for “PIII True Womanhood”
PIII_TRUEWOMANHOOD
NONE
124
Figure D4
Code-Filter: Code Family for “PIII Character”
PIII_CHARACTER
PIII_Character_Alexithymia
PIII_Character_Cares What People Think
PIII_Character_Cheerful
PIII_Character_Desires Beauty
PIII_Character_Free Spirit
PIII_Character_Moody
PIII_Character_Not Studious
PIII_Character_Outgoing
PIII_Character_Party Girl
PIII_Character_Poor Character
PIII_Character_Positive Character
PIII_Character_Rebellious
PIII_Character_Scary
PIII_Character_Sensitive
PIII_Character_Show Off
PIII_Character_Shy
PIII_Character_Sociable
PIII_Character_Strong Personality
PIII_Character_Talkative
PIII_Character_Unsophisticated
Figure D5
Code-Filter: Code Family for “PIII Social Status”
PIII_LIFESTYLE
PIII_Lifestyle_Active
PIII_Lifestyle_Countryside/Farming
PIII_Lifestyle_Doesn't Plan for the Future
PIII_Lifestyle_Marital/Relationship Status
PIII_Lifestyle_Social Status
PIII_OCCUPATION
PIII_Occupation_Bartender
PIII_Occupation_Fashion Designer/Dancer/Artist
PIII_Occupation_Office Job
PIII_Occupation_Service Industry
PIII_Occupation_Student
125
Appendix E
Code Families for Sammy (PIV)
Figure E1
Code-Filter: Code Family for “PIV Ethnicity”
PIV_ETHNICITY
PIV_Ethnicity_Americanized
PIV_Ethnicity_Korean
Figure E2
Code-Filter: Code Family for “PIV Physical Appearance”
PIV_PHYSICAL APPEARANCE
PIV_Physcial Appearance_Clothing
PIV_Physcial Appearance_Jewelry
PIV_Physical Apearance_Smile
PIV_Physical Appearance_Age
PIV_Physical Appearance_Athletic
PIV_Physical Appearance_Boyish/Masculine
PIV_Physical Appearance_Eyes
PIV_Physical Appearance_Face
PIV_Physical Appearance_Hairstyle
PIV_Physical Appearance_Least Beautiful
PIV_Physical Appearance_Make-up
PIV_Physical Appearance_Most Beautiful
PIV_Physical Appearance_Natural
PIV_Physical Appearance_Resemblance of Known Person
PIV_Physical Appearance_Round Face
PIV_Physical Appearance_Skin
PIV_Physical Appearance_Sneering
PIV_Physical Appearance_Ugly
PIV_Physical Appearance_Weight
Figure E3
Code-Filter: Code Family for “PIV True Womanhood”
PIV_TRUEWOMANHOOD
PIV_Truewomanhood_Feminine
PIV_Truewomanhood_Good Woman/Girl
126
Figure E4
Code-Filter: Code Family for “PIV Character”
PIV_CHARACTER
PIV_Character_Beauty Potential
PIV_Character_Boring
PIV_Character_Cheerful
PIV_Character_Conservative
PIV_Character_Desires Beauty
PIV_Character_Does Not Party
PIV_Character_Happy
PIV_Character_Hard Working
PIV_Character_Immature
PIV_Character_Kind
PIV_Character_Naive
PIV_Character_No/Not New/Many Friends
PIV_Character_Not Adventerous
PIV_Character_Not Concerned with Appearance
PIV_Character_Not Energetic
PIV_Character_Open
PIV_Character_Outgoing
PIV_Character_Purpose in Life
PIV_Character_Push Over
PIV_Character_Quiet/Shy
PIV_Character_Sociable
PIV_Character_Speaks Her Mind
PIV_Character_Unhappy
Figure E5
Code-Filter: Code Family for “PIV Social Status”
PIV_LIFESTYLE
PIV_Lifestyle_Active
PIV_Lifestyle_College Educated
PIV_Lifestyle_Comfortable
PIV_Lifestyle_Enjoys Life
PIV_Lifestyle_High Status Distinction
PIV_Lifestyle_Low Status Distinction
PIV_Lifestyle_Marital Status_Married
PIV_Lifestyle_Marital Status_Unmarried
PIV_Lifestyle_No Boyfriend
127
PIV_Lifestyle_Normal/Ordinary
PIV_Lifestyle_Saving Money
PIV_LIfestyle_Simple
PIV_Lifestyle_Social Status Cannot be Determined
PIV_OCCUPATION
PIV_Occupation_Academic
PIV_Occupation_Dancer
PIV_Occupation_Musician
PIV_OCCUPATION_Professional
PIV_Occupation_Student
PIV_Occupation_Studied Abroad
128
Appendix F
Code Families for Fourteen Questions on Skin Color
Figure F1
Code-Filter: Code Family for “Dark Skin”
DARK SKIN
DARK SKIN MEN
Dark Skin Men_Countryside/Farming
Dark Skin Men_Healthy/Active
Dark Skin Men_Masculinity
Dark Skin Men_Preference
Dark Skin Men_Sexy
DARK SKIN WOMEN
Dark Skin Women_Countryside/Farming
Dark Skin Women_Healthy
Dark Skin Women_Outgoing
Dark Skin Women_Preference
Dark Skin Women_Promiscuous
Dark Skin Women_Prostitution
Dark Skin Women_Sexy
Dark Skin Women_Skin Condition
Dark Skin Women_Strong Personality
Dark Skin Women_Unconventional
Dark Skin_Countryside/Farming
Dark Skin_Energetic
Dark Skin_Exciting
Dark Skin_Healthy
Dark Skin_Long to be White
Dark Skin_Preference
Dark Skin_Racial Boundary
Dark Skin_Sexy
Dark Skin_Show Off
Dark Skin_Tough Life
129
Figure F2
Code-Filter: Code Family for “Racial Boundary”
RACIAL BOUNDARY
Racial Boundary_American Soldier/English Teacher
Racial Boundary_Americanized
Racial Boundary_Asian-Korean Interracial Relationships
Racial Boundary_Black-Korean Interracial Relationships
Racial Boundary_for Mutual Cultural Understanding
Racial Boundary_Internalized Racism
Racial Boundary_Interracial Progeny
Racial Boundary_Korean Authenticity
Racial Boundary_Korean Only
Racial Boundary_Marriage
Racial Boundary_Monoracial Nation
Racial Boundary_Race Consciousness
Racial Boundary_Racial Discrimmination
Racial Boundary_Tolerance
Racial Boundary_White-Korean Interracial Relationships
Figure F3
Code-Filter: Code Family "Social Status"
SOCIAL STATUS
Social Status_Beauty_Products_Cheap
Social Status_Beauty_Products_Expensive
Social Status_Country Side
Social Status_Dark Skin_High Status Distinction
Social Status_Dark Skin_Low Status Distinction
Social Status_High_Natural
Social Status_Job Interview
Social Status_Light Skin Women_High Status Distinction
Social Status_Men
Social Status_Physcial Appearance
Social Status_Physical Appearance_Low Status Distinction
Social Status_Racial Boundary
Social Status_Skin Condition
Social Status_Tanning
Social Status_Treatment_High Status Distinction
130
Figure F4
Code-Filter: Code Family "True Womanhood"
MARRIAGE
Marriage_Married Women
TRUEWOMANHOOD
Truewomanhood_Dark Skin_More Beautiful
Truewomanhood_Desire Beauty
Truewomanhood_Domesticity
Truewomanhood_Fashionable
Truewomanhood_Feminine
Truewomanhood_Light Skin_More Beautiful
Truewomanhood_Piety
Truewomanhood_Protection
Truewomanhood_Purity
Truewomanhood_Submission
Figure F5
Code-Filter: Code Family "Light Skin"
LIGHT SKIN
LIGHT SKIN MEN
Light Skin Men_Preference
Light Skin_Bright
Light Skin_Clean
Light Skin_Exotic
Light Skin_Men_Preference
Light Skin_Preference
Light Skin_Sexy
Light Skin_Truewomanhood
Light Skin_Western People
131
Appendix G
Queries for Picture Interview Perceived Ethnicity
Utilizing the query and network view functions of Atlas.ti, I will present and
discuss the results. Again, we are asking the query to retrieve quotations for the following
research questions:
Research Question 1a. What significance does skin and physical appearance hold in
shaping racial identity and drawing racial boundaries?
Research Question 1b. What does it mean to be a proper woman?
Research Question 2. How does skin appearance, such as skin color and skin condition,
signal levels of social status among Korean women?
Note. Appendix G lists the queries for the entire picture interview responses to research
question: 1a: What significance does skin and physical appearance hold in shaping racial
identity and drawing racial boundaries?
Figure G1
Queries for Phoebe (PI) Ethnicity: Research Question 1a
To find an answer to this question, the researcher ran the following queries within
Altlas.ti: (See Appendix B, Figure B1 for PI Ethnicity code family code list):
Focus of this query: Skin and Ethnicity
Query to answer this question:
Query: ("PI_Physical Appearance_Skin" COOCCUR "PI Ethnicity") = 3 quotations
Answer: PI_Ethnicity_Skin
This question expands the previous question to also include quotations that comment on
physical appearance when distinguishing ethnicity. To find an answer to this question, the
researcher ran the following queries within Altlas.ti (See Appendix B, Figure B1 for PI
Ethnicity code family code list and Appendix B, Figure B4 for PI Physical Appearance
code family code list):
132
Focus of this query: Physical Appearance and Ethnicity
Queries to answer this question:
Query: ("PI Physical Appearance" COOCCUR "PI Ethnicity") = 21 quotations
Answer: PI_Physical Appearance_Resemblance to Known Person, PI_Physical
Appearance_Age, PI_Physical Appearance_Smile, PI_Physical Appearance_Hairstyle,
PI_Physical Appearance_Clothing, PI_Physical Appearance_Skin, and PI_Physical
Appearance_Make-up
Query: ("PI Ethnicity" COOCCUR "PI Physical Appearance") = 8 quotations
Answer: PI_Ethnicity_Eastern Asian, PI_Ethncity_Korean
Figure G2
Queries for Charlotte (PII) Ethnicity: Research Question 1a
In order to answer this question, the researcher ran the following queries: (See Appendix
C, Figure C.1 for PII Ethnicity code family code list):
Focus of this query: Skin and Ethnicity
Queries to answer this question:
("PII_Physical Appearance_Skin" COOCCUR "PII_Ethnicity_Korean") = no results
("PII_Ethnicity_Korean" COOCCUR "PII_Physical Appearance_Skin") = no results
Note. The queries that were used in PI to answer this research question displayed no
results when applied to PII. This may be for two reasons. PII’s ethnic distinction was less
varied, as participants did not make direct distinctions about PII’s ethnicity. Furthermore,
participants comment the least on skin color for PII (5 participants; see figure 7 on page
45). Whenever ethnicity is mentioned, it is in reference to someone they know in Korea.
Although this reference makes ethnic distinctions uncertain, it is fascinating that many
participants tend to reference someone living in Korea. This suggests that there are
Korean women in Korea that resemble this image. Before we search more using the same
queries for each picture.
To find an answer to this question, the researcher ran the following queries within
Altlas.ti (See Appendix C, Figure C2 for PII Physical Appearance code family code list):
133
New query to explore the significance of skin:
Query: ("PII_Physical Appearance_Skin" COOCCUR "PII Physical Appearance") = 7
quotations
Answer: PII_Physical Appearance_Skin
To find an answer to this question, the researcher ran the following queries within
Altlas.ti (See Appendix C, Figure C1 for PII Ethnicity code family code list and
Appendix C, Figure C2 for PII Physical Appearance code family code list):
Focus of this query: Physical Appearance and Ethnicity
Queries to answer this question:
Query: ("PII Physical Appearance" COOCCUR "PII Ethnicity") = 8 quotations
Answer: PII_Ethnicity_Korean, PII_Physical Appearance_Smile, PII_Physical
Appearance_ Clothing, PII_Physical Appearance_Face, PII_Physical Appearance_Eyes,
PII_Physical Appearance_Resemblance to Known Person
Query: ("PII Ethnicity" COOCCUR "PII Physical Appearance") = 6 quotations
Answer: PII_Ethnicity_Korean, PII_Physical Appearance_Smile, PII_Physical
Appearance_Eyes, PII_Physical Appearance_Resemblance to Known Person
Figure G3
Queries for Cynthia (PIII) Ethnicity: Research Question 1a
To find an answer to this question, the researcher ran the following queries within
Altlas.ti (See Appendix D, Figure D1 for PIII Ethnicity code family code list and
Appendix D, Figure D2 for PIII Physical Appearance code family code list):
Focus of this query: Skin and Ethnicity
Queries to answer this question:
Query: ("PIII_Physical Appearance_Skin" COOCCUR "PIII Ethnicity") = 3 quotations
Answer: PIII_Physical Appearance_Skin, PIII_Ethnicity_Japanese,
PIII_Ethnicity_Taiwainese
Focus of this query: Ethnicity and Physical Appearance
Queries to answer this question:
("PIII Physical Appearance" COOCCUR "PIII Ethnicity") = 23 quotations
Answer: PIII_Physical Appearance_Resemblance to Known Person, PIII_Physical
Appearance_Skin, PIII_Physical Appearance_Makeup, PIII_Physical
Appearance_Hairstyle, PIII_Physical Appearance_Clothing, PIII_Physical
Appearance_Less Attractive, PIII_Physical Appearance_Unnatural, PIII_Physical
134
Appearance_Smile, PIII_Physical Appearance_Weight_Overweight, PIII_Physical
Appearance_Flashy
Figure G4
Queries for Sammy (PIV) Ethnicity: Research Question 1a
In order to answer this question, the researcher ran the following queries (See Appendix
E, Figure E1 for PIV Ethnicity code family code list):
Focus of this query: Skin and Ethnicity
Queries to answer this question:
Query: ("PIV_Physical Appearance_Skin" COOCCUR "PIV Ethnicity") = no results
Query: ("PIV Ethnicity" COOCCUR "PIV_Physical Appearance_Skin") = no results
Note: The queries that were used in PI and PIII to answer this research question displayed
no results when applied to PII and PIV. Similar to PII, PIV’s ethnic distinction was less
varied; however, participants did make direct distinctions about ethnicity for PIV. As
stated earlier, overwhelmingly, participants describe PIV as Korean (8 participants; see
figure 7 on page 45).
New query to explore the significance of skin queries (See Appendix E Figure E2 for PIV
Physical Appearance code family code list):
Query: ("PIV_Physical Appearance_Skin" COOCCUR "PIV Physical Appearance") = 3
quotations
Answer: PIV_Physical Apearance_Skin
Note. Since the code PIV_Physical Appearane_Skin has a groundedness level of three
quotations, it is clear that participants commented the least on skin color and skin
appearance for PIV than the other images. For this query, 3 quotations discussing the
code PIV_Physical Appearance_Skin are displayed in the results. Participants, such as
Han-Bi, Sol-Bi, and Min, who are more likely to comment on skin appearance for PIV,
comment on PIV’s skin.
135
Query: ("PIV Physical Appearance" COOCCUR "PIV Ethnicity") = 7 quotations
Answer: PIV_Physical Appearance_Smile, PIV_Physical Appearance_Face,
PIV_Physical Appearance_Clothing, PIV_Physical Appearance_Resemblance to Known
Person, PIV_Physical Appearance_Makeup
Query: ("PIV Ethnicity" COOCCUR "PIV Physical Appearance") = 5 quotations
Answer: PIV_Ethnicity_Korean and PIV_Ethnicity_Americanized
136
Appendix H
Queries for Picture Interview Perceived True Womanhood
Note. Appendix H lists the queries for the entire picture interview responses to research
question 1b: What does it mean to be a proper woman? (True Womanhood)
More specifically, how does physical appearance influence cultural models of a "proper
woman?"
Figure H1
Queries for Phoebe (PI) True Womanhood: Research Question 1b
To find an answer to this question, the researcher ran the following queries within
Altlas.ti:
Focus of this query: Physical Appearance and True womanhood
Queries to answer this question (See Appendix A, Figure A4 for PI Physical Appearance
code family code list and Appendix A, Figure A5 for PI True Womanhood code family
code list):
Query: ("PI Physical Appearance" COOCCUR "PI Truewomanhood") = 9 quotations
Answer: PI_Physical Appearance_Resemblance to Known Person,
PI_Truewomanhood_Mother, PI_Physical Appearance_Age, PI_Physical
Appearance_Hairstyle, PI_Physical Appearance_Clothing, PI_Physical
Appearance_Skin, PI_Ethnicity_Eastern Asian, PI_Ethnicity_Korean, PI_Physical
Appearance_Smile, PI_Physical Appearance_Clothing
Query: ("PI Truewomanhood" COOCCUR "PI Physical Appearance") = 4 quotations
Answer: PI_TRUEWOMANHOOD, PI_Physical Appearance_Hairstyle, PI_Physical
Appearance_Skin, PI_Physical Appearance_Make-up, PI_Physical Appearance_Smile,
PI_Ethnicity_Eastern Asian, PI_Ethnicity_Korean
Figure H2
Queries for Charlotte (PII) True Womanhood: Research Question 1b
To find an answer to this question, the researcher ran the following queries within
Altlas.ti (See Appendix C, Figure C2 for PII physical appearance code family code list
and Appendix C, Figure C5 PII for true womanhood code family code list):
137
Query: ("PII Physical Appearance" COOCCUR "PII Truewomanhood") = 2 quotations
Answer: PII_Physical Appearance_Clothing and PII_Physical Appearance_Age
Query: ("PII Truewomanhood" COOCCUR "PII Physical Appearance") = 3 quotations
Answer: PII_True Woman_Feminine, PII_True Woman_Mother, PII_True
Woman_Domesticity
Figure H3
Queries for Cynthia (PIII) True Womanhood: Research Question 1b
To find an answer to this question, the researcher ran the following queries within
Altlas.ti
(See Appendix D, Figure D2 for PIII Physical Appearance code family code list, and
Figure D3 for True Womanhood code family code list):
Focus of this query: Physical Appearance and Truewomanhood
Query: ("PIII Physical Appearance" COOCCUR "PIII Truewomanhood) = no results;
TRUEWOMANHOOD not present in PIII.
Note. In the other picture interviews, PI, PII, and PIV, the main category code TRUE
WOMANHOOD is present. However, for PIII, this concept is missing, because
participants did not describe PIII as fitting this value system. Therefore, the query, "PPhysical Appearance" COOCCUR "P- Truewomanhood" is absent from this write-up
Figure H4
Queries for Sammy (PIV) True Womanhood: Research Question 1b
To find an answer to this question, the researcher ran the following queries within
Altlas.ti:
Focus of this query: Physical Appearance and True Womanhood
Queries to answer this question (See Appendix D, Figure D2 for PIV Physical
Appearance code family code list and Appendix D, Figure D3 for PIV True Womanhood
code family code list):
Query: ("PIV Physical Appearance" COOCCUR "PIV Truewomanhood") = 2 quotations
Answer: PIV_Physical Appearance_Weight, PIV_Physical Appearance_Skin,
PIV_Physical Appearance_Most Beautiful, PIV_True Womanhood_Feminine
138
Appendix I
Queries for Picture Interview Perceived Social Status
Note. Appendix I lists the queries for the entire picture interview responses to research
question 2: How does skin and physical appearance signal levels of social status?
Figure I1
Queries for Phoebe (PI) Social Status: Research Question 2
To find an answer to this query, the researcher ran the following queries within Altlas.ti
(See Appendix A, Figure A3 for PI Social Status code family code list):
Query: ("PI_Physical Appearance_Skin" COOCCUR "PI Social Status") = 4 quotations
Answer: PI_Character_Not Concerned with Appearance, PI_Eastern Asian, PI_Physical
Apperance_Hairstyle, PI_Physical Appearance_Skin, PI_Physical Appearance_Smile
Query: ("PI Social Status" COOCCUR "PI_Physical Appearance_Skin") = 2 quotations
Answer: PI_Occupation_Student, PI_Lifestyle_Low Status
The above query focused on skin as an indicator of social status, next is a query which
includes all physical appearance codes (See Appendix A, Figure A3 for PI Social Status
code family code list and Appendix A, Figure A4 for PI Physical Appearance code
family code list):
Query: ("PI Social Status" COOCCUR "PI Physical Appearance") = 9 quotations
Answer: PI_Lifestyle_Low Status, PI_Lifestyle_High Status, PI_Occupation_Student,
PI_Occupation_Math, PI_Lifestyle_Marital Status, PI_Lifestyle_Ordinary/Normal,
PI_Character_Calm, PI_Physical Appearance_Hairstyle, PI_Occupation_Office Job,
PI_Occupation_Teacher
Figure I2
Queries for Charlotte (PII) Social Status: Research Question 2
To find an answer to this question, the researcher ran the following queries within
Altlas.ti (See figure B2 for PII physical appearance code family code list and figure B3
for PII social status family code list):
Focus of this query: Physical Appearance and Social Status
Queries to answer this question:
139
Query: ("PII Physical Appearance" COOCCUR "PII Social Status") = 9 quotations
Answer: PII_Ethncity_Resemblance to Known Person, PII_Physical Appearance_Skin,
PII_Physical Appearance_Makeup, PII_Physical Appearance_Fashionable, PII_Physical
Appearance_Hair, PII_Physical Appearance_Age, PII_Physical Appearance_Makeup,
PII_Physical Appearance_Skin, PII_Physical Appearance_Face, PII_Physical
Appearance_Most Beautiful, PII_Physical Appearance_Clothing, PII_Physical
Appearance_Smile, PII_Physical Appearance_Cute
Figure I3
Queries for Cynthia (PIII) Social Status: Research Question 2
(See Appendix D, Figure D5 for PIII Social Status code family code list):
Query: ("PIII_Physical Appearance_Skin" COOCCUR "PIII Social Status") = no results
Note. In this query, the researcher asked Atlas.ti to retrieve quotations that reveal
quotations where social status and discussion of skin appearance occur together. The
query displayed no results. It seems that for PIII, discussion of social status and skin
appearance does not occur together.
(See Appendix D, Figure D2 for PIII Physical Appearance code family code list and
Figure C5 for Social Status code family code list):
Query: ("PIII Physical Appearance" COOCCUR "PIII Social Status") = 7 quotations
Answer: PIII_Physical Appearance_Clothing, PIII_Physical Appearance_Age,
PIII_Physical Appearance_Makeup, PIII_Physical Appearance_Hairstyle, PIII_Physical
Appearance_Resemblance to Known Person
Query: ("PIII Social Status" COOCCUR "PIII Physical Appearance") = 5 quotations
Answer: PIII_Occupation_Fashion Designer/Dancer/Artist,
PIII_Occupation_Marital/Relationship Status, PIII_Occupation_Student
Figure I4
Queries for Sammy (PIV) Social Status: Research Question 2
(See Appendix D, Figure D2 for PIII Physical Appearance code family code list and
Figure D5 for Social Status code family code list):
Query: ("PIV_Physical Appearance_Skin" COOCCUR "PIV Social Status") = no results
Query: ("PIV Physical Appearance" COOCCUR "PIV Social Status") = 8 quotations
140
Answer: PIV_Physical Appearance_Age, PIV_Physical Appearance_Face, PIV_Physical
Appearance_Clothing, PIV_Physical Appearance_Jewelry
141
Appendix J
Queries for Fourteen Question Series on Skin Color
("Dark Skin" COOCCUR "Racial Boundary")
("Dark Skin" COOCCUR "Social Status")
("Dark Skin" COOCCUR "True Womanhood")
("Light Skin" COOCCUR "Racial Boundary")
("Light Skin" COOCCUR "True Womanhood")