International Journal of Behavioral Development 2006, 30 (2), 158–166 © 2006 The International Society for the Study of Behavioural Development http://www.sagepublications.com DOI: 10.1177/0165025406063631 Affect and maternal parenting as predictors of adaptive and maladaptive behaviors in Chinese children Li Wang Xinyin Chen Huichang Chen Peking University University of Western Ontario Beijing Normal University Liying Cui Miao Li Shanghai Teachers’ University University of Western Ontario Emotional control has traditionally been emphasized in Chinese culture. The primary purpose of the study was to examine the relevance of early affect to social functioning in Chinese children. A sample of children, initially at two years of age, and their mothers in the People’s Republic of China participated in this two-year longitudinal study. At Time 1, observational data were collected on children’s affect and maternal parenting in mother-child interactions. At Time 2, children’s behaviors were assessed in peer interactions. In addition, data on behavioral problems were collected from parental reports. It was found that whereas positive affect positively predicted prosocial behavior, negative affect was positively associated with later behavioral problems. Both positive and negative affects were negatively associated with on-task behaviors. Finally, child affect might moderate the relation between maternal parenting and social behaviors. The results indicate the role of child affect and parenting in social and behavioral development in Chinese context. children are less reactive and expressive than their Western counterparts in both positive and negative affects (e.g., Camras et al., 1998; Fogel, Toda & Kawai, 1988; Kisilevsky et al., 1998). Whereas the cross-cultural differences in children’s affective display are interesting, an important question for developmental researchers is whether and how they are relevant to social adaptation in non-Western cultures (Saarni, 1998). There is virtually no existing research addressing this question. Therefore, we conducted a two-year longitudinal study to examine the developmental significance of affect in a sample of children in the People’s Republic of China. Affective reactivity is one of the fundamental dimensions of socio-emotional characteristics in childhood (e.g., Eisenberg, Fabes, Guthrie, & Reiser, 2002; Saarni, Mumme, & Campos, 1998). Researchers have found substantial individual differences during infancy and toddlerhood in children’s affective involvement in social interactions (see Rothbart & Bates, 1998; Saarni et al., 1998 for comprehensive reviews). It has been argued that the tendency to display positive affect may be a personal resource in coping with psychological stress and problems (Eisenberg & Fabes, 1998; Eisenberg et al., 1996). Moreover, the expression of positive affect may be helpful for establishing and maintaining social relationships (Saarni et al., 1998). In contrast, child negative affect may have adverse impact on social interactions and thus impede the development of socially appropriate behaviors (Eisenberg et al., 1993). These arguments have received support from empirical research. It has been found that child positive affect is associated with, and predictive of, such outcomes as intimate parentchild relationships and affiliative and prosocial behaviors, whereas child negative affect is associated with social and behavioral problems (e.g., Denham, 1986; Denham et al., 2003; Eisenberg et al., 1993; Eisenberg et al., 1996; Farver & Branstetter, 1994; Seifer, Schiller, Sameoff, Resnick, & Riordan, 1996). There is increasing evidence that children’s early affective display may vary across cultures. It has been found, for example, that infants and toddlers in some Asian cultures are more affectively restrained than North American children (Camras et al., 1998; Freedman, 1974). Chinese and Japanese The relatively low affective reactivity and expressivity in Chinese children may be related to the endorsement of emotional restraint in the culture (e.g., Bond & Hwang, 1986; Camras et al., 1998; Kisilevsky et al., 1998). According to Taoism, individuals are encouraged to suppress their emotions in interpersonal interactions. Emotional unresponsiveness or “flatness” is often regarded as an index of social and psychological maturity (Luo, 1996; Wu, 1996). In traditional Chinese medicine, emotional reactions, such as joy, anger and worry, are viewed as pathogens or internal pathological factors that may disturb the flow of Qi and Yin-Yang balance in organs, which, in turn, may cause physical problems (e.g., excessive joy may result in dysfunction of the heart) (Bond & Hwang, 1986; Ho & Lisowski, 1997). Correspondence should be sent to Xinyin Chen, Department of Psychology, University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario, Canada N6A 5C2; e-mail: [email protected]; or Li Wang, e-mail; liwang@pku. edu.cn The research described herein was supported by grants from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and by a Scholars Award from the William T. Grant Foundation. We are grateful to the children and their parents for their participation. Affective display in Chinese culture Downloaded from jbd.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 9, 2016 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF BEHAVIORAL DEVELOPMENT, 2006, 30 (2), 158–166 The traditional Confucian view is less radical. However, it is the case that individuals are encouraged to restrain the expression of emotions. According to Mencius, emotional control or moderation is necessary for the cultivation and strengthening of desirable moral character such as ren (virtue, benevolence) and gang (fortitude, resoluteness). An effective strategy to learn emotional control is to follow the dictates of “li” (propriety) – a set of rules for rational actions (Luo, 1996). As pointed out by Bond and Hwang (1986), the heightened concern for controlling emotions is consistent with the collectivistic orientation because showing joy or distress may impose one’s feelings on others and thus may not be conducive to interpersonal harmony. Maintaining interpersonal and intrapersonal harmony requires inhibition and moderation of emotional expression (Lin, 1981). Consistently, Kleinman (1980, 1986) has observed that emotional reactions are normatively moderate or suppressed among Chinese, and he believes that the suppression of emotions is related to the cultural emphasis on social harmony. A similar argument has been made by Solomon (1971), which indicates that emotions are generally disvalued in Chinese culture because the expression of emotions, particularly negative feelings, is often regarded as “dangerous” or shameful to self and family. Potter (1988) has offered a somewhat different perspective. Based on her fieldwork in China, she found that the expression of emotions did not elicit any social responses and might not help “achieve social ends”. Thus, she argued that social functioning and relationships in Chinese society might not require an emotional basis (Potter, 1988). In other words, although Chinese people are aware of emotions as part of their daily life experiences, emotional experiences and expressions may not have important social consequences. Emotions are conceived as mere idiosyncrasy, lacking significance for social relationships and actions in Chinese culture (Potter, 1988). Little is known about how the values on emotion and emotional control in Chinese culture are reflected in childrearing attitudes and practices and eventually in child affective and behavioral functioning. In a recent study based on the content analysis of parental free descriptions of child personality, Kohnstamm, Halverson, Mervielde and Havill (1998) found that, among groups in several countries including Belgium, Greece, Holland, Poland and the USA, Chinese parents used lowest proportions of descriptors related to emotional characteristics. The results suggest that Chinese parents may consider the child’s emotional experiences and activities relatively unimportant. Regardless of parental attitudes, from a developmental perspective, an interesting and important question is how emotional display in Chinese children is relevant to their social interaction and adjustment, given the cultural emphasis on emotional control (e.g., Bond & Hwang, 1986; Potter, 1988). We sought to address this question in the present study. Developmental outcomes of affect in Chinese children: The present study According to the developmental theories (e.g., Campos, Mumme, Kermoian, & Campos, 1994; Rothbart & Bates, 1998; Saarni et al., 1998), affective display is meaningful for individual social and psychological functioning. And, the 159 significance of affective display depends on the nature of the affect. For example, the display of positive affect in motherchild interactions may “signal” the child’s inclination to establish and maintain social engagement, and in a broad sense, indicate the child’s willingness and readiness for socialization (Maccoby & Martin, 1983). As a result, children who display positive affect are likely to follow adults’ standards and learn socially valued behaviors (Booth, Rose-Krasnor, McKinnon, & Rubin, 1994; Calkins & Fox, 1992). In contrast, the display of negative affect may be associated with the child’s difficulties in social communications and interactions, which may hinder the establishment of intimate and supportive parent-child relationships and eventually contribute to maladaptive developmental outcomes (e.g., Eisenberg et al., 2002). Based on this argument, we hypothesized in the present study that positive affect would be conducive to the development of prosocial behavior and other socially desirable behaviors. In contrast, the display of negative affect might create adverse conditions for development and thus predict later social and behavioral problems. We were interested in children’s prosocial behavior and behavioral problems as developmental outcomes in this study. Prosocial behavior, such as helping, sharing and caring, is based on the consideration of the well-being of others in social interactions. In Chinese and perhaps other collectivistic cultures, prosocial behavior is highly valued and emphasized because it is essential for the well-being of the collective (Bronfenbrenner, 1970; Chen, Li, Li, Li, & Liu, 2000; Ho, 1986). In contrast, aggressive and other under-controlled behaviors are often considered abnormal and strictly prohibited because they may threaten the group functioning (Ho, 1986). In addition to social behaviors and behavioral problems, we were interested in children’s on-task behavior (behavior that is directed to the completion of a task). On-task behavior is associated with such individual qualities as effort that are necessary for achievement and accomplishment (e.g., Lentz, 1988; Wang, 1995; Workman & Hector, 1978). One of the common beliefs in Chinese culture is that human behavior is malleable and effort is a major avenue to improve oneself (Stevenson et al., 1990). Inability to maintain on-task behavior is viewed as particularly unacceptable not only because it may lead to personal and collective failure but also because it is believed to be due to the lack of personal effort (Luo, 1996; Wang, 1995). In Kohnstamm et al.’s study (1998), it was found that compared with parents in the Western countries, Chinese parents had significantly higher proportions of descriptors on child conscientiousness (carefulness and diligence), a construct that is similar to on-task behavior in the present study. Moreover, the results indicated that Chinese parents had relatively higher standards for children’s achievement motivation, and were more concerned about the lack of effort and task orientation in their children. We expected that positive affect would predict on-task behavior because positive affect might facilitate the social and motivational processes, such as social communication and understanding of adults’ expectations and social rules, which are important for the development of on-task behavior (e.g., Kochanska & Askan, 1995). We also expected that negative affect might impede the learning processes during socialization and thus negatively predict later on-task behavior. Downloaded from jbd.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 9, 2016 160 WANG ET AL. / AFFECT AND MATERNAL PARENTING Parenting and its interactions with child affect To help children understand collectivistic values and learn group-oriented behaviors such as cooperation and selfcontrol, maintaining parental authority is believed to be essential in childrearing and education in Chinese culture (e.g., Luo, 1996). Consistently, it has been found that relative to Western parents, Chinese parents are less likely to use lowpower inductive parenting and more likely to endorse restrictive and high-power approaches (e.g., Chao, 1994; Chen et al., 1998; Lin & Fu, 1990; Steinberg, Dornbusch, & Brown, 1992). Despite the cross-cultural differences, however, studies focusing on within-cultural variations have shown that the functional meanings of parental power assertion in social and cognitive development in Chinese children are similar to those typically found in Western cultures (e.g., Chang, Schwartz, Dodge, & McBride-Chang, 2003; Chen, Dong & Zhou, 1997; Chen, Liu, & Li, 2000; Hart et al., 1998; Lau & Cheung, 1987). For example, it has been found that whereas parental responsiveness and induction are associated with social competence and school achievement, rejecting and harsh parenting practices tend to predict adjustment problems in Chinese children and adolescents (e.g., Chen, Liu, & Li, 2000; Chen, Wu, Chen, Wang, & Cen, 2001; Dornbusch, Ritter, Leiderman, Roberts, & Fraleigh, 1987; Hart et al., 1998). It is possible that when parents use high power and forceful strategies, such as direct command, intrusiveness and prohibition in childrearing, without providing appropriate explanations, children may have difficulties understanding and following parents’ advice and guidance (Chamberlain & Patterson, 1995). Moreover, the use of coercive and prohibitive strategies may be related to the child’s negative reactions such as fear and anger which, in turn, may be related to adjustment problems. Therefore, we expected in the present study that low-power parenting would positively predict adaptive outcomes including prosocial and on-task behaviors and negatively predict behavioral problems. Moreover, we expected that parental high-power strategies would positively predict later problems and negatively predict adaptive behaviors. In addition to their direct associations with prosocial and on-task behaviors and behavioral problems, parenting practices and child characteristics may interact in predicting later behaviors and adjustment. This is because children with different behavioral and temperamental qualities may respond differently to given parenting practices (Collins et al., 2000). The interactive view may be reflected in the model concerning “goodness-of-fit” between child disposition and parenting. Specifically, according to this model (e.g., Lerner & Lerner, 1983; Lerner, 1993; Thomas & Chess, 1977), the effect of parenting may depend on the child’s personal conditions such as temperament, and the compatibility between parenting and child characteristics may determine how well the child develops. For example, low-power parenting may be associated with positive responses in children who are compliant with parents and “ready” for socialization (Maccoby & Martin, 1983). However, this parenting approach may not be successful for children who do not respond to, or even resist, parenting attempts. These possibilities were examined in the study. In short, the primary purpose of the study was to examine, in a sample of Chinese children, the relations between affect and maternal parenting, on the one hand, and later prosocial and on-task behaviors and problems, on the other. A sample of children at two years of age was selected to participate in the initial study. A follow-up study concerning social and ontask behaviors was conducted two years later. Whereas toddlerhood is an important period for socialization and socio-emotional development, children in the preschool ages in China start to engage in extensive peer interactions, similar to their counterparts in North America (e.g., Chen et al., 2001). As indicated by Harkness and Kilbride (1983), cultural variation in affective display is one of the aspects of human behavior that is most readily observable but is extremely difficult to understand. We believe that this study would provide valuable information about the adaptational “meanings” of early affective and behavioral functioning in socialization and development in Chinese culture. Method Participants The data for this study were drawn from a larger project on children’s socio-emotional development in China. The results of previous studies concerning child compliance (Chen et al., 2003b), inhibition (Chen et al., 1998) and parenting behaviors (Chen, Liu, Li, Cen, & Chen, 2000) have been reported elsewhere. The original study was conducted in 1994–5, and the follow-up study was conducted two years later. Two hundred and sixteen Chinese children (102 boys and 114 girls) in Beijing and Shanghai participated in the original study. The children’s mean age was 24.42 months (SD = 2.16) at Time 1. Mothers’ mean age was 30.09 years (SD = 3.19; range 23 to 47). The researchers obtained information about children who were born two years before from local birth registration offices. The participants were randomly selected from this pool with no particular criteria for exclusion. All children except three were living with both parents. Among the children, 48% were from families in which parents were workers (two fathers were peasants); most of them had an educational level of high school or below high school. Fiftytwo percent of the children were from families in which one or both of the parents were teachers, doctors, secretaries, accountants or civil officials; their educational levels ranged mainly from vocational school to college and university graduate. The average family income per year was 9,816 yuan (SD = 7,573 yuan), approximately $1182 (US). Due to the “one-child-per-family” policy that was implemented in the late 1970s, 96% of the children were only children; the “only” child phenomenon has been an integral part of the family and socio-cultural background for child development in contemporary Chinese society. Preliminary analyses indicated that the family demographic variables had no significant effects on the relations of interest in the study, suggesting that the patterns of relations were consistent for children from families with different social and economic status. Follow-up data were collected two years later from 181 children (85 boys and 96 girls) in the original sample. Researchers contacted directly the families that participated in the original study. The sample attrition was mainly due to the fact that some families moved to a different place without providing the new contact information. Non-significant differences were found on Time 1 variables between those who participated in the follow-up study and those who did not. Downloaded from jbd.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 9, 2016 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF BEHAVIORAL DEVELOPMENT, 2006, 30 (2), 158–166 Procedure We assessed children’s affect and maternal parenting by observing mother-child interactions in the laboratory situation. Specifically, mothers and toddlers were invited to visit the university laboratory within three months of each child’s second birthday. During the visit, each mother-child dyad entered a room containing one large and one small chair, a low table and an assortment of attractive toys. The first free play session (10 minutes) started immediately after the child and the mother entered the room. The mother sat in the large chair and filled out a questionnaire. By the end of the free play session, the experimenter entered with a basket and asked the mother to encourage the child to clean up the toys. The cleanup session lasted for approximately 4 minutes. After the clean up session, there were three sessions, each lasting for approximately 3 minutes, for the assessment of children’s reactions to stressful and challenging situations. The second free play session (3 minutes) started after these sessions. Then, there was a separation and reunion session (3 minutes), followed by a third free play session (6 minutes). In this study, child affective display and maternal parenting were coded based on mother-child interactions in the three free play sessions and the clean-up session. In the follow-up study, the children were invited to the university laboratory in quartets, with their parents (mostly mothers). Quartets, who were same sex and within six months of each other in age, were unfamiliar with each other. The observational paradigm comprised (1) first free play session (15 minutes), (2) a ticket-sorting task (10 minutes), (3) a speech session assessing reactions to stressful situations (approximately 5 minutes) and (4) second free play session (15 minutes). During the free play sessions, each group of four children was left alone and allowed to play freely in the play room with a number of age-appropriate toys. During the ticket-sort session, children were requested to sit by a table and sort several colored tickets into packets and then place them in a large envelope. Parents completed a questionnaire in a separate room. Children’s prosocial and aggressive behaviors in peer interactions were assessed based on the two free play sessions. On-task behavior was assessed based on the ticketsorting session. The administration of the laboratory sessions was conducted by the authors, as well as by graduate and senior undergraduate students in China. Parents were aware of the purpose of the study. Written consent was obtained from parents of all participants. All laboratory sessions were videotaped through a one-way mirror and coded in Canada. The procedure and the coding schemes for child affect and social behaviors used in the present study were developed based on previous studies (e.g., Booth et al., 1994; Feldman, Greenbaum, & Yirmiya, 1999; Kochanska & Aksan, 1995). They have proved to be culturally appropriate and valid in Chinese children (e.g., Chen et al., 2001; Wang, Chen, & Chen, 2002). Child affect at time 1 We coded child affective display using a time-sampling (10second segments) coding scheme in this study. Positive affect was coded for clear verbal or nonverbal expression of joy and pleasure in mother-child interactions, such as laughing, smiling, singing happily, jumping with joy, and “I am so happy!” Negative affect was coded for the presence of anger 161 and distress such as yelling and whining during the motherchild interactions. The coding of affect was based mainly on facial expression, tone of voice and body language. The data were coded by two Chinese graduate students in psychology at a Canadian university who were fluent in both English and Chinese languages. Inter-rater reliability, based on 10% of the sample, was 82% (Cohen’s kappa = .78). Maternal parenting at time 1 Maternal parenting strategies were coded based on motherchild interactions in the free play and clean-up sessions, using an event-sampling or episodic approach in this study. This approach allowed coders to detect maternal behaviors in the dynamic social context according to the episode as a whole. An episode was defined according to maternal initial goal, the nature of the behavior, timing, and the final resolution of the event (e.g., Kuczynski & Kochanska, 1990). Low-power parenting included provision of information and assistance (e.g., asking or answering questions) and suggestions and explanations such as indirect, polite requests and guidance (e.g., “Why don’t you play with the telephone?”, “Let’s call grandma, ok?”). High-power strategies included prohibitions, reprimands, overt disapproval, and direct commands without explanations (e.g., “You are not a good girl today”, “Don’t throw the toy!”, “Pick up the toy!”). Finally, “others” were coded for maternal behaviors that could not be put in the lowpower or high-power category. The relative scores were computed by dividing the frequency of low- and high-power behaviors by the total number of maternal behaviors. The inter-rater reliability for maternal parenting strategies was 90% (kappa = .82). Prosocial, aggressive and on-task behaviors at time 2 Children’s prosocial and aggressive behaviors were coded, using an event-sampling coding scheme, based on peer interactions in free play sessions in the follow-up study. Prosocial behaviors included verbal and nonverbal behaviors that might benefit other children such as sharing, voluntary helping, inviting others to play, cooperation and polite behaviors. Aggressive behaviors included physical and verbal aggression. Physical aggression was coded for any form of physical behavior that might hurt another child such as kicking, hitting and pushing, grabbing of toys from other children, and disturbing the activity of others. Verbal aggression included negative comments, arguing, and verbal attack toward other children (e.g., “You are so stupid!”). Total frequency scores of prosocial and aggressive behaviors were computed and used in the study. Inter-rater agreement was 90% and 96% (kappa = .85 and .92) for prosocial and aggressive behaviors respectively. Prosocial and aggressive behaviors were coded by a Chinese graduate student who was blind to the coding of child affect and maternal parenting. Children’s on-task behavior was coded based on the ticketsorting session. On-task behavior included ticket-sorting acts, discussion with peers about the task, and helping others on the task. The total length of time that the child stayed on the task was recorded. The percentage of on-task time, relative to the entire period of the session or the time till the completion of the task, was computed to index on-task behavior. The coder was also blind to the coding of child affect and maternal parenting. Inter-rater reliability for on-task behavior, Downloaded from jbd.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 9, 2016 162 WANG ET AL. / AFFECT AND MATERNAL PARENTING calculated through dividing the amount of time of agreement by the total amount of time of agreement and disagreement in seconds (e.g., Garcia-Coll, Kagan, & Reznick, 1984), was 97%. areas of child affective and behavioral functioning. Maternal low-power and high-power parenting strategies were negatively and moderately correlated, suggesting that they might tap distinct but overlapping aspects of parenting. Parental reports of child behavioral problems Relations of affect and maternal parenting to later behaviors and problems Parents were requested to complete a Chinese measure of child behavioral problems, adapted from the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL, Achenbach, 1991). Previous research has indicated that the items in the measure, particularly those tapping externalizing symptoms (e.g., “argues a lot”, “gets into many fights”, “physically attacks people”), were appropriate and valid in assessing behavioral problems in Chinese children (see Chen et al., 2003a for detail). Parents were requested to rate, on the 3-point scale (0 = “not true”; 1 = “somewhat or sometimes true”; and 2 = “very true or often true”), each item according to how well they described their children. A principal component analysis indicated that 28 items loaded on a single factor. Internal consistency was .86 for mothers and .83 for fathers, respectively, in this study. Mother and father assessments were significantly correlated, r = .62, p < .001. Thus, average scores of mother and father assessments were used as a single index of externalizing behavioral problems. Questionnaire data were obtained from 130 mothers and 126 fathers. Non-significant differences were found between children who had parental questionnaire data and those who did not on other variables. The behavioral problem scores were computed based on mother questionnaire data for the four children who did not have father questionnaire data. As suggested by other researchers (e.g., Schafer, 1997), the Markov Chain Monte Carlo algorithm (MCMC) was applied to impute the missing values on this variable. Results Descriptive data The descriptive data for boys and girls are presented in Table 1. Significant gender differences were found on Time 2 prosocial and aggressive behaviors. Boys had low scores on prosocial and on-task behaviors and higher scores on aggressive behaviors than girls. Intercorrelations among the variables are presented in Table 2. In general, the correlations among the child variables at each time were generally weak or nonsignificant, suggesting that they might represent different A series of regression analyses were conducted mainly to examine contributions of Time 1 variables in predicting Time 2 variables. In these analyses, child gender was entered into the equation in the first step. Child positive and negative affects were entered in the second step. Maternal low- and high-power parenting variables, as more “distal” predictors of child behavior, were entered in the third step after the child variables. Then a series of two-way multiplicative interactions between gender, child variables and maternal variables (gender child variable – step 4, gender maternal variable – step 5, child variable maternal variable – step 6) were entered hierarchically in the subsequent steps. Finally, three-way interactions among gender, child variable and maternal variable were entered into the equation. As suggested by Aiken and West (1991), the main effects were centered before the Table 1 Means and standard deviations of times 1 and 2 variables for boys and girls Time 1 variable Positive affect Negative affect Maternal low-power parenting Maternal high-power parenting Time 2 variable Prosocial behavior On-task behavior Aggressive behavior Behavioral problems Boys (n = 85) Girls (n = 96) M SD M SD t value 3.23 2.35 4.83 5.78 3.38 2.43 5.09 5.01 .21 .11 .82 .11 .81 .09 –.71 .13 .12 .12 .11 –.83 4.89 .84 7.71 8.64 5.21 .21 8.75 5.00 8.08 .89 3.20 7.67 7.43 .20 5.09 3.93 3.99*** 1.99* –5.07*** 1.46 * = p < .05; *** = p < .001. Table 2 Intercorrelations among the variables 1. Positive affect 2. Negative affect 3. Maternal low-power parenting 4. Maternal high-power parenting 5. Prosocial behavior 6. On-task behaviour 7. Aggressive behavior 8. Behavioral problems 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 –.10 .04 –.07 .32*** –.17** .02 –.34*** –.22** –.09 –.19** –.21** –.07 .18** –.49*** .03 .07 .12 –.28*** .04*** –.19*** –.06*** .29*** .01*** .07*** –.26*** –.01** –.21** .11 Note. n = 181; * = p < .05; ** = p < .01; *** = p < .001. Downloaded from jbd.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 9, 2016 163 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF BEHAVIORAL DEVELOPMENT, 2006, 30 (2), 158–166 12 10 prosocial behavior interaction terms were created to reduce colinearity among the predictors. The regression results concerning the main effects are presented in Table 3. The results indicated that Time 1 child positive affect positively predicted Time 2 prosocial behavior and negatively predicted Time 2 on-task behavior and behavioral problems. Time 1 negative affect negatively predicted Time 2 prosocial behavior and on-task behavior and positively predicted Time 2 problems. Maternal low-power parenting was negatively associated with later behavioral problems. Maternal high-power parenting was negatively associated with later ontask behavior and positively associated with behavioral problems. A significant interaction was found between child positive affect and maternal low-power parenting in predicting prosocial behavior. To understand the nature of the interaction, we examined simple slopes of the regression of prosocial behavior on the low-power parenting variable at a high value and a low value (one standard deviation above and one standard deviation below the mean) of child positive affect, as described by Aiken and West (1991). Because the predictors were continuous variables, significance of the difference between the simple slopes was equivalent to that of the corresponding interaction term, and thus, significance testing was not necessary (Aiken & West, 1991). The results indicated that maternal low-power parenting was positively associated with prosocial behavior for children with high positive affect scores; 8 6 4 2 0 –1 1 maternal low-power parenting high child positive affect, b = 1.60* low child positive affect, b = –1.16 Figure 1. Interactions between child positive affect and maternal low-power parenting. the relation was not significant for children with low positive affect scores. The regression lines are shown in Figure 1. No other significant interactions were found. Table 3 Results of regression analyses predicting Time 2 variables Time 2 outcomes R2ch F value Prosocial behavior 1. Gender 2. Positive affect Negative affect 3. Maternal low-power parenting Maternal high-power parenting .24 .32 –.16 .05 .09 .06 .10 .03 .00 .01 10.58*** 13.98*** 4.98* .28 1.09 On-task behavior 1. Gender 2. Positive affect Negative affect 3. Maternal low-power parenting Maternal high-power parenting .17 –.19 –.23 –.12 –.28 .03 .03 .05 .01 .05 4.72* 6.24** 9.59** 1.73 10.26** Aggressive behavior 1. Gender 2. Positive affect Negative affect 3. Maternal low-power parenting Maternal high-power parenting –.28 –.01 –.07 .06 –.06 .08 .00 .01 .00 .00 14.30*** .01 .84 .45 .42 Behavioral problems 1. Gender 2. Positive affect Negative affect 3. Maternal low-power parenting Maternal high-power parenting –.11 –.32 .15 –.15 .19 .01 .11 .02 .02 .03 2.10 21.77*** 4.56* 3.61* 5.93* Step Time 1 variable Note. n = 181. Positive and negative affect variables were entered simultaneously in step 2, and maternal low- and high-power parenting variables were entered simultaneously in step 3. * = p < .05; ** = p < .01; *** = p < .001. Discussion Recent cross-cultural research has revealed that children and adults in non-Western societies may display affective patterns that are different from those found in their Western counterparts (e.g., Kisilevsky et al., 1998). What is unclear is the significance of affective display in non-Western societies in terms of its relations with later adaptive and maladaptive outcomes. Different arguments have been made on this issue in the literature (e.g., Potter, 1988). The results of the present study concerning the relations between early child positive and negative affects and prosocial and on-task behaviors and behavioral problems in a Chinese sample may help us understand the functional significance of affect from a developmental perspective. The developmental significance of affect The main focus of the study was on the predictive relations between affective display and later social competence and problems. Our results first indicated that child positive and negative affects were associated with prosocial behaviors and behavioral problems in different manners. Children who displayed more positive affect in mother-child interactions at 2 years were more likely to engage in prosocial and cooperative behavior in peer interactions and less likely to display behavioral problems at 4 years. In contrast, children who displayed more negative affect tended to develop less prosocial behavior and more problems. These results are important in indicating the nature of positive and negative affects in Chinese children. Downloaded from jbd.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 9, 2016 164 WANG ET AL. / AFFECT AND MATERNAL PARENTING It has been argued that emotional activities may not be relevant to social development because they are considered of no use for achieving any “social ends” in Chinese society (Bond & Hwang, 1986; Kleinman, 1986; Potter, 1988). The results of the present study posed a serious challenge to this argument. The findings concerning the links between positive and negative affects and later prosocial behavior and behavioral problems suggest that affective display is meaningful for social development in Chinese children. Positive affect in motherchild interactions may play an important role in establishing and maintaining a warm and intimate relationship between mother and the child (Saarni et al., 1998; Seifer et al., 1996). This relationship may help the child develop positive attitudes toward others which, in turn, may be beneficial for the development of prosocial behaviors (Booth et al., 1994; Denham et al., 2003; Seifer et al., 1996). On the other hand, the display of negative emotions may undermine social relationships and thus facilitate the development of social and behavioral problems (e.g., Eisenberg et al., 2002). Our results suggest that despite cross-cultural differences in affective reactivity between Chinese and Western children (Camras et al., 1998; Kisilevsky et al., 1998), the significance of early affect may be similar for social development in the two cultures. As a practical implication, our results suggest that, to help children develop prosocial and cooperative behaviors, which is a primary socialization task in Chinese collectivistic society, it is important to encourage the display of positive affect in parentchild interactions, especially if Chinese children are relatively low in affective display (e.g., Bond & Hwang, 1986; Ho, 1986; Wu, 1996; Yang, 1986). Both positive and negative affects were found to be negatively associated with later on-task behavior. The negative association between negative affect and on-task behavior is not surprising given that negative reactions and attitudes in parentchild interactions may impede the socialization process in learning social standards and appropriate behaviors. The findings concerning the negative relation between positive affect and on-task behavior are inconsistent with our initial expectations. A possible explanation is that positive affect may indicate the child’s interest, enjoyment and active participation in social interactions, whereas on-task behavior indicates the child’s effort and ability to maintain focus on “work”. These results may help us understand the general cultural belief about the importance of emotional restraint or suppression in China. As indicated earlier, on-task behavior is associated with social, motivational and behavioral qualities such as effort and conscientiousness that are necessary for achievement in various areas (e.g., Wang, 1995; Workman & Hector, 1978). This behavior is particularly valued by Chinese people because of the high emphasis on achievement orientation and the concern about individual ability and motivation to control one’s personal desires to fulfil the social requirements in the culture (Kohnstamm et al., 1998; Stevenson et al., 1990; Yang, 1986). If this is the case, the encouragement of emotional restraint in Chinese culture may stem from the concern about the detrimental effect of affective display on the development of ontask behavior. Maternal parenting and the moderating role of child affect Maternal low-power parenting was found to be negatively associated with later behavioral problems. Moreover, maternal high-power parenting negatively predicted on-task behavior and positively predicted behavioral problems. The results were consistent with the argument that parental power assertion may serve similar functions in child development across cultures (e.g., Chang et al., 2003; Chen et al., 2001; Hart et al., 1998; Lau & Cheung, 1987). Specifically, although Chinese parents may endorse more restrictive and high-power approaches than Western parents (e.g., Chao, 1994; Lin & Fu, 1990; Steinberg et al., 1992), the pattern of the relations between the parenting variable and child behavior in Chinese children is similar to what has been found in the West (e.g., Hart, DeWolf, Wozniak, & Burts, 1992; Booth et al., 1994). As indicated earlier, it is possible that, regardless of culture, parental use of forceful strategies without appropriate explanations may be associated with the child’s difficulties in following parents’ advice and guidance and understanding social standards and social responsibilities, which in turn may be associated with socially maladaptive and uncooperative behaviors (Chamberlain & Patterson, 1995; Chen et al., 1997). Parental high-power and coercive parenting may also be related to children’s negative reactions such as fear, frustration and anger; these negative reactions may be associated with later adjustment problems. We expected that the relations between maternal parenting and child behaviors might be moderated by child affect. This expectation was confirmed by the results concerning the significant interaction between positive affect and maternal low-power parenting in predicting prosocial behavior. Specifically, maternal low-power parenting was positively associated with prosocial behavior, but only for children who were high on positive affect. Thus, the effect of low-power parenting was determined in part by the child’s affective reactivity in motherchild interactions; without active involvement of the child, this parenting strategy did not contribute to the development of prosocial behavior. The results suggest that positive affect may represent the responsiveness and receptiveness of the child to parenting attempts (Darling & Steinberg, 1993; Maccoby & Martin, 1983). Maternal inductive, low-power parenting in combination with child positive reaction may constitute an optimal condition or good “fit” for adaptive development. It should be noted that although the moderating effect of child affect on parenting is interesting and consistent with our expectations, the interactions between affect and parenting variables were generally non-significant, suggesting that early affect and maternal power assertion might make largely independent contributions to the development of social behaviors. Nevertheless, it may still be important to take into account the child’s characteristics in the study of parenting practices and their relations with child behaviors and adjustment in broad areas, as argued by socialization researchers (e.g., Maccoby & Martin, 1983; Schaffer, 2000). Limitations and future directions Several limitations in the study should be noted. First, we focused on positive and negative affects in this study. Other important dimensions of early functioning such as approach/withdrawal, agreeableness/adaptability, irritability and frustration tolerance may also be relevant to social development in Chinese children. Future research should be extended to these dimensions. Second, we were interested mainly in the developmental significance of affect and parenting for adaptive and maladaptive functioning in Chinese Downloaded from jbd.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 9, 2016 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF BEHAVIORAL DEVELOPMENT, 2006, 30 (2), 158–166 children. The data presented herein were correlational in nature. Moreover, child initial social behaviors and problems were not assessed and thus not controlled in the longitudinal analyses. Therefore, conclusions about causal directions should be drawn with caution. This may be particularly the case for the relations between parenting and child adjustment given the arguments concerning reciprocal influences between child characteristics and parenting practices (Bell & Chapman, 1986; Lytton, 1990). Third, only mothers were included in the present study. The results concerning parenting strategies may not be generalized to fathers. Fourth, the associations between affect and parenting and later behaviors and problems might be attributed to, or mediated by, contextual variables such as general socialization beliefs in the future. The development of social and emotional functioning should be investigated in a broader context. Fifth, the present study was conducted in a relatively small sample in urban China. One should be careful in generalizing the results to other regions of the country, particularly rural areas. Moreover, China has been undergoing dramatic social and economic changes. Western values have been introduced into the country along with advanced technologies. It will be important to investigate how societal changes may influence parenting and children’s behaviors. Finally, we examined how child affect and maternal parenting predicted behaviors and problems at 4 years of age. It will be interesting to examine whether and how early affect and parenting have long-term impact on adjustment in various areas such as peer relationships and school performance in middle and late children. In spite of the limitations, as the first step in the exploration of affective display of Chinese children in the context of social interactions, the present study contributes to our understanding of the significance of positive and negative affects for social development. References Achenbach, T.M. (1991). Manual for the Child Behavior Checklist /4–18 and 1991 Profile. Burlington, VT: University of Vermont. Aiken, L.S., & West, S.G. (1991). 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