Research
report
Sharon Rödner Sznitman
Drugs and gender
ABSTRACT
S. Rödner Sznitman:
Drugs and gender: A contradictory
A contradictory project in interviews with
socially integrated men and women who use
drugs
project in interviews with socially
integrated men and women who use
drugs
This article investigates how 44 self-
Background and introduction
defined drug users in the Stockholm
area talk about differences in male and
Thanks to a number of research efforts, coor-
female drug use. The analysis shows
dinated cross-national studies are today a real-
that there is a general uneasiness
ity, and we are thereby able to monitor trends
among the informants regarding
in gender-related differences across countries
gendered drug taking. Ambivalence
and over time. Trend data shows that more
thus arises when the informants
men than women use illicit drugs. Studies
are called upon to articulate issues
also indicate that although gender differences
regarding gender and drugs. On the
continue to prevail, the gender gap is closing
other hand, it is evident that gender
(EMCDDA 2003; Hibell et al. 2004). Despite
is a meaningful construct for the
positive developments which have enabled
informants’ understanding of drug
better monitoring of drug use in the normal
use. The informants assign different
population, studies with a strong qualitative
characteristics to men and women and
focus on differences and/or similarities be-
they articulate a gendered norm system
tween men’s and women’s drug use are scarce.
in relation to drug taking. The relevant
Indeed, few studies investigate what may lie
norms, demanding more control of
behind the evident gender differences in the
female than male drug users, were
trends measured by quantitative means. Thus,
invoked by both the men and the women
whilst we have information on general pat-
interviewed.
terns and changes in drug consumption related
Although gender was a useful
to gender, we know little of the qualitative dy-
construct for making sense of drug
namics, the subjective meanings and the nor-
use, the informants lacked resources
mative boundaries behind the visible trends.
for articulating their experiences and
I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Nela
Lalouni who has conducted extensive parts of the coding
for this article. I would also like to thank the rest of the
research team, Börje Olsson and Max Hansson, and the
anonymous informants who shared with us their valuable
experiences and opinions. I would like to thank NAD for
the funding which allowed me to work on this article. Finally, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Robin
Room, Rebecca Lawrence and Jessica Palm and the anonymous reviewers for reading earlier versions of the article
and for sharing their insightful suggestions.
points of view in relation to issues of
drugs and gender. As such gender and
its relationship to drug use constituted
ambivalent and contradictory themes
to talk about. In this regard, this study
highlights gender and drug use as
an arena in which there is currently
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Drugs and gender
no stable definition of the
situation.
Keywords
Gender, drugs, norms,
qualitative interviews
 Aim and research questions
This analysis sets out to illustrate differences and similarities
in viewpoints regarding women’s and men’s drug use. The
broader aim of this article is to add to the literature on men’s
and women’s drug use by starting from a qualitative methodological framework. The basic motivation for the choice
of analysis is a presupposition that we cannot begin to understand differences in drug taking between men and women
without understanding the related subjective meaning among
male and female drug users themselves. This analy­sis thus
pays close attention to the experiences and point of view
of drug users themselves as they were presented in face to
face in-depth interviews where issues of men’s and women’s
drug use were discussed. Subsidiary questions that guided
the analysis were: what dilemmas and contradictions emerge
in the course of the interview conversations? What implicit
norms are mediated?
The analysis starts with an overview of previous research
which has focused on male and/or female drug and alcohol
use. The results of the current study will then be introduced.
First, an analysis of how the informants describe male and
female drug use behaviour will be presented. The analysis
makes evident how the categories of men and women are
meaningful in relation to the informants’ drug use experiences, and it lays the ground for the second part of the analysis,
which focuses on the gendered1 norm system articulated by
the informants. The article ends with a discussion in which
the interview material is related to discourses on gender in
society at large.
 Previous research
As regards substance use, researchers in the alcohol field
have been more interested in applying a gender perspective
than researchers in the drug field. It has, for instance, been
shown that drinking is determined by informal social rules
and normative behaviour. There is a great deal of research,
particularly from the Nordic countries, which has shown that
different social controls work to govern male and female alcohol use (Järvinen 2001; Gfellner & Hundleby 1994; Huselid
& Cooper 1992; Room 1996; Snare 1989). Much evidence
confirms the existence of a double standard of acceptance
of drunkenness for men and women, which renders women
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Drugs and gender
more prone to be labelled or even to label
study, the authors also note that bar and
themselves as deviant following drunken-
nightclub staff felt that self-control was
ness than men are (Ettorre 2004; Eriksen
particularly appropriate for women due to
1991; Erickson & Murray 1989).
their relative vulnerability.
Researchers have also looked at gender
In other studies of alcohol and gender it
specific norms and how they relate to con-
has been argued that whilst women occu-
trol over personal alcohol use. In group
py the home sphere, men occupy the pub-
interviews with women and men about
lic sphere and that this leads to different
flirtation and alcohol use, Abrahamson
possibilities with regard to drinking and
(2004) notes that although the women
intoxication (Green et al. 1987; Hey 1986).
recognise themselves as independent and
In contrast to the alcohol field, research
self-determinant, they also acknowledge
on drugs and gender is scarce (Ettorre
the limitations on the extent to which this
1992). Most of the studies on gender and
independence can be realized. The women
drugs focus on problematic and marginal
feel themselves to be under constant obser-
drug users. Nordic research has, for in-
vation and they are also constantly observ-
stance, focused on gender-related norms
ing themselves and making sure they stay
in drug use treatment facilities. Trulsson
within invisible boundaries of respectable
(2003) has, for instance, noted that since
behaviour. Men, on the other hand, do not
the 1970s, the Swedish substance abuse
articulate any such concerns. For women,
treatment institutions for women have
alcohol clearly offers no excuses, but for
been replaced by community therapeutic
men it does. Indeed, pure abandonment of
institutions for both women and men and
self-control was only articulated in inter-
that this had particular effects for women.
views with men. This form of transgres-
At first in the new institutions, masculine
sion, Abrahamson (2004) concludes, thus
hegemony was the norm. As it became
seems to be exclusively part of a male con-
clear that women suffered under these
ceptual world.
conditions a new view of women in drug
Another study of young women’s alco-
abuse treatment was advanced and tradi-
hol use and sense of control is presented
tional gender-specific work and social rela-
by Crespigny et al. (1999). Almost all the
tions were incorporated into the treatment
participants in this study reported that
programs (Björling 1989). This meant that
they deliberately wanted to get tipsy but
drug treatment for women incorporated
also wanted to stay in control over their
the idea of women as the caretakers of the
drinking when going to the pub. The night
home and the children (Trulsson 2003;
club, on the other hand, which was most
Lander 2003). Nordic drug research has
popular among the participants under 22
further focused on pregnancy, parenting
years, was a context in which the aim was
and prostitution in relation to female drug
to get intoxicated. The authors conclude,
use. Evidence shows that pregnancy might
however, that safety was always a concern
help women out of abuse, at least for a pe-
for the young women and collective deci-
riod (Trulsson 1998; 1999; 2003).
sion making and supports were common
As is true for the literature on alcohol,
wherever women congregated. In the same
research on drugs also highlights the vioNORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
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Drugs and gender
lation of traditional feminine roles in re-
cific respectability. Similarly Warner et al.
spect of women’s drug use. Researchers
(1999) who have investigated the norma-
have noted that involvement in criminal
tive regulation of non-deviant marijuana
behaviour, such as drug use, might lead
users, found that there are two separate
to enhancement of a positive mascu-
normative systems, one for men and one
line image, whilst for women there is no
for women. These render marijuana use
similar enhancement of personal identity
morally acceptable among males but not
(O’Bryan 1989; Järvinen 1991). Further,
among women.
drug research outside the Nordic countries
Other researchers, focusing on drug use
has noted the importance of separate gen-
in the normal population, have applied
der spheres. It has been ascertained that
the notion of “consumer”, emphasising
drug dealers are predominantly men and
female drug use as women’s search for
that the infrequent female drug dealers
pleasure. Pini (2001) argues, for instance,
are situated at the lower levels of the drug
that the rave scene allows women to chal-
market hierarchy. In this manner, women
lenge normative heterosexual femininity.
are partly excluded from the illicit drug
According to Pini the dance floor is an
market, and, to the extent that women are
arena in which women can explore new
involved, women’s drug use is controlled
kinds of femininity and challenge the
by men (Dorn & South 1990; Denton &
boundaries of appropriate gendered be-
O’Malley 1999).
haviour. Part of this process is dedicated
Despite a predominant emphasis on
to the use of drugs. The rave scene, Pini ar-
marginalized drug users, current research
gues, allows women to use drugs and “go
is taking an increasing interest in drug use
mental”. As such the rave scene allows
in populations outside the treatment and
women to get intoxicated, something that
criminal justice system. This has had an
is exceptional in terms of the old patterns
effect on drug research with a gender per-
in which women’s consumption has been
spective and there is a growing, yet still
strictly controlled both by men and wom-
limited, research literature on gendered
en. Also Henderson (1996) draws on the
drug use in the normal population. Brit-
idea of drug users as knowledgable con-
ish research (Parker et al. 1998) has, for
sumers. Henderson points out that women
instance, noted that the gender gap in
are active participants in the dance scene
drug use is closing, and that there are no
and not dependent on male friends. Fur-
statistical differences in lifetime drug use
thermore, they are managing and making
between women and men in their teens.
decisions about the known risks attached
Measham (2002) does, however, note that
to their own ecstasy use.
gender is fundamental to our understanding of drug cultures, especially of drug use
among people when they enter adulthood.
Women are engaged in a “controlled loss
of control” when trying to reach their desired state of intoxication which is defined
in relation to broader norms of gender-spe110
NORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
 Analytical perspective
The way we view drug use is subjective.
This has been the point of departure for
the analysis of the interview material presented in this article. Berger & Luckmann
(1966) note that the most important means
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Drugs and gender
by which subjective reality is constructed
other possible definitions of the situation
is through dialogue between individuals.
suggests the presence of a conflict. Seen
In dialogues we use language, and lan-
from this perspective the conversations
guage continuously provides people with
that arose in the interview setting can be
the necessary symbols through which
seen as a test in which the informants try
things make sense and within which eve-
out their statements, well aware that some-
ryday life has meaning. Foodstuffs, for in-
one else might think differently.
stance, are classified by means of vocabulary; McDonald’s is fat food and junk food,
Data and methods
while salads are not; alcohol is a socially
This article is based on 44 individual infor-
accepted mind-altering substance, while
mal in-depth interviews2 (Collins 1998).3
amphetamine is not. What these examples
The sample consists of 16 women and 28
illustrate is that language helps us under-
men between the ages of 18 and 30 who live
stand the world. The common things avail-
in Stockholm. At the outset of the project
able to us are made meaningful through
three criteria were set out to ensure that
language, which helps us to interpret exper­
the informants included were all “socially
iences and put forward our points of view.
integrated drug users”. Firstly, they all
One example of how this occurs provided
needed to have a structured everyday life.
by Berger & Luckmann (1966) is related to
They had to have a job, be students or have
religious doubt and the form this takes in
other kinds of legal economic resources.4
conversation with other people. We talk
They also had to have a permanent resi-
ourselves into our convictions, the authors
dence. Secondly, the informants needed
argue, which then take on the force of real-
not to have had any contact with social
ity in our consciousness. Other’s (speech)
authorities due to their drug consumption.
actions are at least as decisive for our re-
Thirdly, the informants all needed to use
marks as the processes taking place within
drugs to be included in the study.5
ourselves (Shotter 1993). Our views and
Recruitment for the study at the first
arguments emerge, so to speak, in dialogue
stage was conducted through making use
in which we are confronted with the task
of researchers’ own networks, asking per-
of explaining, motivating and justifying
sonal contacts if they could help recruit
our opinions and actions.
informants that fitted the criteria of the
This perspective on dialogue has been a
study. When this method failed to gener-
guiding principle for the analysis of the in-
ate enough informants, advertisements in
terviews. Indeed, drug use is a morally im-
restaurants and in a newspaper, inviting
pregnated issue and is constantly subject
people to participate, served as a useful
to negotiation. The meaning of drug use
recruitment method. People were further
from a Swedish official point of view is,
recruited through snowball sampling in
for instance, contested by the drug users,
which informants were asked if they could
who challenge the notion that drug use
recruit others for the study6 (Agar 1980).
necessarily belongs to the category of un-
The sample thus consists of some inform-
acceptable forms of behaviour (see Rödner
ants from the same circle of friends and
2005; 2006). Indeed, the very existence of
some who have had no personal contact.
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Drugs and gender
Thus the informants do not represent a co-
view is controlled by the interviewer and
herent homogeneous group who all know
the topic of conversation is imposed on
each other or are part of a particular youth
the informants from outside. Furthermore,
culture. Some use drugs in clubs, but
the decision on who talks when in an in-
clubs are not the only places and contexts
terview is determined by the assumption
of drug use, as drugs are also consumed
that the interviewer will ask the questions
in small gatherings with friends, in pri-
and the interviewee will respond.
vate parties and also on vacation. Further-
Although the interviewers tried to use
more, the informants cannot be described
gender neutral language, this was not fully
as being part of the same group in terms
achieved. In order to encourage the in-
of a shared taste in music or clothes style.
formants to elaborate on men’s and wom-
What does, however, relate the informants
en’s drug use, categories such as ‘man’
to each other is a common experience of
and ‘woman’ were used by the interview-
using drugs in a society which harbours
ers. Indeed, the intention was to steer the
strong sentiments against drug use. Fur-
discussion in the direction of certain vital
thermore, and despite their drug use, the
questions concerning drug use and gender
informants all have a strong sense of being
in the lives of the participants. Through
inside, as opposed to outside, the society
this framing the interviewers were in fact
in which they live (Rödner 2005; 2006).
invoking gendered discourses into which
The in-depth research interview used in
the informants to a certain degree were
this project can be seen as a form of con-
forced to talk themselves into. In their re-
versation in which someone asks a ques-
sponses it was clear that gender topics pro-
tion and another answers. Indeed, this is
voked storytelling, feelings and meanings.
an activity that lies deep in our cultural
The topic was thus clearly meaningful to
codes and modes of spontaneous interpre-
the informants and it is this which is the
tation (Gudmundsdottir 1996). In ordinary
focus in the current analysis. Furthermore,
conversational interaction there is suffi-
although the interviewers tried to control
cient occasion to discover differences in
the topics discussed in the interviews, the
world view and leeway to accommodate
interviewers tried not to influence how
differences. In this manner, explicit dis-
they were discussed. There were no stand-
cussion of assumptions rarely takes place.
ardised forms for the framing of ques-
In ethnographic field interviews, which
tions, nor a standard sequence in which
are specifically concerned with such dif-
the questions were asked. Furthermore,
ferences, background assumptions are fre-
the questions were open-ended and this
quently discussed and compared explic-
encouraged the informants to respond to
itly (Suchman & Jordan 1990). Thus, the
them as freely as possible. To this extent
research interview transforms the conver-
therefore, much of the control of what was
sation into a research tool. The basic as-
going on in the interviews lay in the hands
sumption in ordinary conversation is that
of the informants.
the participants will find a topic that is of
The specific context of the interviews
mutual interest and explore it to whatever
has implications for how the interview
depth they choose. In contrast, an inter-
material is treated in the analysis. Indeed,
112
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Drugs and gender
the interviews have not been treated as
of choice). When we realized that gender
situations in which extracts from the in-
and drug use remained silent themes in
formants’ answers can be lifted to describe
these general questions we started to ask
complete chunks of their world. Instead
gender-specific questions. The informants
the interviews have been regarded as in-
were asked whether or not they thought
teractive and structured contexts where
there was a difference in the way men and
information and interpretation flow both
women used drugs and if they generally
ways (Marton 1981). In other words, the
used drugs with men or women. In addi-
interviews have been treated as a collabo-
tion to relevant responses to the gender-
rative project to reach a shared meaning.
specific research questions, issues related
The most basic resource for reaching a
to men’s and women’s drug use occasion-
shared understanding in the interviews
ally appeared without any prompting from
was similar to that normal in routine con-
the interviewers.
versations: the person who receives an
When coding the material the parts of
utterance that is unclear, requests clarifi-
the interviews that dealt with men’s and
cation or elaboration. As will become evi-
women’s drug use were the first to be ex-
dent in the analysis below this was a tool
tracted7. Each part was then examined to
much used in the interviews. As regards
isolate the topics and themes treated by
the informants’ comments on male and fe-
the informants. Two specific issues were
male drug use there were various points
identified, creating the following sub-con-
where these were vague or ambiguous,
cepts: gendered drug use behaviour and
and there were instances where the inter-
gendered norms. Although the themes are
viewers simply wanted to hear more. All
here analysed separately, they were over-
of these instances were accommodated in
lapping in the interviews and this should
the interview procedures in this project.
be kept in mind when reading the article.
The analysis for this article follows the
For each of the concepts, the informants’
principle of grounded theory (Corbin &
modes of argumentation are examined,
Strauss 1990). In grounded theory data
and weight placed on how the informants’
collection and analysis are interrelated.
points of views are constructed and what
In fact, in grounded theory the analysis
tensions arose when the informants at-
begins the moment the gathering of data
tempted to present their own perspectives
begins. From the very outset, when a col-
in the interviews.
league and myself started conducting the
This article focuses on men and women
first interviews, an ongoing analysis was
in heterosexual relations. This is because
already taking place and was used to select
these were the types of relations articu-
the questions in the following interviews
lated by the informants. Various other gen-
and to decide the kind of probing that was
der-specific relations, such as homosexual
appropriate. The interviews began with
and bisexual relations are thus neglected.
throw-away (or warm-up) questions re-
Although these types of relationships are
lated to drug use (e.g. when was the first
interesting and important to social science
time the informants had used drugs, their
drug research, they are beyond the scope
current patterns of drug use and their drug
of this article. Furthermore, it should be
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Drugs and gender
recognized that this analysis is based on a
salaries and shit. No, but I don’t know
limited sample that isn’t necessarily repre-
...but girls are...well...better in school
sentative of drug-using populations in the
maybe...can one answer that?
Stockholm area.
Interviewer: You can answer what-
In the following presentations of results,
ever you want.
only certain representative examples have
Informant: I have not thought about
been extracted from the interviews. The
it so...I don’t know, girls are mummy’s
chosen extracts do not solely represent
little girl sort of….
individual informants; they also present
What is evident in the above, and what
common themes in the interviews.
was typical of the informant’s answers, is
Results
antagonism in the informant’s responses to
 Men’s and women’s drug behaviour
The informants were quite clear about the
existence of gender differences in relation
to drug use. When they were asked straightforward whether or not they thought there
were differences between men’s and women’s drug-taking, the most common and
spontaneous reply among both the female
and male informants was that fewer women
than men use drugs and that female drug
users consume on fewer occasions and in
smaller amounts than men. Although there
was great convergence about these existing
gender differences in drug taking, the task
of providing more detailed information on
this topic was generally a far more daunting project, as is evident in the following
interview extract:
the line of questioning pursued by the interviewer. As pointed out by Eikseth et al.
(1992) this should not come as a surprise.
Indeed, in the interviews the informants
were asked explicitly to talk about their
experiences, and particularly their experience of men’s and women’s drug use.
This may have been the first time the informants had had to describe such experiences, and the informants may never have
thought about their experiences explicitly
before. Once they try to describe memories and beliefs within the frame posed by
the interviewer, they discover that these
are vague and not easily expressed (Gudmundsdottir 1996).
Although talking about men’s and women’s drug-taking invoked storytelling and
expression of opinions on the part of many
of the informants, it was also clear that the
Male informant
Interviewer: Are there just as many
informants were uncomfortable in regards
to underlying assumptions regarding dif-
women then (who use drugs)?
Informant: No, there are less. Yes, it
must be less, of course there are less.
ferences in men’s and women’s drug-taking. What is evident from the above extract
Interviewer: Why?
is that the informant is quite clear about
Informant: Cause that is the way it
the fact that there are gender differences.
The informant is, however, clearly taken
is.
Interviewer: But why?
by surprise, and ambivalence arises when
Informant: Why?...that is because
he is asked to elaborate further on the is-
for a long time...like...with different
sue. The interviewer makes three attempts
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Drugs and gender
to extract an explanation for gendered
would you smoke the same amount as
drug -taking from the informant. The first
you do today?
time the informant refuses to provide an
explanation. The second time the inform-
Informant: I think it would be more
difficult to get a hold of it (laughter...)
ant attempts to please the interviewer; he
thinks about it and utters some reference
As other research has shown (Dorn &
to gender inequalities in salaries but is un-
South 1990; Denton & O’Malley 1999), drug
able to articulate a clear argument which
taking is a hierarchical arena in which men
links this to gender differences in drug use.
dominate in specific ways. In the present
This may be why the informant questions
material this was most clearly related to
the adequacy of his answer and after the
drug contacts. Among both the female and
interviewer hints that the informant must
the male informants it was most common
himself be the judge of that, the informant
that drugs were obtained through male
tries to explain why more men use drugs
dealers, friends or boyfriends. The patriar-
than women a third time. The final answer
chal drug market clearly places the above
remains unclear and not well articulated.
informant in a position in which she is un-
However, within the frame dictated by the
comfortably dependent on her significant
interviewer, it is evident that the inform-
other. This is evident from the fact that she
ant attempts to rely on the idea of women
does not conclude her answer after having
as generally well-behaved and obedient.
stated that she always gets drugs from her
The interviews made clear that the in-
boyfriend. Indeed, this could have con-
formants were caught in a bind in relation
stituted a straightforward answer to the
to women’s and men’s drug use; on the one
interviewer’s question. Instead of end-
hand they were explicit about there being
ing here, however, the informant enters
differences between men’s and women’s
into a stumbling articulation regarding
drug use, but on the other hand, they were
equal payment. In so doing, the informant
quite uncomfortable about having expli­
makes an attempt to alter the impression
citly to explain those differences as is
that she is dependent on her boyfriend for
clearly illustrated below.
drugs. Her hard work is, however, partly
discredited in the conclusion, where the
Female informant
Interviewer: How do you get drugs?
informant again admits that she is indeed
dependent on her boyfriend for drugs.
Informant: I have never bought them
As stated above, and despite the diffi-
myself, instead I have...my boyfriend
culties the informants faced when having
has bought them from his contacts and
to articulate drug use in terms of gender,
in certain cases...I have paid...so that
the topic invoked thoughtful reflection
we will be able to have…like…since
on the part of the informants when they
we both use both ought to pay but...we
were given a few moments to think fur-
are in a sense generous and we think
ther about the matter. In the interview con-
that it will equal out in the end...
versations, the informants commonly de-
Interviewer: if it was to end between
scribed men and women in terms of oppo-
you guys and you were on your own,
sites; men were described as independent,
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Drugs and gender
daring and fearless, as inherently curious,
Yes, girls generally...yes, naturally usu-
and holders of relaxed attitudes, whereas
ally...usually are more careful. That is
women were described as dependent,
the only thing I can say.
weak, careful, obedient, socially responsiThe lack of any consciousness regarding
ble and sensible as well as anxious about
and responsive to others’ opinions.
gendered drug use is clearly illustrated in
the above extract. After overcoming her
surprise at the question posed the inform-
Female informant
Interviewer: Do you think girls and
guys use drugs in different ways?
ant stumbles and falls, so to speak; she
pauses, thinks, and takes more pauses in
interesting!
her response. Although she explains that
I really have not thought about that
she has never thought about the topic in-
before.
spontaneously...
voked by the interviewer, the informant
Yeeeees, I would say so (laughter).
tries to please the interviewer by provid-
Well, spontaneously without having
ing a gendered perspective on drug tak-
thought it through....
ing. Explaining men’s drug use in terms of
Informant:...That is
Eh...well
Interviewer: Yes, but if you do think
being fearless is more or less uncontested
in the above passage; “Men are more fear-
through everything?
Informant: Eh...it is when I think
less” is said twice and without substantial
about it the most, eh...yes, I think
elaboration. Talking about female drug use
that...guys who use drugs, they are...
is, on the other hand, a more ambivalent
they are less fearless, or they are more
project. The informant starts explaining
fearless...girls, there are...girls who use
that there are two kinds of female drug
I would say are two separate...types.
users who represent two extremes; those
Those who are...yes, pretty...careful...
who are careful (and thus in effect consti-
with what they...firstly, what they get
tute the opposite of men) and those who
into their bodies. I mean that, say that
are not careful (i.e. are the same as men).
it is ecstasy...that is not enough for
At the end of the quotation the informant
them, they need to know WHAT kind
does, however, give a more straightforward
of ecstasy it is for instance. And...no,
account of female drug use. When asked
but this thing that there are...yes, but
why there are such gender differences,
guys as I said, they are usually more
the informant embarks once more on the
fearless as I see it. They are prepared
tricky project of having to articulate the
to test what there is...mix more and
nature of and make sense of female drug
so, whereas girls...yes, either they are
use, only this time she asserts that women
careful...or they are...what should one
are in fact naturally careful. Thus, after
say...yes...don’t care a damn about
much resistance the informant arrives at a
what they get into their bodies.
formulation in which women are seen as
Interviewer: Why do you think it is
the opposite of men.
Although the informants often draw
like that?
Informant: No clue really...I have
upon gender differences in terms of inher-
no clue (laughter). I really don’t know.
ent psychological and mental traits in their
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Drugs and gender
articulation of drug-related differences be-
phrase “it feels like” twice, demonstrat-
tween the genders, this does not always
ing to the interviewer that his viewpoint
provide the informants with a strong basis
should be understood as purely subjective
on which to explain their point of view.
and does not necessarily reflect an objective fact. Thus, as we have seen before,
Male informant
the informant is careful in his articulation
Interviewer: Are there any differ-
of the relationship between drug use and
ences in relation to these guys and girls
gender, making sure he is not articulat-
who take too much?
ing any radical views. The reason for this
Informant: In some way, it feels like
thoughtful and careful approach may well
these girls, or the two examples I have,
be related to the latter part of the quotation
the female friends who have gone over
in which the informant is asked to provide
the border, so to say,…a little bit too
an explanation for the gender differences.
much…it feels like they go down in a
The informant first says that he does not
different way…or it becomes in a way
know. After a moment of reflection, he
more serious than among the guys…
does, however, attempt to give more sub-
it feels as if those guys, those male
stance to his answer. Nevertheless, after
friends that have gone over the bor-
stating that he does not like to invoke a
der or have used way too much, they
discriminatory perspective and after a mo-
have still managed to be stable… but
ment of reflection, the informant is left
the girls, they have more or less had a
with no tools to provide an explanation for
breakdown and…been forced to be put
this experience of gender differences.
into treatment, whereas the rest have
Messerschmidt (1999) has noted that
maybe calmed down on their own or
the body is crucial for the understanding
continued the same way.
of gender and related practices. This was
Interviewer: Why do you think
girls ...?
evident in the present material in which
many of the informants refer to women’s
Informant: I don’t know…I don’t
physical body as weak and small when
like to have prejudice regarding sex…
they talk about female drug use. This is,
like…but…I can’t really answer why
for instance, illustrated in the following
there is a difference.
passage concerning gender differences in
regular drug use:
In this extract women are talked about as
psychologically weak and unstable, while
Male informant
men are described as mentally strong and
Informant: Eh...60% of the girls do
thus able to control drug use better than
it, and do it now and then, but ...70%
women. The informant is at the outset
of the guys do it of those I know...
careful to articulate his own point of view.
Interviewer: Do it regularly?
He makes clear that his opinion may not
Informant: Yes, it is more often than
be a generalized truth, as it is based only
girls, but that is also something that I
on his own personal experience of just
think is...most girls, it is not that they
two women. The informant also uses the
are not as strong psychologically, but
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Drugs and gender
it is as it is with alcohol, they can’t
way the informant “makes bodies matter”
take it, they do not have the same tol-
(Messerschmidt 1999) in relation to drug
erance, the body does not tolerate it
taking; the body functions as an explan­
as much, so that is...I think it is those
ation for gender differences in drug use.
things, girls drink less generally. They
Differences between male and female
do things, idiotic things less than guys
drug use are clearly, at least in part, tak-
do. We are more stupid than them, we
en for granted by the informants. When
have to test...
called upon explicitly to discuss the issue of gender and drugs they are thus
On the one hand, women are placed in a
taken by surprise and the articulation of
superior position here. The informant per-
gendered drug use becomes a far from
ceives female characteristics, such as being
straightforward project. The interviewees’
moderate users, as a positive trait superior
lack of consciousness of gender as an is-
to men’s stupid and idiotic behaviour. On
sue in relation to drugs does not, however,
the other hand, it is clear that women are
render gender irrelevant to issues of drug
considered physically weaker than men:
experiences. When granted a moment to
“…but as with alcohol, they can’t take it,
think about the issue, the informants are
they do not have the same tolerance…”.
quite clear about the existence of gender
Again it is evident that the explicit men-
differences. Moreover, in their intimate
tioning of gender differences is a tricky
articulation regarding drugs and gender
business. The informant uses terms such
one solution posed by the informants is
as ‘most girls’ as opposed to ‘all girls’ and
to assign different and often oppositional
thus adopts a moderate tone in express-
characteristics to the genders. Generally,
ing his point of view. Additionally, before
this implies that men are talked about as
invoking bodily elements the informant
stronger than women but that women are
places a disclaimer: “it is not that they
understood as more careful and responsi-
are not as strong psychologically, but…”,
ble than men. From this perspective, the
thus moderating his forthcoming point of
informants may be described as particu-
view, namely that women have lower drug
larly traditional in their articulation of the
tolerance than men. The informant relies
links between gender and drugs8. On the
on that taken-for-granted ‘knowledge’ that
other hand, however, it is evident that the
is usually evident in discussions of alco-
informants are quite uncomfortable about
hol use, namely that substance use affects
the articulation of gender differences. This
women more than men. In this manner
may be because traditional gender roles do
the informant draws upon what might be
not fit the current politically correct ide-
described as a shared knowledge base. As-
ology of gender equality. Caught in this
suming that drugs and alcohol function in
bind, the informants waver back and forth
similar ways, the alcohol discourse gives
when called upon to discuss gender and
strength to the informant’s argument,
drug taking.
namely that women are physically more
intolerant of drugs than men are. In this
118
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Drugs and gender
 Disciplining female drug users
which more rigorous social control is exerted over women than over men.
Female informant
Interviewer: Are there any groups in
society that should not use drugs?
Male informant
Informant: Yes, well that is the
Informant: I have female friends
group of women who should raise and
who smoke (cannabis), but they smoke
take care of our children and demon-
a bit less often.
strate the female sex role, they should
really be chained to the kitchen….
Interviewer: How come?
Informants: I think it may have to
do with gender role expectations, that
If this is read as a serious statement,
it is not as OK for girls to use drugs.
this informant probably comes across as
Well, in general it is not as, well, OK
conservative and maybe old-fashioned. It
that girls use drugs as it is for guys to
was, however, followed by laughter mak-
do it, so I think it has to do with that a
ing sure that the answer was understood
lot. I have difficulties thinking about a
as sarcasm. In effect, the informant is dis-
biological reason for why girls would
tancing herself from conservative gender
use less.
norms which subordinate women. This
imply that there is
The above quotation is an example of
no norm system in place by which the in-
what was often expressed in different
formants measure and evaluate men’s and
ways by both the women and the men in-
women’s drug use based on different and
terviewed. Indeed, many of the informants
sometimes inequitable criteria. Indeed, the
sensed that there was a general norm sys-
contrary is true as we shall see shortly.
tem in place which makes drug use less
does not, however,
Previous research in the alcohol field
acceptable for women than for men. In
has noted the significance of cultural
interviews other than that quoted above,
expect­ations in relation to substance use.
male informants did, for instance, argue
Gusfield (1987) has, for instance, written
that they thought it was worse to see a girl
about the “competent drinker”, meaning
use drugs excessively than to see men do-
a person who does not violate the social
ing the same. External control over women
structures concerning acceptable places
was, however, not only an issue of a gen-
and situations for drinking and drunken-
eral norm system that was articulated by
ness. As regards the present material, it
men. Women also articulated gendered ex-
is clear that norms related to drug-taking
pectations regarding drug use.
are often gender-specific and the informal
rules for what is considered competent
drug use are different for men and women.
Furthermore, as Rubin (1984) notes, it is
Female informant
Interviewer: Do you think they (girls)
take as much?
evident that “voices from the past”, such as
Informant: Yes, that’s what I think...
those presented in the sarcastic quotation
more or less. Then you wonder about
above, to some extent lead the informants
body weight. It might be better to take
to hark back to traditional gender roles in
less...So in principle women should be
NORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
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119
Drugs and gender
affected more by drugs...at least physi-
This is yet another example of the strug-
cally...in the long run...but yes, I don’t
gle the informants are engaged in when
know (laughter).
attempting to talk about drug use along
gendered lines. The informant is unable to
Here the female informant’s spontane-
articulate two sequential sentences with-
ous reply to the question posed by the in-
out hesitating and pausing. With much
terviewer is that there are no differences
difficulty, the informant arrives at a nor-
in the quantities of drugs men and women
mative and gendered system for accept-
take. There is then, however, a switch in
able drug taking. The informant first sets
point of view when the informant reverts
the scene for her point of view by claim-
to
taken-for-granted knowledge relating
ing that women “go under” from drug use
to the body, and on the basis of this she
quicker than men do. This forms the back-
imposes normative boundaries: because
ground from which the listener should un-
of female’s body weight and consequent
derstand her viewpoint in which women’s
low drug tolerance, it is better that women
drug use is accepted as long as it is limited
take less drugs than men. This normative
to special occasions.
framework is, however, clearly an ambiva-
A significant effect of the normative
lent venture. This is not only made clear
boundaries articulated in the above quota-
by the pauses and the hesitations in her
tion is that they place the informant and
answer. It is also evident in the last sen-
her female friends in a position superior
tence: “but yes, I don’t know” and the
to that category of unknown women who
laughter with which the informant makes
cross the boundaries of the gendered nor-
an attempt to distance herself from the
mative system. Indeed, a common theme
gendered norm.
in the interviews with the female inform-
External female control is further evi-
ants was that the informants differentiated
dent in the informants’ evaluations of oth-
themselves from other women who crossed
er women’s drug use.
those boundaries of acceptable drug use
behaviour. In some interviews this in-
Female informant
volved establishing a symbolic distance
Informant: Ehm. Yeeees, yes, but
from women who are too dependent on
that it can also be…that…but that is of-
their men and who seemingly are pushed
ten evident, girls that have been doing
into drug use through male peer pressure.
it long, very long…they go under a lot
Another specific group of women singled
faster than what…the guys do…they
out by some of the female informants were
who eh…the only ones who like…
pregnant women and mothers. This group
those girls I have around me, that is…
was subject to a strict normative system,
that is party…party girls. It is no one
more so than for other women and this
who does it at all on weekdays…some
was legitimised in the name of upholding
maybe smoke…eh…eh…hashish, a bit
the criteria of proper motherhood.
too often maybe (laughter) but…well
these girls I have around me it…it is
more like a party…
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Female informant
around the 1900s than middle-class wom-
Informant: My best friend that I
en who saw their drunkenness as a threat
grew up with there, she has children
to any claim of women’s moral superior-
so I could not deal with seeing it, she
ity (Levine 1980; Hunt et al. 1989). Then
combined the two things, drugs and
and now women are assigned moral super­
children, so we started to fight...so...
iority in that they are more sensible and
Interviewer: So you do not think
careful than men. In present day Sweden
one should use drugs when one has
this creates certain normative boundaries
children?
for female drug use in particular, which
Informant: Absolutely not! Because,
in turn makes the policing of female drug
if you are single and you are...well yes
users particularly stringent and is also im-
living alone as one might say, then you
portant for female drug users.
only have one responsibility and that
is towards yourself. But the day you
Discussion and conclusion
get children then you have taken on
In their narratives on gendered drug use,
a responsibility for another life too,
the informants in this study draw on per-
then you can’t...be so egoistic, so that I
sonal ideas, experiences and opinions.
think is awful.
Although the interviewer to a large degree
guided the topic of conversation, gendered
The informant talks about mothers who
drug use was undoubtedly something that
take drugs as deviants; as outside the cat-
invoked beliefs, values, explanations and
egory of ‘mother’. She is deeply opposed
story telling. In effect, the informants
to the idea of drug-using mothers, a view
“talked a gendered culture system into be-
which is emphasised by the use of forceful
ing” (Järvinen 2001) which framed what is
words such as ‘egoistic’ and ‘awful’ and
different, possible/impossible and accept-
the fact that it caused problems between
able/unacceptable in terms of men’s and
herself and her best friend. There are also
women’s drug taking.
no disclaimers or much hesitation in the
Focusing on this cultural system, this
above. Clearly, drug use is seen as a threat
study shows how gender constitutes a
to ideal forms of motherhood which fur-
moralising and normative system that sets
ther invokes gendered expectations in cer-
the criteria for what is seen as acceptable
tain women.
behaviour in terms of drug taking. By fol-
In sum, the policing of gendered norms
lowing a gendered norm system, the in-
is done within the gender, just as much as
formants in this study hold others and
it is an issue of general gendered norms ar-
themselves accountable for drug-related
ticulated by both the female and the male
behaviour in ways that are appropriate
informants. The fact that women get upset
for their gender. This study makes evi-
at someone else crossing the boundaries
dent that gendered ideals, which promote
which they have spent substantial energy
male strength and fearlessness and female
keeping within has been shown elsewhere
weakness and obedience, encourage men
as well. Indeed, no one was more upset
and women to see the world in a different
at working class women’s drunkenness
manner. In addition, the ideas sustain and
NORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
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121
Drugs and gender
invoke different possibilities for and re-
women, in order for their activities to stay
straints on acceptable action in relation to
within norms connected to gender (Eckert
drug taking. For women it implies a need
& McConnell-Ginet 2003; West & Zimmer-
for drug moderation or abstinence, while
man 1987; Kessler & McKenna 1978).
for men there are no specific gendered
The informants in this study have the
rules for drug use. This is not to say that
difficult task of living in contemporary
male drug use is uncontrolled. Research
Swedish society; a society that was washed
presented elsewhere (Rödner 2006) shows
over by the great waves of 1970s and 1980s
that male and female drug users articulate
feminism, and of constructing their own
a wide range of general informal control
lives and microculture from the cultural
mechanisms. The crucial point made here
materials with which they are presented.
however, is that male drug use and female
These materials are often contradictory
drug use are placed in different frames.
and contested, as is clear from how the
There are specific informal norms for fe-
modern young Swedes in this study inter-
male drug use which do not apply to male
pret and understand gendered drug use.
drug use.
Evidently, the general mechanism of con-
The apparent invisibility of specific
trol of women still exists. Furthermore,
norms for male drug use and the articula-
gender-specific discourses continue to as-
tion of such norms for female drug users
cribe different characteristics to men and
can be understood as an implicit statement
women. The informants make sense of the
of what constitutes the abnormal in drug
world through dichotomies such as weak/
taking. Indeed, as Mattsson (2005) argues,
strong and daring/careful. Each of these is
what is normal is rarely defined or elabo-
commonly applied in gendered discourses
rated. Instead what we know and what is
in society at large (Davies 2003; Hirdmann
emphasised are things that appear devi-
2001), and they can be analyzed as a hier-
ant, unusual and thus require explanation.
archy in which the female side is subordi-
From this perspective it is evident that in
nate (Cioxous & Clement 1986).
general terms female drug use constitutes
Thus, it is, on the one hand, clear that
the “out of the ordinary” category within
the informants draw on and maintain a
the frame of drug-taking.
traditional patriarchal gender system. On
But although women may constitute the
the other hand, however, it is clear that
deviant category in terms of drug use, it
most women in Sweden today do not live
does not automatically mean that female
up to the traditional domestic ideal of
drug users are unable to present them-
housewives totally devoted to the house-
selves in an acceptable way when talking
hold. Such ideals are not only far from the
about drug use and gender. As seen above,
reality of most women’s lives, they are also
drug taking allows both women and men
not in line with current gender discourse
to present themselves in culturally ac-
as is clearly illustrated in the ambivalence
ceptable ways, but this involves different
manifested in the informants’ articulation
kinds of effort for women. This is in line
of gendered drug taking. Indeed, this study
with other research which has focused on
makes particularly clear that classic ideals
the hard work demanded, particularly of
of old-fashioned gender roles are highly
122
NORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
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Drugs and gender
contested and unstable and the informants
women in charge of moderating drug use
make various attempts to reject them. This
and thus of upholding culture. Seen from
is, nonetheless, complicated because by
this perspective we have evidently arrived
resisting the dichotomies of the tradition-
at a paradox by which women are seen as
al gender system, the informants are left
closer to both nature and culture. A simi-
without any resources with which they
lar contradiction has been highlighted by
can present their point of view regard-
Bogren (2006). She notes that in cultural
ing gendered drug use. Indeed, hesitant
research on substance use men are typi-
speech indicates the inadequacy of stand-
cally associated with nature, whereas in
ard forms of expression. Furthermore, it
feminist analyses of cultural materials
reveals the informants’ discomfort with
women are associated with nature.
gender-related drug issues. Unable to find
This study has paid particular attention
the words to match their initial response
to what comes out when the informants are
on gender differences in drug taking, the
called upon to articulate their experiences
informants often had to struggle and some-
and views on drug use in terms of gender.
times failed to generate new forms of ex-
The analysis shows that the informants are
pression.
not simply reproducing gendered norms.
Further contradictions and ambivalence
Instead they are negotiating how to apply
in the articulation of gendered drug use are
broader and culturally gendered struc-
evident from the meaning of the dichoto-
tural arrangements in the context of drug
mies applied. In some of the characteristics
taking. Talking about drug use along gen-
related to gender, women are associated
dered lines does, however, involve making
with nature and men with culture. Talking
use of the resources and material at hand.
about women as psychologically weak and
While parts of these are stable, other parts
unstable and men as rational and stable is
are unstable and highly contradictory, sur-
in line with feminist studies which note
viving from different periods when one or
that women are seen as closer to nature
another frame was dominant. Evidently,
(implying that women lack control and are
gendered drug use is a field in which re-
irrational) while men are associated with
sistance and struggle for the definition of
mind and culture (implying male control
the situation exist and, in effect, this offers
and rationality) (Ortner 1996; Soper 1995).
endless opportunities for creative and of-
However, this does stand in contrast to
ten ambiguous syntheses.
other gendered characteristics invoked
by the informants, whereby women are
described as careful and morally superior
to men who are described as daring and
silly and thus willing to take risks. The
informants clearly celebrate women’s high
moral standards, and this in turn places
Sharon Rödner Sznitman, PhD candidate,
research assistant
SoRAD, Stockholm University
Sveaplan, 106 91 Stockholm
Sweden
Tel: (+46) 8 16 17 54
Fax: (+46) 8 674 76 86
E-mail: [email protected]
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Drugs and gender
Notes
1) The word “gendered” is here used to
describe something that is in the process of
being continually created and maintained,
as opposed to being a given quality in an
individual or an object.
2)�������������������������������������
The numbers of interviews were not
predetermined at the outset of the project.
Instead the final number of interviews
was determined by time and resource
limitations. Furthermore, after having
interviewed a substantial number of the
informants it seemed that what appeared
in interviews were repeated with few new
exciting issues arising from the individual
interviews. As such, it did not seem crucial
to spend scarce time and resources on
more interviews after we had conducted 44
interviews.
3)����������������������������������������������
The interviews are part of a project at the
Centre for Social Research on Alcohol and
Drugs (SoRAD). The project was led by Dr.
Börje Olsson and funded by MOB (Mobilisering Mot Narkotika). The interviews were
conducted by Sharon Rödner, a woman in
her late 20s and Max Hansson, a middle
aged man, in 2003 and 2004. Each interview ran for 45-90 minutes. The coding
was conducted by Nela Lalouni and Sharon
Rödner.
4) �������������������������������������������
By ‘other kinds of economic resources’ is
meant that three were on paid sick leave
and two had parental leave. Three of the informants were applying for jobs at the time
of the interview. They had a structured
everyday life in that they were actively
applying for jobs and were not socially
marginalised due to their unemployment.
They had access to savings.
5)�����������������������������������������������
For this paper it is the informants’ view of
men’s and women’s drug use which is the
focus and thus the meaningful parameters,
not drug consumption per se. Thus little
mention will be made of the informants’
drug use. For background information,
however, substance use included a variety
of illicit drugs; the most common were cannabis, amphetamine, ecstasy, cocaine, GHB
and LSD. Heroin, Ketamine, morphine and
buprenorphine were also mentioned, but
124
NORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
individual informants had only used these
drugs once or twice. All informants except
one had used cannabis. 18 of the cannabis
users used cannabis four or more times a
week. No informant used any other drug
than cannabis on such a frequent basis. All
the informants used drugs in leisure time,
outside their daily obligations.
6) ��������������������������������������
The initial contacts were not always
capable of recruiting new informants. A
snowball effect occurred for 9 clusters,
one group in which nine people had some
personal relations, one group where four
people had personal relations, one group
where three had personal relations and six
groups in which two had personal relations. The rest of the informants were individual cases that have, as far as we know,
no connection to the others.
7) The data program Nvivo was used to code
the material.
8) ����������������������������������������
See, for instance, Douglas (1977), who
argues that a wing of the 19th century feminist movement in the US tried to regain
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