SUB-PHONEMIC DURATION DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH
/S/
AND
FEW-TO-MANY BORROWING FROM ENGLISH TO
KOREAN
SOOHEE KM
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
University of Washington
1999
Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Department of Linguistics
University of Washington
Graduate School
This is to certify that I have examined this copy of a doctoral dissertation by
Soohee Kim
and have found that it is complete and satisfactory in all respects,
and that any and all revisions required by the final
examining committee have been made.
Chairs of Supervisory Committee:
____________________________________________________________
Richard Wright
____________________________________________________________
Sharon Hargus
Reading Committee:
____________________________________________________________
Ellen Kaisse
____________________________________________________________
Carol Stoel-Gammon
Date: _____________________________
In presenting this dissertation in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctoral
degree at the University of Washington, I agree that the Library shall make its copies
freely available for inspection. I further agree that extensive copying of the dissertation is
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Signature___________________________
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University of Washington
Abstract
SUB-PHONEMIC DURATION DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH /S/
AND
Few-to-many Borrowing from English to Korean
Soohee Kim
Chairpersons of the Supervisory Committee:
Assistant Professor Richard Wright
Associate Professor Sharon Hargus
Department of Linguistics
This dissertation investigates English-to-Korean loan word patterns with a special
focus on the alveolar voiceless fricative /s/ in the initial position. Based on findings from
a production and a perception experiment, this dissertation proposes that a sub-phonemic
durational contrast in English serves as a perceptual cue speakers of Korean heed in a
categorical fashion, leading to loan word phoneme selection.
Typical loan word models in the linguistics theory offer phonological explanation
to borrowing, focusing on the role of the phonology of the language words are borrowed
into (Hyman 1971, Kaye, et al 1979, Paradis, et al 1995, Yip 1993, Ito and Mester 1995,
Silverman 1992, Nam, et al 1994). A phonological feature evaluation approach,
however, cannot explain a borrowing situation in which one source language phoneme is
borrowed as two target language phonemes. This dissertation investigates such a
situation where the English voiceless alveolar fricative /s/ is systematically borrowed into
Korean as two different phonemes, fortis /s*/ and lenis /s/.
This dissertation proposes the categorical borrowing of English /s/ by Koreans is due to a
lower-level duration difference present in English, which seems to be significant enough
to be perceived as ‘different’ by Koreans. The implication of the present study may be
found in the interface area of phonetics and phonology and the phonological bias of the
listener as an active source for phoneme selection, which should be included in any
model of borrowing.
i
List figures.………………….….……………………………………………...................iii
List of Tables....…………………………………………………………….…………….iv
Dedication……………………………………………………………….…………….......v
Acknowledgment...…………………………………………………………….…………vi
Chapter 1............................................................................................................................. 1
Introduction......................................................................................................................... 1
1.1 Loan words................................................................................................................ 2
1.1.1 Loan word phonology ........................................................................................ 3
1.1.2 Paradis, et al’s (1995) repair strategy ................................................................ 4
1.1.3 Siverman’s (1992) multi-scansion model .......................................................... 9
1.1.4 Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 11
Chapter 2........................................................................................................................... 12
Background ....................................................................................................................... 12
2.1 Introduction............................................................................................................. 12
2.2 General background for loan words in Korean: phonotactics ................................ 12
2.2.1 Phonemic inventory ......................................................................................... 12
2.2.2 Syllabification .................................................................................................. 13
2.3 /s/ borrowing from English to Korean .................................................................... 13
2.4 Possible phonological explanations ........................................................................ 14
2.5 Phonetic characteristics of /s/ and /s*/ .................................................................... 16
2.6 Proposal................................................................................................................... 18
Chapter 3........................................................................................................................... 20
English [s]: Production experiment .................................................................................. 20
3.1 Introduction............................................................................................................. 20
3.2 Acoustic characteristics of English [s].................................................................... 20
3.2.1 Spectral characteristics..................................................................................... 20
3.2.2 Durational characteristics................................................................................. 21
3.3 Experiment: duration difference in initial English [s] ............................................ 23
3.3.1 Introduction...................................................................................................... 23
3.3.2 Methods............................................................................................................ 24
3.3.3 Results.............................................................................................................. 27
3.3.4 Statistical analysis............................................................................................ 28
3.4 Discussion ............................................................................................................... 32
ii
Chapter 4........................................................................................................................... 35
Perception of English [sa] by Korean speakers ................................................................ 35
4.1 Introduction............................................................................................................. 35
4.2 Perception experiment ............................................................................................ 35
4.3 Methods................................................................................................................... 35
4.3.1 Materials .......................................................................................................... 35
4.3.2 Subjects ............................................................................................................ 37
4.3.3 Procedure ......................................................................................................... 37
4.4 Results and discussion ............................................................................................ 38
Chapter 5........................................................................................................................... 41
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 41
5.1 Theoretical implications.......................................................................................... 41
5.2 Future research........................................................................................................ 42
References......................................................................................................................... 43
Appendix A....................................................................................................................... 51
English loan words to Korean with voiceless dental fricatives /s/................................ 51
Appendix B ....................................................................................................................... 52
Average Duration, SD and Min. Max. values of English [s]........................................ 52
Vita.................................................................................................................................... 54
iii
List of Figures
Number
Page
1.1 Feature representation of the segment v..…………………..………………..………. 5
1.2 Repair process *v Æ w.……………………..…………………………..…..…….… 5
1.3 Repair process *v Æ b.……………………..…………………………..…..………...6
1.4 Repair process *v Æ f.……………………..…………………………..…..…………6
3.1 Waveform and spectrogram of the utterance [isae]..……………………..…..……...25
3.2 Waveform and spectrogram of the utterance [istae].………………..…..…….……. 26
3.3 Average duration of [s] and [sC] by syllable position..………………..…..…….…..28
3.4 Normalized duration of [s] and [sC] by syllable positon….………..…..……………29
3.5 Interaction bar plot for syllable position.…………..…..……….…………..…..……31
3.6 Bar chart showing the number of [s] and [s*] responses.…………..…..……………40
iv
List of Tables
Number
Page
2.1 Supra-laryngeal obstruent inventory in Korean.………………………………….…12
2.2 English /s/ mapped to Korean phonemes.…………………………………..…….…13
2.3 English /s/ mapped to Korean phonemes (repeated).……………………………..…15
3.1 Average duration, SD, min and max duration of [s] and [sC] across speakers.….….27
3.2 Summary statistics for repeated measures ANOVA on duration of [s]………….….32
4.1 Total number of response for [sa] and [s*a].…………………………………..…....39
v
Dedication
This dissertation is dedicated to all women and minorities, including my mother, who
showed me that women belong in the world not only in the house, my brother and sisters,
who taught me friendship, and Emily Curtis and Mimi, who provided me moral support
and companionship when I needed it most.
vi
Acknowledgement
I would like to thank my dissertation committee for their unceasing
encouragement and support. Richard supervised the experiments and provided valuable
comments on the acoustic characteristics of Korean obstruents. Sharon’s comments on
loan words and the relevance of background information to loan words were
indispensable. Richard and Sharon’s encouragement with tea and coffee, statistics books
as well as their willingness to make appointments on weekends provided invaluable
moral support. I would also like to thank my readers Ellen Kaisse and Carol StoelGammon for their and support and confidence in me.
Emily Curtis spent countless hours sharing ideas with me from data selection to
theoretical issues and helped me solidify the main ideas as well as organize the
dissertation.
Alicia Wassink, Rob Hagiwara, Susie Levi, Nora Tums, and Lorna Rozelle
provided helpful comments on earlier versions of various chapters of the dissertation.
My thanks also go to Greg Iverson, Sun-Ah Jun, Jongmi Kim, and Young-Key
Kim-Renaud, who provided me with references and encouraging words on studying
Korean /s/.
Finally, I would like to thank the staff and faculty in the Department of Asian
Languages and Literature as well as Department of Linguistics, who helped in various
ways to make the writing process trouble-free.
1
Chapter 1
Introduction
This dissertation investigates English-to-Korean loan word patterns with a special
focus on the alveolar voiceless fricative /s/ in the initial position. Based on a production
and a perception experiment, I propose a sub-phonemic length contrast in English as a
perceptual cue speakers of Korean heed in a categorical fashion, leading to loan word
phoneme selection.
Although there has been much literature on loan words focusing on the role of the
phonology of the target language1 (Hyman 1971, Kaye, et al 1979, Paradis, et al 1995,
Yip 1993, Ito and Mester 1995, Silverman 1992, Nam, et al 1994, among others), the
exact nature of phoneme mapping between the source language2 and the target language
has been largely overlooked in loan word phonology. Furthermore, typical phonological
explanations to borrowing offer an abstract feature evaluation approach in many-to-few
feature mapping situations. Theories equipped to account solely for the loss of contrast
in borrowing are not capable of explaining a borrowing situation in which one source
language phoneme is borrowed as two target language phonemes. This dissertation
investigates such a situation where the English voiceless alveolar fricative /s/ is
systematically borrowed into Korean as two different phonemes, fortis /s*/ and lenis /s/.
The typical phonological strategy of reducing the number of features proves futile in this
case, as the listeners of the target language make distinctions that are phonologically not
available in the source language. Feature mapping and other phonological explanations
are shown to be inadequate.
The categorical borrowing of English /s/ by Koreans appears to be due to a lowerlevel duration difference present in English. This systematic sub-phonemic duration
difference in English seems to be significant enough to be perceived as ‘different’ by
Koreans. Thus, although length may be at best a secondary feature that Korean speakers
1
2
Target language is the language into which words are borrowed.
Source language is the language from which words are borrowed.
2
resort to when it comes to distinguishing between Korean phonemes, it plays a major
role in the absence of other cues in the case of English /s/ borrowing.
The organization of this dissertation is as follows. In the remainder of this
chapter, I outline problems in loan word phonology and propose a perceptual approach to
phoneme mapping in borrowing, with the listener in the center of the model. Chapter 2
offers a background on the phonotactic and phonological characteristics of Korean
fricatives, followed by loan word patterns of English /s/ to Korean. Formalization of the
hypothesis for fricative borrowing is provided at the end of chapter 2, which motivates
the experiments in the following chapters. Chapter 3 presents a brief summary of the
phonetic characteristics of English /s/, followed by a production experiment that assesses
the hypothesis that there exists a consistent duration difference between single-onset and
cluster-onset s’s in English in the initial and final positions. The experiment examines
the duration of singleton and cluster [s] with data from eight American English speakers.
In chapter 4, a perception experiment evaluates the hypothesis that native Korean
speakers make use of a length difference found in English s’s as a category-judging cue.
In the experiment, native Korean speakers listen to a digitally edited English stimulus [sa]
with varying [s] duration. The final chapter (chapter 5) discusses the theoretical
implications of the experimental findings and closes the dissertation with suggestions for
future research.
1.1 Loan words
Loan words are diverse in nature because words are borrowed via distinct routes
at different points in history. The English word paint (n.), for example, has been
borrowed into Korean as both [p*ENk*i] and [pHEintHˆ]. The former form is borrowed
through the Japanese language and is used mostly by the older generation or specialists in
fields who frequently use the word. The latter form is used by the more educated and/or
younger generation. English loan words borrowed through Japanese are easily
recognized because they often co-exist with newer borrowings of the same lexical item,
as is the case of the word paint. This dissertation is concerned only with the direct
English-to-Korean borrowings.
3
Loan words are variable for another reason; their users come with a wide range
of educational and regional backgrounds. Among the college-educated younger
generation these days, the second syllable in the English word coffee, for example, is
often pronounced with a labio-dental fricative, although [f] is not a native phoneme.
Some researchers claim that the main source of borrowing is bilingual speakers (Paradis,
et al 1995), but such a contention is untenable in a monolingual society such as Korea,
where approximation of foreign phonetic forms is a highly limited phenomenon.
Since most Koreans use loan words in their day-to-day conversation, I focus the
discussion in this dissertation on English borrowings that have been nativized, where
nativized words are defined as words that are used in every-day Korean, specifically in
the Seoul dialect, by Korean speakers with diverse educational and regional backgrounds.
Thus when I use the term English loan words, I refer to those words that are borrowed
directly from English (i.e., not via Japanese) and used by a wide variety of Korean
speakers for daily use.
Throughout this dissertation, I address many-to-few and few-to-many phoneme
mapping situations. Many-to-few phoneme mapping refers to a situation where a
phonemic contrast in the source language is lost in the target language. The English
liquid /l/ and /r/ being borrowed as one flap-like phoneme in Japanese is a typical
example. Few-to-many phoneme mapping refers to a borrowing situation in which one
phoneme in the source language is contrasted thus borrowed as two phonemes in the
target language. As an example, English /s/ is borrowed as either fortis /s*/ or lenis /s/ in
Korean. Typical phonological theory of loan words discusses only the first mapping
situation where the target language suffers impoverished phonemic inventory or syllable
structure. In what follows, I review recent phonological models proposed for borrowing.
1.1.1 Loan word phonology
Since Hyman (1971), phonologists investigating loan words have focused their
attention mainly on how borrowed sounds are subject to native phonological rules and
constraints of the target language (Kaye, et al 1979, Silverman 1992, Yip 1993, Paradis,
3
4
et al 1995) . Although some researchers examined specific phonemes or phoneme
groups from a phonetic point of view (e.g. Shirai 1999, Y.S Pae 1967, Takagi, et al
1994), due to a lack of theoretical models and to the focus of loan word research
normally being phonological rules and constraints of the target language, basic questions
have received little attention, such as how target language phonemes are chosen to
represent source language input and what happens when there is more than one possible
candidate phoneme to be mapped to the borrowed sound. Paradis, et al (1995) and
Silverman (1992) offer explicit phonological models for borrowing, which I briefly
review in the sections that follow.
1.1.2 Paradis, et al’s (1995) repair strategy
Paradis, et al (1995) propose that target language phoneme selection is based on
feature matching between the phoneme of the source language and that of the target
language. According to the Theory of Constraints and Repair Strategies (henceforth,
TCRS) presented in Paradis, et al’s loan word study (1995), illegal foreign phonemes are
adapted to native phonemes and phoneme sequences based on universal constraints.
Alleged universal constraints include the Preservation Principle, which ensures
that information in the input is maximally preserved, within the limits of the Threshold
Principle. That is, no segment or feature will be randomly deleted unless a repair process
calls for deletion. The Threshold Principle, according to Paradis, et al’s claim, says that
all languages have a tolerance threshold to segment change and that this threshold is the
same for all languages, it being two steps (pp. 6-11). In addition to these principles, there
are other constraints operating in borrowing words such as the Minimality Principle and
Precedence Convention. The Minimality Principle ensures that a repair involves as few
steps as possible, and a repair strategy must apply at the lowest phonological level (see
below) to which the violated constraint refers. The Precedence Convention requires that
a higher node of the phonological level hierarchy be addressed before any lower nodes.
3
Loan words are often less severely constrained by native grammar rules (for peripheral
constraints, see Ito and Mester 1995)
5
The proposed principles are claimed to be responsible for the French borrowing of the
segment /v/, for example, which is adapted to /w/, /b/ or /f/ in Fula. The authors propose
the following representation for the borrowed segment /v/. The asterisk below shows that
the segment is non-occurring in Fula:
*v
• Root node
/
|
\
Laryngeal
Place [+continuant]
|
|
[+voice]
Labial
Figure 1.1 Feature representation of the segment /v/
According to Paradis, et al, Fula allows the feature [+voice] to co-occur with
[+continuant] only if [+sonorant] is also present within the representation. Because the
Preservation Principle militates against deleting borrowed features or segments, in
repairing the illicit phoneme */v/, it ‘favors the view that *v lacks the feature [+sonorant]’
to deleting the whole segment or a part of the segment. Thus, the borrowed phoneme /v/
is most economically adapted to /w/, constrained by the Minimality Principle, and the
repairing step applies to ‘the lowest segmental feature level’ by inserting the feature
[+sonorant] in one step. The dotted line in figure 1.2 below represents the process:
*v
• Root node
/
|
\
Laryngeal
Place [+continuant]
|
|
[+voice]
Labial
[+sonorant]
Figure 1.2 Repair process: */v/ to /w/
Incidentally, Fula also allows two other native phonemes /b/ and /f/ to replace the
illicit foreign phoneme /v/ at times, as well. According to the authors, the adaptation
processes *v Æ b and *v Æ f involve feature deletion (shown below), and presumably
because the Preservation Principle is violated (i.e., a feature is deleted), the native
6
phonemes /b/ and /f/ occur in far fewer occasions than /w/ as substitutes for the foreign
phoneme /v/. The following two figures show the repair process from */v/ to /b and */v/
to /f/, respectively:
*v
• Root node
/
|
\
Laryngeal
Place [+continuant]
|
|
[+voice]
Labial
[-continuant]
Figure 1.3 Repair process: */v/ to /b/
*v
• Root node
/
|
\
Laryngeal
Place [+continuant]
/
|
|
[+voice] [-voice]
Labial
Figure 1.4 Repair process: */v/ to /f/
In figure 1.3, the impermissible feature [+continuant] becomes replaced by
[-continuant], which may occur in the absence of the feature [+sonorant]. In figure 1.4,
the repair takes place at a lower node in the feature hierarchy, and [-voice] is inserted to
replace [+voice], authorizing the feature [+continuant] in the representation.
Though elaborate, there are issues crucially confusing about the theory of repair
strategy. Take the example of the repair exemplified in figure 1.3. It is not clear whether
this repair process involving the feature [+continuant] consists of one or two steps. If the
feature [+continuant] is deleted and the feature [-continuant] is inserted, then the repair
process seems to consist of two steps. If the feature [-continuant] is said to replace the
feature [+continuant], the repair process can be viewed as one-step operation.
More generally still, without resorting to the phonetic characteristics of the source
phonemes, it is not obvious how target language phonology would interact with source
language phonology. Imagine a scenario where the target language lacks the particular
7
‘feature’ being borrowed, say English borrowing a lateral click from !Xhosa. Without
turning to the phonetic value of the click sound, feature mapping would be entirely
arbitrary.
Comparing phonological features of segments in two languages in the absence of
their acoustic characteristics is inadequate for an apparent reason: although the properties
of the phonemes are often captured in terms of their acoustic (e.g. sibilant) and
articulatory (e.g. labial) characteristics, phonological features can be defined solely by
their phonological function in the language. A good example can be found in Korean.
Korean fortis phonemes have been characterized with the features [tense], [+stiff vocal
cords] or [+constricted glottis]. Halle & Stevens (1971), for example, specifies fortis
(“forced” is their term) consonants with feature [+stiff vocal cords], and Y. K. KimRenaud (1974) uses the feature [tense] for the same purpose. By Chomsky & Halle
(1965), Korean fortis stops are specified with [+glottal constriction] and [+tense] along
with some other features. Despite the various names that have been given to Korean
fortis phonemes, the “feature” in question plays one main role: it differentiates fortis
phonemes from lenis and aspirated phonemes in the language.
On the same note, features are every so often re-christened as phonologists
discover more facts about a particular segment or segment category. Taking another
example, the feature tense (or fortis) was once used by various researchers to describe the
contrast between voiced and voiceless obstruents in English (Hardcastle 1973 and
references cited therein). Voiceless obstruents were categorized as tense, whereas
voiced obstruents were classified as lax in this approach, for various acoustic and
physiological characteristics distinctively involved in the production of the obstruents.
English voiced and voiceless obstruents are contrasted by feature voice these days.
Incidentally, English voiced stops and affricates, which were once characterized with
feature “lax”, are often borrowed into Korean as “tense” phonemes, directly contradicting
what the TCRS would predict. Thus, the model of feature evaluation commits a
researcher to “treat[ing]… elements of the notation for phonological events as somehow
having more interest than the events themselves”, as Ohala rightly puts it (Ohala 1990, p.
162).
8
Furthermore, consider the case at hand, where Korean borrows some English
[s]’s as fortis /s*/ and others as lenis /s/, splitting the source into two. Even assuming
Paradis, et al’s assertion that borrowers have access to the phonology of the source
language, it is unclear on what featural basis Korean speakers would ‘repair’ the source
phoneme /s/ in this case. The feature [fortis] or [constricted glottis] is at best inert in
English –presuming that phonological features are universal--, and Korean speakers
would be at a loss as to how to compare the source phoneme to two native phonemes. In
other words, in the case of English /s/ borrowing to Korean, although there is no feature
conflict as in Fula’s /v/ phoneme borrowing, the speakers of the target language choose to
make a distinction in one phoneme, where there is a lack of feature information for the
choice in the source language. Yet somehow Koreans manage to successfully categorize
the source phoneme into two independent native phonemes.
An important point that needs to be made regarding the TCRS is that some of its
principles conflict with each other, in the sense that a repair process has to heed the top
and bottom of the phonological level hierarchy simultaneously. The specific
phonological level hierarchy the authors adopt is as follows (‘art.’ is short for
‘articulator’).
metrical > syllabic > skeletal > root
level
level
level
node
> art.
node
> root
feature
> art.
feature
The Precedence Convention exerts force on repairing metrical level ill-formedness at the
top of the hierarchy first (e.g. stress), while the Minimality Principle forces a repair at the
bottom of the hierarchy, at the level of articulator features. It is unclear what criteria
dictate which principles should apply first. One may opt to revise the TCRS and declare
that all constraints work simultaneously with differing forces (c.f. Optimality Theory
proposed by McCarthy and Smolensky, 1994). Even such a framework would have to
include phonetic characteristics of segments into the theory.
Observing the inadequacy of a purely phonological model, one may turn to a
purely phonetic approach to borrowing. However, Hyman (1971) has established, in his
9
analysis of loan words, that phoneme selection in the target language cannot be based on
phonetic approximation to the phoneme of the source language alone. In borrowing
English [T] and [D], he notes, French speakers replace the sound with [s] and [z] and
Serbo-Croatian speakers with [t] and [d], respectively. Both French and Serbo-Croatian
possess all four phonemes [s], [z], [t], and [d] in their phonemic inventory. If the task is
only to be faithful to the phonetic values of the borrowed sound, the different mapping
observed in the two languages should not exist. Hyman continues to argue that if French
[s] and Serbo-Croatian [t] are different from English [T] by one phonetic feature4 each,
[strident] and [continuant], that is somehow phonetically equidistant from the source
sound, at least equal numbers of [s] and [t] substitution should be observed in both
languages. The different borrowing of one source sound [T] in two different languages
leads Hyman to believe that “foreign sound adaptation is mental in nature” (p. 11).
It is clear, then, that neither phonetics nor phonology can account for the process of
borrowing alone. In what follows, I review Silverman’s multi-scansion model, which
recognizes both perceptual and abstract phonological levels in explaining loan words.
1.1.3 Siverman’s (1992) multi-scansion model
Departing from the exclusively-phonological view of loan words, Silverman
(1992) proposes a multi-scansion model that encompasses both phonetics and phonology.
The basic premise of Silverman’s theory states that foreign word borrowing consists of
two scanning processes by the speakers of the target language, one being perceptual and
the other being phonological. According to Silverman, the two levels are distinct and
ordered, and all foreign input is first subject to the Perceptual Level scansion. At the
Perceptual Level, raw acoustic signals, that is, unanalyzed segment chunks that do not yet
have a phonological representation, are constrained by the native segment and other
prosodic (e.g. tonal) inventories. Silverman describes the process as follows: “… the
input to loanword phonology is merely a superficial non-linguistic acoustic signal. Thus
… host-language speakers, in accordance with their indigenous phonological system, …
10
instantiate native phonological representation on the acoustical signal, fitting the
superficial input into the native phonological system as closely as possible” (p. 289)
[emphasis added].
The output of the perceptual level scansion is then subject to the next level, the
Operative Level, where native rules hold segments to phonological and prosodic
processes.
Credit is due to Silverman’s model of loan words for recognizing the importance
of and formally incorporating the non-linguistic input perceived by listeners of the target
language, into a phonological theory. However, there is a theory-internal inconsistency
that Silverman’s two-scansion model faces. Although Silverman makes great efforts to
establish a division between the phonetic signal and phonological operations, the
boundary between phonetics and phonology is not clear-cut in his theory. As Silverman
himself states, ‘… host-language speakers perceive foreign forms in accordance with
their indigenous phonological system…’ that is, at the point at which acoustic signals are
subject to the target language listeners’ ear, phonology is already in the scene.
In addition to the contradiction regarding phonetics and phonology that weakens
his model, Silverman’s theory, as does Paradis, et al’s, fails to account for the few-tomany mapping case. Silverman assumes that the “naïve listener is …not… sensitive to
such sub-phonemic durational detail … as shorter vowel duration in closed syllables in a
source language” (he made this statement to support his claim that at the perceptual level,
speakers of the target language do not have access to the syllable structure of the source
language (p. 291)). Again, the English-to-Korean loan word case involving split
mapping of English [s] offers a direct counterexample to his contention. It will be shown
in this dissertation that target language speakers are sensitive to sub-phonemic
differences of a source language phoneme and that the sensitivity originates in their
native phonology. This is not to say that the speaker of the target language (i.e., the
listeners) refers to allophonic rules of the lending language (cf. Silverman p. 297).
4
Hyman does not discuss the distinction/difference between the “phonetic feature” and
the “phonological feature”.
11
Instead, they are sensitive to the allophonic or systematic sub-phonemic differences
evident in acoustic signals in the source language.
1.1.4 Conclusion
In this section, I reviewed two loan word models, including Paradis, et al’s
Theory of Constraints and Repair Strategy, which resorts to strict phonological feature
evaluation for phoneme mapping, and Silverman’s Multi-scansion model, which
incorporates perception as part of the borrowing process. Alluding to the case of
English-to-Korean [s] borrowing, I pointed out that the two models are inadequate or at
least inexplicit in accounting for a few-to-many loan situation. An adequate theory of
loan words should be able to explain borrowing in few-to-many borrowing situations,
which involve the introduction of a feature non-existent in the source language as well as
many-to-few borrowing situations, which involve fewer contrasts in the target language.
12
Chapter 2
Background
2.1 Introduction
This chapter provides a background necessary for the investigation of /s/
borrowing in Korean. Following a general background in Korean phonotactics in section
2.2, section 2.3 lays out the loan word pattern of /s/ from English to Korean. Section 2.4
explores possible explanations for the split mapping pattern, and section 2.5 reviews the
phonetic characteristics of Korean s’s. In section 2.6, a hypothesis is proposed to account
for the borrowing of English /s/ to Korean.
2.2 General background for loan words in Korean: phonotactics
2.2.1 Phonemic inventory
Korean has a three-way distinction between voiceless stops and affricates in the
initial position but only two fricatives. The supra-laryngeal obstruents in the phonemic
inventory provided in table 2.1 below are all full phonemes used in loan words as well as
native Korean lexical items. In the table, C represents a lenis consonant and C* a
consonant of the fortis category5.
Table 2.1 Supra-laryngeal obstruent inventory in Korean (adopted from Jun 1994)
CONSONANT SERIES
Fortis series (C*)
Lenis series (C)
Aspirated series (CH)
5
LABIAL
p*
p
ph
PLACE
CORONAL
t*
tS*
s*
t
tS
s
h
h
t
tS
DORSAL
k*
k
kh
Although the asterisk in C* is not an IPA symbol, since I agree with C. W. Kim’s
(1965) position that the Korean fortis consonants are not glottalized, I adopt his notation
instead of the IPA symbol for glottalized consonants (c.f. /t’/ by S.A. Jun 1994, Silva
1992, and J. I. Han 1996, and T for coronal stops by Hardcastle, 1973).
13
The phonemes in the first row belong to the ‘fortis’ category. The phonemes /p/, /t/, /tS/,
/s/, and /k/ in the second row and the phonemes /pH/, /tH/, /tSH/, and /kH/ in the third row
belong to the lenis category and aspirated category, respectively.
Note that the coronal fricative paradigm is deficient, lacking an aspirated
phoneme.
2.2.2 Syllabification
Korean does not allow word-initial clusters or word-final fricatives or fricative
clusters on the surface. Thus for the borrowing of English words with a final /s/ or final
clusters, an epenthetic vowel /ˆ/ is inserted. English words kiss and mask, for example,
are borrowed as /khis*ˆ/ and /masˆkHˆ/, respectively.
2.3 /s/ borrowing from English to Korean
The voiceless alveolar fricative /s/ in English is borrowed as either fortis /s*/ or
lenis /s/ into Korean. The mapping of the two fricatives /s/ and /s*/ is interesting and
peculiar because dichotomous mapping takes place in the absence of the apparent cue
that serves such a mapping.
Some examples of English words borrowed into Korean are provided in table 2.2,
along with the Korean phonemes the English /s/ maps to. Examples (a) and (b) are cases
of initial /s/ borrowing, and those in (c) and (d) show the borrowing of final /s/ from
English (A complete English /s/ loan word list is given in Appendix A).
Table 2.2 English /s/ mapped to Korean phonemes
English words borrowed to Korean
Initial Korean phonemes
a) slump, smog, snack, spar, skate
b) salary man, ceramic, single, size
c) test, toast, postcard, disk, mask
d) gas, bus, peace, news, juice, DOS
/s/
/s*/
/s/
/s*/
14
Words in (a) are invariably borrowed with the lenis /s/ while words in (b) are borrowed
with the fortis /s*/. Thus the English word slump ‘a period of physical and/or emotional
depression’ is borrowed as [sˆlFmpHˆ], and the word salary man ‘a white-color office
worker living on a monthly wage’ is borrowed as [s*ElFRimEn].
Words in the first category (b) optionally allow lenis fricative /s/ onset at least in
spelling. Most native speakers that I consulted, however, have a strong judgment about
the phoneme selection, insisting that the use of the lenis /s/ symbol for words in (b) is a
reflection of orthographic convention and that the choice between /s/ and /s*/ is not
reversible for the two groups in terms of pronunciation. Specifically, [s*ˆlFmpHˆ] is not a
possible pronunciation.
In the word-final position, singleton /s/ in English is borrowed as fortis /s*/ in
Korean, mirroring the borrowing pattern of /s/ in the initial position (c). /s/ in a cluster in
the example (d) also exhibits a similar borrowing pattern. The cluster is broken up with
an epenthetic vowel ˆ, and the lenis fricative /s/ in Korean is mapped to the English /s/.
Thus the word test is borrowed as [thEsˆthˆ] in Korean.
In sum, the English phoneme /s/ is borrowed as two phonemes in Korean, one
fortis /s*/ and the other lenis /s/, and whatever the basis for the split mapping, the
phoneme selection may not be switched. The split mapping of English /s/ seems to be
apparently related to the syllable structure of the words in English. As will be shown in
the following section, the relationship is only apparent and not explanatory. In the
following section, I review some possible phonological explanations for the split
mapping of /s/, based on the English syllable structure.
2.4 Possible phonological explanations
To explore a phonological explanation for the split borrowing, Table 2.2 is
repeated as Table 2.3 below for convenience.
15
Table 2.3 English /s/ mapped to Korean phonemes (repeated)
English words borrowed to Korean
a) slump, smog, snack, spar, skate
b) salary man, ceramic, single, size
Initial Korean phonemes
/s/
/s*/
c) test, toast, postcard, disk, mask
d) gas, bus, peace, news, juice, DOS
/s/
/s*/
As mentioned in the previous section, the split mapping of English /s/ has an
apparent basis on the English syllable structure. Examples in (a) and in (c) contain an /s/
in a cluster, and the /s/ in English is mapped to the lenis /s/ phoneme in Korean. Words
in (b) and (d) either begin or end with a singleton /s/ and their /s/ is mapped to the fortis
/s*/ phoneme in Korean.
To account for the mapping pattern of /s/ from English to Korean, a phonological
explanation may be attempted based on the syllable structure of English, namely, English
initial /s/ occurring in a cluster is mapped onto the Korean lenis /s/, and English initial
singleton /s/ is mapped onto the Korean fortis /s*/. Although this generalization correctly
describes the data at hand, it does provide an explanation for the split mapping. Since all
initial clusters in English are broken up by the epenthetic vowel ˆ in Korean, there is no
syllable-related impetus for selecting one kind of s over the other in Korean.
Furthermore, if the syllable structure of the words in English were what rules the
mapping, the phoneme selection might as well be reversed. That is, mapping singleton
/s/ in English to lenis fricative in Korean and mapping a cluster /s/ in English to fortis
fricative in Korean should be as good a possibility. But as we have seen from the loan
word data, this is not an option. The phoneme selection is fixed.
Perhaps the explanation for the split mapping can be found where the phonetics of
English meets the Korean phonology, where phonology is a system reflecting the
acoustic features of sounds in the minds of speakers. To understand how the acoustic
signals of English [s] are interpreted by Koreans, it is necessary to examine the acoustic
characteristics of Korean s’s. In what follows, I review the acoustic characteristics of
Korean fricatives.
16
2.5 Phonetic characteristics of /s/ and /s*/
Extensive phonetic studies of Korean stops and affricates can be found in the
literature (C. W. Kim 1965, Hardcastle 1973, Hirose, et al 1974, Kagaya 1974, Silva
1992, J. I. Han 1996, M. R. Oh and Johnson 1996, J. Y. Shin 1998, M. R. Kim 1994,
Iverson 1983, among others). Since Korean fricatives lack the aspirated phoneme in the
paradigm, I will discuss the phonetic characteristics that differentiate fortis stops and
affricates from their lenis counterparts.
The main findings of the previous phonetic research on Korean stops and
affricates are that lenis obstruents are distinguished by a lack of laryngeal tension that is
involved in the production of fortis obstruents. This articulatory force is typically marked
by a longer closure duration and shorter VOT for fortis obstruents than those for lenis
obstruents. Vowels following fortis obstruents are also shown to have a sharper as well
as higher Fo than those following lenis obstruents.
Unlike stops and affricates, neither closure duration nor VOT is a measure that
distinguish the fortis fricative /s*/ from the lenis /s/ in Korean since the production of
fricatives does not involve a complete closure of the vocal tract. Thus the fortis feature
must be realized in some other way in the Korean fortis /s*/ and the lenis /s/ for Korean
speakers to differentiate them.
Fortis fricative /s*/ demonstrates the same characteristics observed in stops and
affricates in terms of the quality of the vowel following the fricative. Fortis fricative is
distinctly marked by following vowels, such that the vowel onset shows a sharper high
formants (F3 and/or F4) and the F0 of the vowel is usually 10 to 15 Hz higher than that of
lenis fricative, just as vowels following fortis stops and affricates are marked in a similar
way (Kagaya 1974)6.
At this point, readers should be reminded that the goal of this dissertation is to
explain the loan word mapping patterns from English to Korean, specifically those of
English fricative /s/. The acoustic features researchers have examined which distinguish
6
The lenis /s/ is sometimes referred to as phonetically aspirated due to a period of
aspiration found after low vowels, especially [a] (Kagaya 1974).
17
fortis and lenis fricatives in Korean are concerned with the following vowels or a
transition into the following vowels. Fortis and lenis fricatives are differentiated by the
following vowels in Korean; when I digitally swapped the vowel portions [sa] and [s*a]
in Korean and listened to them, I heard the opposite pair, [s*a] and [sa]. Note, however,
that differentiating cues from the following vowels are not available in English fricative.
Random examinations of English [s]’s revealed that there is no discernible F0 difference
in vowels following English [s]. In addition, English [sV] sequences seem to be
inherently fortified; the English [sV] sequences with the majority of the frication taken
out sound something comparable to Korean [tS*V] to the Korean ear. Eliminating all
frication and aspiration noise before the vowel results in something similar to Korean
[t*V]. In sum, although the quality of the post-fricative vowels contribute to
distinguishing fortis fricative from lenis fricative in Korean, English does not provide
such a cue. Thus, I conclude that the cue that Koreans use in split mapping must come
from English [s] itself.
Excluding possible cues from the post-fricative vowels, then, there are at least two
ways in which [s]’s differ in Korean that may correlate with English [s]’s: 1) the fricative
duration of the fortis /s*/ phoneme is longer than the lenis /s/ phoneme, where fricative
duration is taken as something comparable to closure duration of stops (plus VOT,
perhaps); and/or 2) intensity of aspiration of the fortis /s*/ phoneme is greater than the
lenis /s/ phoneme due to different degrees of narrowing of the vocal folds giving rise to
higher air pressure than lenis /s/, where intensity of aspiration may be taken as something
comparable to burst intensity of stops and affricates.
A pilot study revealed that the fortis fricative /s*/ tends to have longer frication
than the lenis fricative [s] in Korean. Also, the fortis fricative /s*/ showed no wordmedial shortening, whereas the lenis /s/ was significantly shorter in the medial position
than in the initial position. Spectrograms in other researchers’ studies also show longer
frication period for the initial fortis /s*/ than for the lenis /s/, although they are not
discussed explicitly (e.g. Kagaya 1974, p. 171). It is interesting to note that the Korean
lenis /s/, but never the fortis /s*/, sounds more like English [ts] to the native speaker of
18
English; this supports the claim that the duration of /s/ is shorter than that of /s*/ in
Korean.
In my pilot study, the intensity of frication did not seem to differ for /s/ and /s*/
by visual observation of the spectrograms alone. If intensity of frication is measured over
the frication duration, fortis fricatives are expected to be greater in the intensity since
they are longer than lenis fricatives.
To conclude, the lenis fricative /s/ in Korean is differentiated from the fortis
fricative /s*/ mainly by the characteristics of the following vowels. As for the fricatives
themselves, the fricative duration of fortis /s*/ is in general longer than that of lenis /s/,
mirroring the typical fortis-lenis characterization of other obstruents in the language.
2.6 Proposal
It was shown in previous sections that the feature fortis –or whatever we decide to
call it– is associated with articulatory force and acoustic duration in the shape of VOT or
closure duration if it is fortis stops or affricates, and in the duration of frication itself if it
is fortis fricative. The length distinction is exploited in the medial position. Some
researchers take it further to posit that fortis obstruents are geminates in Korean (e.g. J. I.
Han 1996, J. M. Kim 1986). It is plausible, then, that duration of a segment is somehow
associated with the duration of fortis consonants in the minds of the Korean speaker,
which in turn affects the speaker’s interpretation of English signal.
I propose that native speakers of Korean have internalized the fortis = long
relationship and that they use this association in mapping English /s/ to Korean fricatives.
This proposal hypothesizes that syllable type in English has a phonetic correlate in terms
of [s] duration; as we saw in section 2.5 above, English syllable shape is apparently
relevant to the [s] split mapping. A systematic sub-phonemic duration difference in
English /s/ influences Korean listeners such that they categorically respond to the
durational difference in English [s] because their language makes use of duration of a
segment to differentiate phonemes, this despite the fact that duration of a segment may
not be the primary cue to contrasting fortis obstruents from lenis obstruents in their
language.
19
In the following chapter, I conduct a production experiment to test the
hypothesis that there exists a systematic duration difference in English [s], where the
duration of singleton [s] is expected to be longer than that of cluster [s].
20
Chapter 3
English [s]: Production experiment
3.1 Introduction
We have seen that mapping of English /s/ to two Korean s’s in loan words is
systematic. This regularity suggests that somewhere between the production of the
source in English and the perception of the borrowed entities by Koreans lies a cue, or
possibly a combination of several cues, that is responsible for the categorical mapping.
In the previous chapter, I proposed that speakers of Korean in a categorical fashion a
proposed sub-phonemic duration difference in English [s]. This chapter presents a
production experiment that tests the hypothesized duration difference in English [s].
Preceding the experiment, a brief review of the acoustic characteristics of English [s] is
provided.
3.2 Acoustic characteristics of English [s]
3.2.1 Spectral characteristics
Fricative sounds in general are a noise generated when the constriction becomes
small enough in the vocal tract to generate a turbulent airflow downstream from the
constriction. The production of dental fricatives in particular involves a jet of air-stream
that is blocked by an obstacle, namely the lower teeth. When the fricative is voiceless [s],
the glottis is kept open during the course of its production in order to provide sufficient
airflow to generate the noise (Stevens 1998 p. 497).
The fricative [s] is distinguished from other sibilant fricatives [z], [S], and [Z] in
English by its spectral shape. The peak frequencies for [s] are most often observed above
3.5 kHz, distinguishing [s] from [S], whose frequency peaks are usually below2.5 kHz
(Heinz and Stevens 1961, Behrens and Blumstein 1988, Stevens 1960).
The spectral characteristics of fricatives, including [s], are relatively stable interand intra-speakers and various vowel environments as well as over the duration of the
21
whole frication noise. According to Behrens & Blumstein (1988), the spectral
measurements of the fricative taken at the initial 15 ms, the middle 15 ms and the final 15
ms portion immediately preceding the onset of voicing were all 3.5-5 kHz for [s].
The fricative [s] is also characterized by high amplitude of the frication noise and
can be identified by its frication noise, whereas [z], for example, primarily relies on
vowel transitions for perceptual differentiation (Heinz & Stevens, 1961). The duration of
voiced fricatives is characterized by interrupted and reduced airflow due to vocal cords
opening and closing (Stevens, 1960).
In sum, [s] is differentiated from other voiceless fricatives (especially from [S]) by its
spectral peaks and also by relatively longer frication duration and higher amplitude than
voiced fricatives and non-sibilant fricatives, without the F2 transition to the neighboring
vowel.
3.2.2 Durational characteristics
Fricatives, especially voiceless fricatives, have relatively long segment duration.
The average duration of [s] frication that occurred in CV syllables in isolation was 174
ms in Behrens & Blumstein’s (1988) study, which was based on data from 75 [s] tokens
produced by 3 speakers. The average [S] duration was close to [s], showing that the
duration of [s] and [S] is not a significant cue for distinguishing one from the other. The
duration of non-sibilant fricatives [f] and [T] were 30-40 ms shorter than [s] in Behrens &
Blumstein’s study.
Crystal and House (1988) found that [s] is longer in stressed syllables than in
unstressed syllables, pre-pausally than non-pre-pausally, and in citation forms than in
connected speech, respectively. Also, the voiceless fricative [s] was found to be longer in
the initial position than in final position. In connected speech in their study, the average
duration of word-final stressed-syllable [s] was 96 ms non-pre-pausally, which
lengthened to 137 ms pre-pausally. That is, they found the duration of [s] to be longer
phrase-finally.
22
Walsh & Parker (1983) find that the average duration of morphemic [s] (e.g. in
the word lapse) is slightly longer than that of the non-morphemic [s] (e.g. in the word
lap-s).
The average duration for both types of final [s] that occurred in the syllable-final
position in their production experiment was 91 ms.
The prosodic organization of s clusters has also been investigated. Treiman, et al
(1992) examined English speakers’ syllabifications of medial [s]-stop clusters. The
authors found that English speakers separately syllabify [s] and the following consonant
in the medial clusters (e.g. [st] of the word state and [sl] of the word slate), showing
preference for organizing a medial [s] in clusters as coda of the preceding syllable. In
Treman, et al’s study, subjects responded by either writing or sounding out the word list
provided, thus no measurements on the duration or spectral amplitude of [s] are available.
As for the durational difference of cluster and singleton [s], Haggard (1972)
examined pre-vocalic and post-vocalic two-consonant clusters in isolated stressed
monosyllables. In brief, he found that consonants are shorter in clusters, independent of
the lengthening effects of absolute final position. In his study based on data from eight
adult British English speakers’ production in citation form, the average duration of wordfinal singleton [s] was 162 ms. [s] duration was shorter in word final ts clusters,
averaging 123 ms. Similarly, word-final st clusters were shorter than singleton final [s]:
the average duration of singleton [s] was 157 ms, and [s] that occurred in words such as
lost was 145 ms. The average duration of the initial singleton [s] reported in Haggard’s
study is 145 ms. In sum, frication of singleton [s] in words produced in isolation is 145
ms to 162 ms on the average. Duration of [s] in a cluster if found to be shorter by 20
some milliseconds.
Unfortunately, there was no initial st cluster data in Haggard’s data because the
focus of his experiment was not specifically on the durational difference between
singleton [s] vs. cluster [s]. My proposal that the native Korean speaker heeds the
systematic duration difference in English crucially relies on the validity of the assumption
that there is a detectable and consistent duration difference in English [s]’s. Research on
this matter is indispensable. As studies on the possible systematic durational difference
between initial and singleton [s] in English are not available, I investigate the initial
23
length difference between the cluster and the singleton [s] in English in the following
production experiment.
To summarize, English [s] is characterized by a high spectrum (3.5 KHz or
above) and high amplitude. As for duration, frication of singleton [s] occurring in words
produced in isolation lasts 145 ms to 162 ms on the average. [s] in a cluster is found to
be shorter (123 ms to 145 ms).
3.3 Experiment: duration difference in initial English [s]
3.3.1 Introduction
Based on earlier finding (Haggard 1972), I proposed in the previous chapter that
there be a consistent duration difference in English [s] depending on the syllable type of
the fricative. I formalize the hypothesis as follows:
Hypothesis: Duration of English [s] systematically differs by syllable type
The proposed hypothesis predicts different [s] duration in English depending on the type
of syllable [s] occurs in. The duration of [s] in a cluster is shorter than that of singleton
[s].
In the following experiment, the production of [s] by native speakers of American
English is examined. In the experiment, the fricative [s] is produced under two
conditions. In one condition, [s] occurs in a cluster either as onset or coda of the syllable.
In the other condition, [s] occurs singly in the syllable. Throughout the rest of this
chapter, I use the notation [s] for single-onset [s] and the notation [sC] for cluster-onset
[s]. When I use [sC] in relation to duration, I am only referring to the duration of [s] of
the cluster and not the duration of the entire cluster. To avoid confusion, I will use the
italicized s to address physical realizations of the English fricative /s/.
24
3.3.2 Methods
3.3.2.1 Materials
Stimuli consisted of English XVC or CVX words (X is either [s] or [sC])
followed by the 8 vowels [i, I, Q, A, √, o, U, V]. In order to minimize the place and
manner effects of the surrounding segments, the consonant following the s in the cluster
was restricted to /t/ for all [sC] type words (e.g. sick vs. stick).
3.3.2.2 Subjects
Four male and four female adult speakers of American English served as subjects
for this study. Subjects were born and grew up in various parts of the United States. Two
subjects are from the Midwest (TX, MO), three from the West Coast (OR, WA, CA), and
the remaining three are from the East Coast (NE, NJ, NY). All speakers were volunteer
subjects from the University of Washington. In all, eight subjects produced 3 repetitions
of 8 [s] words and 8 [sC] words, for a total of 384 measurable tokens for each condition.
3.3.2.3 Procedure
Recording took place in a sound-treated booth in the Phonetics Lab at the
University of Washington. Subjects read the stimuli off the word list into a standing
cardioid microphone (Electro Voice RE 20 with a frequency response of 45-18,000 Hz),
which was placed 3 inches from one side of the speaker’s mouth. Subjects read the
stimuli given in the carrier phrase ‘I’m going to say ___ again’. The sound source was
amplified by a stereo mixer (Shure FP 32) and was fed to an analog recorder (TASCAM
122 MK III). The input volume of the recorder was adjusted while the subjects practiced
reading the list. A Sony Hi-fi tape with normal bias was used for the recording. Subjects
spent about 20 minutes each reading the list with varying break times.
3.3.2.4 Acoustic measurements
Recording samples were digitized on a CSL speech analysis system (Kay 4300 B)
with a sampling rate of 22,050 Hz to capture the high frequencies of [s]. For
measurements, the Multi-Speech Signal Analysis Workstation (Model 3700, version
2.01) was used with a 0.8 built-in pre-emphasis.
25
Digitized segments were identified and marked both in the waveform signal
and spectrogram display. The following are the general guidelines in taking
measurements. When the onset or the offset of the s was difficult to detect, a high-pass
filter (2000Hz with a hamming window) was used to eliminate low frequency vowel
noise and thus clearly find the onset and the offset of s frication. For accuracy, segments
in the waveform and spectrogram display were inspected in 30 – 60 ms viewing
windows.
Figure 3.1 shows the portion [isQ] in one of the subjects’ utterance ‘I’m going to
say sack again’.
Figure 3.1 Waveform and spectrogram of the utterance [isQ] generated by Multispeech.
The vertical lines mark the onset and the offset of the frication
The top window is a waveform with the time scale (in seconds) on the x-axis, and
with the intensity scale on the y-axis. The bottom window shows a spectrogram of the
same data. Time is represented on the x-axis, which is aligned with the waveform
26
window, and frequencies are shown on the y-axis. Tags that mark the s frication are
shown as upside-down triangles on the top window.
In the figure, the first vertical line marks the onset of the s frication noise in the
waveform, which is temporally aligned with the start of the irregular high frequency
noise in the spectrogram. The second vertical line marks the offset of the frication.
The onset of the s was taken at the point where frication of s on the waveform
began. This point usually coincided with an abrupt attenuation of F2 of the neighboring
vowel on the spectrogram, as seen in the figure.
Similar measurement criteria were used for s in clusters. The following figure
shows [istQ] from the word stack.
Figure 3.2 Waveform and spectrogram of the utterance [istQ] generated by Multispeech.
The vertical lines mark the onset and the offset of the frication
For the onset of s frication, the point at which frication begins in the waveform was
taken, disregarding an occasional overlap with the F0 of the preceding vowel. That is,
when there was a discrepancy between the two measures, the waveform measurement
27
was given priority. The offset of frication was identified as lack of frication noise (due
to the following /t/ closure).
The duration of s was also normalized to control for varying speech rates of each
subject. This was done by dividing the duration of s by a reference duration for the
individual s measured. The reference duration consists of the interval between the onset
of the carrier phrase and the point immediately before the investigated word began. In
other words, from the utterance “I’m going to say stock again”, I took the duration of
“I’m going to say” as a reference for [s] in the word stock. The ratio of the duration of [s]
to that of the reference was used as the value for normalized [s] and [sC].
3.3.3 Results
The result of measurements revealed that the average duration of s is longer for
the [s] type than for the [sC] type both word-initially and word-finally. The average
duration of [s] was 170 ms and that of [sC] was 133 ms across speakers, thus the
durational difference between [s] and [sC] was 37 ms on average. (Each subject’s [s] and
[sC] duration and SD are provided in Appendix B). Following table is a summary of the
results.
Table 3.1 Average duration, SD, Minimum and Maximum duration of [s] and [sC] across
speakers
Average (sec.)
Dur.
[s]
.170
Dur.
[sC]
.133
Diff.
[s-sC]
.37
SD
[s]
.057
SD
[sC]
.050
Min
[s]
.076
Min
[sC]
.056
Max
[s]
.380
Max
[sC]
.294
The minimum and the maximum duration of [s] was 76 ms and 380 ms, respectively,
with standard deviation (SD) of 57 ms. The minimum and the maximum duration of [sC]
was 56 ms and 294 ms, respectively, with the SD of 50 ms.
The average duration difference by syllable position is also found between [s] and
[sC]. That is, the overall duration of [s] was longer than that of [sC] in both word-initial
and word-final positions. The following figure 3.3 displays a summary of the results. In
the figure, duration of s is represented on the y-axis in seconds.
28
.2
.16
.12
.08
.04
0
(sec.)
[s]
[sC]
Initial
[s]
[sC]
Final
Figure 3.3 Average duration of [s] and [sC] by syllable position. The first two bars
contrast duration difference between [s] and [sC] in the initial position, and the last
two bars show the duration difference between [s] and [sC] in the final position.
A comparison of the first two bars reveals that the duration of [s] was longer than that of
[sC] in the initial position. The average duration of [s] was 183 ms, and that of [sC] was
152 ms in the initial position. A comparison of the last two bars reveals a similar result.
The average duration of [s] was 157 ms, and that of [sC] was 115 ms in the final position.
Both [s] and [sC] were longer in the initial position than in the final position, that is, the
duration of singleton and cluster onset [s] was longer than that of singleton and cluster
coda [s].
3.3.4 Statistical analysis
Parametric statistical analysis assumes normal distribution. However, a
descriptive statistical analysis of the durational data from [s] and [sC] suggests that the
equal variance assumption was violated such that the distribution of both [s] and [sC]
data is not normal. As such, the normalized s duration data were used for statistical
analyses.
29
A descriptive statistical analysis revealed that the normalized [s] and [sC] is
comparable to the findings from the absolute [s] and [sC] duration. Following is a bar
graph that summarizes the results from normalized s data.
.3
.25
.2
.15
.1
.05
0
(sec.)
[s]
[sC]
Initial
[s]
[sC]
Final
Figure 3.4 Normalized duration of [s] and [sC] by syllable position. The first two bars
contrast duration difference between normalized [s] and [sC] in the initial position,
and the last two bars show the duration difference between normalized [s] and [sC]
in the final position.
In the figure, the y-axis shows normalized duration for [s] and [sC]. As discussed in the
previous section, normalized data were obtained by dividing the absolute duration of
individual [s]’s and [sC]’s by their reference duration. Thus the numbers on the y-axis,
although in seconds, do not represent the actual duration of s.
The bar graph closely resembles the summary of the absolute duration of [s] and
[sC] presented above. Thus, normalized data, as well as absolute s duration
measurements, revealed that [s] was longer than [sC] whether it occurred in the initial or
final position of the word.
3.3.4.1 Repeated measures ANOVA
For statistical analysis, repeated measures analysis of variance (ANOVA) was
used. A repeated measures experimental design allows an analysis of paired scores in the
conditions (typically an experimental and a control condition) and the differences
30
between the paired scores (Pagano, 1998). In the case of our s duration analysis,
singleton s constitutes a control condition, and cluster s constitutes an experimental
condition. This analysis assumes identical conditions for the fricative [s] and [sC],
except for the tested independent variable (e.g. syllable type).7
The ANOVA is a statistical method appropriate for data that are independent and
normally distributed. The effects of the identified independent variables on the
dependent variable may be evaluated. In the s duration analysis, two independent
variables were evaluated: the type of the syllable in which the fricative appeared (i.e.,
cluster vs. singleton), and the position of the syllable it appeared (i.e., initial vs. final).
The normalized ratio of the fricatives [s] and [sC] was used as a dependent variable.
Following analyses were conducted using STATVIEW software (v. 5).
3.3.4.2 Effect of syllable type
The results of repeated measures ANOVA suggest that the difference in duration
between [s] and [sC] was reliably different. With an alpha level of .05, the effect of
syllable type was statistically significant, F(1, 381) = 78.348, p < .0001. The duration of
[s] was significantly longer than that of [sC].
3.3.4.3 Effect of syllable position
Effect of syllable position was also revealed to be significant. With an alpha level
of .05, the effect of syllable position was statistically significant, F(1, 381) = 171.899, p <
.0001. The duration of [s] and [sC] in the initial position was significantly longer than
that of [sC] in the final position.
3.3.4.4 Interaction between syllable type and syllable position
There was an interaction between syllable type and syllable position. Figure 3.5 is
a bar plot that shows effect of syllable position by syllable type on the duration of [s] and
[sC]. The y-axis represents the ratio of s duration to the reference duration in seconds.
7
This is assuming there was no effect of the quality of the vowel on the duration of the
fricative. Vowel analysis was not possible due to an uneven number of vowels with the
same height and backness, used in the experiment.
31
.3
.25
.2
.15
.1
.05
0
(sec.)
[s]
[sC]
Initial
[s]
[sC]
Final
Figure 3.5 Interaction bar plot for syllable position shows effect of syllable position by
syllable type on duration of English s
The two blocks of graphs show that duration of s was longer in the initial position than
the final position, although [s] was longer than [sC] within each syllable position (withinblock comparison). With an alpha level of .05, the interaction between syllable type and
syllable position was statistically significant, F(1, 381) = 16.463, p < .0001.
In summary, the results of repeated measures ANOVA revealed that there was a
statistically significant effect of syllable type, where, [s] was reliably longer than [sC]
both in the initial and the final position. Interaction between syllable type and syllable
position on the duration of English fricative /s/ was also observed.
Following table summarizes the findings from the three statistical analyses on
effect of the syllable type, the syllable position, and the interaction of the two conditions.
Table 3.2 Summary statistics for repeated measures ANOVA on duration of [s]
DF
Syllable Type
Σ sq
32
8
Mean sq
F-Value
P-Value
Power
78.343
<.0001
1.000
1
.445
.445
381
2.164
.006
Syllable Position
1
.432
.432
171.899
<.0001
1.000
Syll. Position * Syll Type
1
.041
.041
16.463
<.0001
.991
381
.957
.003
Subject(Group)
Syll. Position *
Subject(Group)
3.4 Discussion
The present experiment was designed to determine whether the type of syllable in
which English s occurs affects the s duration. Overall, syllable type is found to affect the
duration of [s]. Measurements of the data showed that the duration of s was longer when
it appeared alone than in a cluster in the syllable. This durational difference was
statistically significant, indicating that the difference in duration between [s] and [sC] in
English is persistent and may not be attributed to chance. The difference of duration
between [s] and [sC] was found in both word-initial and word-final positions, confirming
that the difference is systematic.
The difference of absolute duration between [s] and [sC] in the present study is 37
ms, which is approximately 22% of the average [s] duration (170 ms) and 29% of the
average [sC] duration (133 ms). Given the relatively sizable difference of the average
duration between [s] and [sC], it is plausible that speakers of Korean may detect the
difference and use it as a category-differentiating cue because their language utilizes
duration of a segment as a cue, though secondary.
The durational difference between [s] and [sC] was found in the final position as
well as in the initial position. [s] duration was longer than [sC] duration in both
positions. It was also noted that the duration of [s], cluster or singleton, is in general
8
The “Subject(Group)” rows indicate ‘within subjects error’ the StatView software
automatically generates in repeated measure ANOVA.
33
longer in the initial position than in the final position. The average duration of [s] in
the initial position was 183 ms, contrasted with that of 157 ms in the final position. The
same position-dependent relationship was found in [sC]. The average duration of [sC]
was 152 ms in the initial position, whereas its average duration of was 115 ms in the final
position.
Results from the present study also support an earlier finding that onset
consonants are longer than coda consonants of the same place and manner (Crystal and
House, 1988). The position-dependent durational difference between [s] and [sC] may
find its source in a bigger prosodic picture, namely, phrase-initial consonants are
strengthened word-initially or phrase-initially (Keating, et al 1998).
Results from the present study complement Haggard’s (1972) study on British
singleton vs. cluster consonants, with the initial singleton data that were missing in his
study. In future research, word triplets such as axe-ask-ass may be investigated to see
whether there is a reliable difference between the three types of s’s. In the word axe, s is
occurs in an absolute final position, although in a cluster. It was shown in chapter 2
above that s in a word like axe is borrowed as fortis /s*/ in Korean, just like a singleton s
in the word ass, despite the fact that it appears in a cluster. Borrowing of s in the word
such as axe is contrasted with borrowing of non-final cluster s. s in the word ask, for
example, is borrowed as lenis /s/ in Korean. I contend that the different mapping of s in
the word axe and s in the word ask, for example, is due to the fact that the prolonged
frication of s is not interrupted by the neighboring segment in the case of the word axe.
A systematic investigation is necessary, however, to draw any firm conclusions9.
To conclude, the results and the statistical analyses presented in this chapter
support the first part of the proposal of this dissertation that there is a systematic acoustic
difference in the duration of English s, where [s] is longer than [sC].
9
Duration of [s] after the segment [t] in the ts cluster is expected to be short, as the actual
pronunciation of the sequence in English is more like an affricate than a distinct stopfricative sequence (also supported by Haggard’s 1972 study). In Korean, English ts
clusters are borrowed as fortis affricates, probably reflecting the short duration of the [s].
34
The next chapter investigates the second part of the proposal of this
dissertation. A perception experiment is conducted to test whether native speakers of
Korean categorize based on the systematic duration difference found in English s.
35
Chapter 4
Perception of English [sa] by Korean speakers
4.1 Introduction
This chapter investigates the validity of the second hypothesis of the proposal. A
perception experiment tests whether native speakers of Korean heed the sub-phonemic
duration difference found in English (chapter 3) in a categorical fashion.
4.2 Perception experiment
The hypothesis of the experiment is that native Korean speakers perceive English
[s] categorically, based on its segment duration. Korean speakers are expected to
interpret English [s] with long frication as the Korean fortis fricative /s*/, biased by their
internalized association of segment duration and fortis obstruents.
4.3 Methods
4.3.1 Materials
The fricative-vowel sequence was chosen as the stimuli syllable, with the vowel
[a]. The vowel [i] was not selected to avoid the Korean speaker’s possible bias based on
palatalization facts (Iverson, pc). The shortest frication duration in the stimuli was 60
ms, and the longest fricative duration was 300 ms. The selection of the shortest fricative
duration was based on Jongman (1988), who found that /s/ frication that was shorter than
50 ms was heard as affricate (/ts/) by native English speakers. For this reason, 60 ms was
chosen as the shortest duration of [s] frication in the stimuli. Earlier studies report that
the average duration of cluster [s] is 145 ms and that of singleton [s] is 162 ms (Haggard
1972). My production data from eight American English speakers obtained similar
average frication duration, where, the singleton [s] duration was 170 ms, and the cluster
36
[s] duration was 133 ms. Thus, 140 ms was chosen as the fricative duration of the
control stimuli was chosen.
The longest fricative duration in the stimuli were chosen rather arbitrarily; native
speakers of English judged fricative duration longer than 300 ms in the syllable [sa] to be
unnaturally long even in isolation. Thus I made the longest frication in the stimuli 300
ms. For reference, the longest fricative duration found in my production data was 380 ms
for singleton [s] and 294 ms for cluster [s].
A control stimulus was made by digitally editing the word ‘sock’ spoken by a
native English speaker. The speaker was asked to repeat the word numerous times so that
the desired frication duration was obtained. The English informant’s utterances were
recorded and digitized according to the methods described in chapter 3. Among
numerous tokens, the one with 140 ms frication duration was chosen as a control
stimulus, the value closest to average frication duration in English (see chapter 3.2).
From the selected token, a control stimulus, which consisted of 140 ms of
frication followed by 50ms of vowel, was created from a natural recording of the word
/sock/ read by a native English speaker. Control stimulus was used because editing a
master sound file would ensure all sound files contain the same information except for
the variables being tested (i.e., duration of [s] in the first experiment; amplitude of the
syllable in the second experiment).
To avoid possible lexical bias, the coda consonant and portion of the vowel were
removed, such that only 50ms of the vowel in the word sock was used. The vowel was
cut off near zero crossing (i.e., at the point where the y axis value was close to 0 on the
waveform), and a periodic silence (created from a sign wave) was appended so the vowel
would naturally decrease in amplitude.
The duration of [s] frication was decreased from the original 140ms in the
waveform window by removing 2-3ms of the signal from various sections (mostly from
the middle) of the frication. Since listeners are most sensitive to changes in the beginning
and at the end of a signal, 15ms from either end of the [s] noise was excluded from
manipulation.
37
To lengthen the fricative duration, two to three milliseconds at a time of the [s]
frication of the waveform was copied from different sections of [s] and pasted
sporadically back onto the [s] frication in order not to introduce unwanted periodicity.
This was done again excluding the 15ms at both ends of the frication. Stimuli were
created in PCQuire (v. 2). Visual examination of the spectrograms of the stimuli with
varying [s] frication as well as auditory examination of the sound files by native speakers
of English confirmed that all stimuli were natural sounding English [sa] syllables. All
stimuli were played to native speakers, who judged them to sound natural. The digital
editing was done on Multi-Speech Signal Analysis Workstation (Model 3700, v. 2.01).
The generated sound files were randomized by computer, with 3 second intervals
between each file. There were 7 stimuli, and each of the 7 which stimuli was repeated 5
times for a total of 35 trials.
4.3.2 Subjects
Sixteen subjects (6 male and 10 female) participated in the judgment task. Most
subjects were born and raised in Seoul and identified themselves as speakers of the Seoul
dialect. Subjects’ age ranged from 23 to 63. The 35 trials by 16 subjects produced a total
of 560 analyzable responses.
4.3.3 Procedure
Subjects listened to the stimuli binaurally at a comfortable listening level in a
quiet room. For the listening task, ATH-M40fs Precision Studio headphones with 528,000 Hz frequency response were used. Subjects were instructed to give a forced
choice answer by circling either sa or s*a written in the Korean orthography. Subjects
were not told that the stimuli were English [sa]. After the listening session, subjects were
asked to give an oral report of the overall difficulty rating of the task and the criteria they
used for judgment. This was done to cross-check possible outliers in the response.
38
4.4 Results and discussion
The experiment was designed to test the hypothesis that Korean listeners interpret
long English s’s as the fortis fricative /s*/ and short English s’s as the lenis fricative /s/ in
Korean. The overall results of the perception experiment confirmed that Korean listeners
in the present experiment were sensitive to the durational changes in the stimuli. Table
4.1 below shows the number of response subjects gave for each stimulus.
Table 4.1 Total number of response for /sa/ and /s*a/ to English stimuli [sa]
Response
Duration of [s]
/sa/
/s’a/
Total
60ms
63
17
80
80ms
54
26
80
110ms
44
36
80
140ms
30
50
80
170ms
15
65
80
230ms
5
75
80
300ms
4
76
80
Total
215
345
560
For the shortest [s] duration (60 ms), 78% (63 out of 80) of the response was for lenis [s].
For the longest [s] (300 ms), 95% of the response was for fortis /s/.
The number of responses for lenis /s/ decreased by 10-15 ms as the duration of the
frication increased. Starting with the shortest stimuli, the number of responses for fortis
/s/ continues to increase until it meets a cross-over point where the preferred
interpretation for fortis /s/ and lenis /s/ switches place. This point is somewhere between
110 ms and 140 ms of [s] frication. Interestingly, the cross-over point is what researchers
consider an average English [s] frication when [s] occurs in isolation. The following
figure summarizes the results. The vertical axis represents the total number of responses
for either /s/ or /s*/.
39
90
Count of RESPONSE
80
70
60
RESPONSE
50
ssa
s*a
40
sa
30
20
10
0
60
80
110
140
170
230
300
FILENAME
Figure 4.1 Bar chart showing the number of /s/ and /s*/ responses on the vertical axis.
In the figure, most interesting is the point between 230 ms and 300 ms. Although
the duration difference increased by 70ms, the number of responses for fortis /s/ does not
differ greatly (75 responses for 230 ms, and 76 responses for 300 ms). This may suggest
that duration may not matter as much once it reaches a ‘ceiling’, which is somewhere
between 230ms and 300ms. In sum, subjects’ preference to interpreting the stimuli as the
fortis fricative increased as the duration of frication increased, as predicted.
It should be mentioned that all 16 subjects found the stimuli to be very difficult to
judge, suggesting that duration is at best a secondary attribute that is used to distinguish
the fortis from lenis phonemes in fricatives. Also note that the response for lenis /s/
decreased gradually as the opposite response increased accordingly. There is no one
duration point beyond which speakers unanimously choose either /s/ or /s*/. This
suggests that duration to Korean speakers is not a contrastive but a secondary feature that
they associate with the fortis fricative.
40
There is no point at which more subjects interpret the stimuli as lenis phoneme,
and no crossover point as found in the previous experiment. Preference for fortis
interpretation is maintained for the whole range of varied amplitude. This might be due
to the increased amplitude of the vowel, giving listeners the impression that the onset of
the vowel is rather distinct as they would expect from a vowel following a fortis fricative
(see discussion in CHAPTER 2).
To conclude, the results of the present experiment neither support nor refute the
hypothesis that increased amplitude of the syllable helps listeners identify fortis /s*/ and
duration of frication seems to be psychologically real in the minds of the Korean
speakers, but it seems to be a secondary or enhancing feature of fortis consonants in
Korean. The fact that fortis consonants are physically longer (VOT, closure duration, or
duration of segments themselves in the fricative case) than lenis or Koreans resort to the
measure is hardly a support for fortis being geminate consonants.
41
Chapter 5
Conclusion
The goal the present study was to explain the borrowing process, by integrating
phonetics and phonology into the loan word model with the borrower as an active source
of phoneme mapping, in the center of the model. The specific case I have examined in
detail is the English voiceless alveolar fricative /s/, borrowed into Korean as two different
phonemes /s*/ and /s/. The present study has found that there is a systematic duration
difference in English s and that this sub-phonemic duration difference is perceived by
speakers of Korean in a categorical manner. I have claimed that the association that fortis
consonants are phonetically longer than lenis consonants in Korean are internalized by
Korean speakers, which in turn causes native speakers of Korean to hear English initial
single-onset [s] as long thus to map it to the Korean fortis /s*/ and the English clusteronset [s] as short thus to map it to the Korean lenis /s/.
5.1 Theoretical implications
The systematic duration difference found in English s production and its
categorical perception by Korean speakers has interesting theoretical bearing on how
phonetics interacts with phonology and what an adequate loan word model should
include. Traditional loan word theories in linguistics do not explicitly recognize the role
of the listener. Strictly phonology-based theories leave little room for listeners who exert
their categorical prejudice on the input signal, thus phoneme mapping is interpreted as a
highly abstract feature operation in these theories (e.g. Paradis, et al 1995). Even those
theories that recognize the need for phonetics, by attempting to divorce phonetics from
phonology, inevitably introduce phonology as operative in the realm of phonetics and
vice versa, creating an anomalous situation to the theory (e.g. Silverman 1995).
As this dissertation has shown with an investigation of the split English /s/
borrowing to Korean, in the process of borrowing, phonemes in the source language not
only lose but gain contrast, influenced by phonological aspects by which the speakers of
42
the target language is biased. Reduction of contrast is difficult to explain, if not
impossible, in a purely abstract phonological theory of loan words as the features to be
compared are not apparent in the source language. With a discussion of the split
borrowing case in Korean, I have shown that an adequate theory of loan words should
account for both mapping, many-to-few as well as few-to-many phoneme mapping
situations. This is possible only by incorporating the role of listeners in the center of the
model, whose perception is biased due to their native language thus interpret phonetic
cues categorically (c.f. Ingram, et al 1998).
5.2 Future research
The perception experiment conducted in this dissertation was designed to
investigate the perception of English s in the initial position only. Because Korean does
not allow word-final fricative, another experimental design should be used to construct
the English stimuli to examine the effect of final s duration. I will leave this for future
research.
43
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51
Appendix A
English loan words to Korean with voiceless dental fricatives /s/
I read the English words containing the s phoneme to 10 native speakers of
Korean and asked for their yes-no judgment of whether the /s/ or /s*/ in the word was the
correct one. Speakers had strong intuitions about which s phoneme is used for each
word. The following words were used in the study, which is an exhaustive list from the
Loan Word Spelling and Usage Dictionary published in Korea (1995). Items judged with
hesitation or disagreement are noted by parentheses.
English /sC/ Æ Korean
/s/
scale, scaling, scandal, scanning, (scapegoat), scarf, schedule, school, scooter,
Scotch (tape), scout, scrapbook, screen, screw, scuba, skate, skateboard, sketch, ski, skill,
skin, skirt, skydiving, slam dunk, slang, sleeping bag, slide, slipper, slot machine, slow
motion, slump, small, smart, smile, smog, smoke, smooth, snack, snake, snow, spaghetti,
spar, special, speech, speed, speaker, sphinx, spike, spin, sponge, sponsor, spoon, sports,
spotlight, spray, spring, sprint, spy, square, (Sri Lanka), stage, stamp, stand, standard,
stand-by, Stanford, star, stardom, steak, step, stereo, steroid, stew, stewardess, Sting,
stitch, stocking, stoic, stone, stop, store, story, stove, straight, street, stress, student,
studio, stunt, style, styro-foam, super, (supermarket), superman, super star, sweater,
Sweden, sweet, swim, swing, switch
English /s/ Æ Korean
/s*/
S, saccharin, sadism, safari, safe, sailor, saint, salad, salary, sale, sales, salesman,
sample, sandbag, sandwich, San Francisco, Santa Fe, (Satan), sauce, sausage, saxophone,
season, second, secret, section, seesaw, self-care, self-control, best seller, semicolon,
seminar, sensation, sense, sensitive, sensor, series, serve, service, set, seventeen sex,
sexy, side, Sierra, sign, silence, silica gel, silicon, silicone, silk, simple, sine, singer,
single, sink, siren, sister, situation, size, soccer, socio-, (soda), sofa, soft, solo, song,
Sony, sorting, SOS, sound track, soup, South Park, submarine, subtitle, summer, sun,
sundae, Sunday, suntan, surfing, suspense, symbol, synchronized swimming, siphon,
syrup, system, cement, censor, census, center, ceramic, (cider), cigar, C.I.F., (Cinderella),
cinema, circle, circus, city
52
Appendix B
Average Duration, SD and Min. Max. values of English [s]
Duration for
Singleton [s], Total
Duration for
Singleton [s], dm
Duration for
Singleton [s], mb
Duration for
Singleton [s], is
Duration for
Singleton [s], dw
Duration for
Singleton [s], sh
Duration for
Singleton [s], ec
Duration for
Singleton [s], at
Duration for
Singleton [s], sl
Duration for Cluster
[s], Total
Duration for Cluster
[s], dm
Duration for Cluster
[s], mb
Duration for Cluster
[s], is
Duration for Cluster
[s], dw
Duration for Cluster
[s], sh
Duration for Cluster
[s], ec
Duration for Cluster
[s], at
Duration for Cluster
[s], sl
Mean Std. Dev.
.170 .057
Count
384
Minimum
.076
Maximum
.380
.180
.067
48
.090
.380
.196
.040
48
.106
.267
.224
.042
48
.156
.313
.134
.031
48
.083
.208
.235
.041
48
.176
.341
.128
.018
48
.099
.172
.140
.017
48
.110
.179
.119
.025
48
.076
.168
.133
.050
384
.056
.294
.149
.046
48
.075
.268
.125
.033
48
.071
.207
.198
.037
48
.151
.294
.112
.034
48
.064
.202
.191
.026
48
.138
.235
.095
.018
48
.056
.137
.105
.021
48
.058
.168
.093
.018
48
.058
.121
53
(Non-)effect of amplitude of [sa]: perception by Korean speakers
Drop Page Fields Here
Count of RESPONSE
80
70
60
50
RESPONSE
40
ssa
sa
30
20
10
0
0.5
0.75
1
FILENAME
1.5
3
54
Vita
Soohee Kim
____________________________________________________________________________________________________________
University of Washington
Linguistics, Box 354340
Seattle, WA 98195-4340
Fax: 685-7978
Tel: 633-1429
Email: [email protected]
____________________________________________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Education
1994-1999
Ph.D., Linguistics, University of Washington. Seattle, Washington.
1990-1991
M.A., Linguistics, Florida International University. Miami, Florida.
1988-1990
B.A., Spanish, Florida International University. Miami, Florida.
1984-1986
Educational Technology Studies, Ewha Women’s University. Seoul, Korea.
Other Formal Training
1997
Lexicography Internship, Microsoft Corporation. Redmond, Washington.
1991
Linguistics Society of America Summer School, University of California at
Santa Cruz.
1990
Intensive Spanish Study Program, Florida International University. Salamanca,
Spain.
1986-1987
Intensive English Study Program, YoungJae Language Institute. Seoul, Korea.
Publications and Presentations
1998
“What looks like a CV must be a CV,” Conference Proceedings of 11th
International Conference on Korean Linguistics, University of Hawai’i at Manoa.
1997
“The split behavior of the feature Laryngeal in the reduplicative domain
in Korean,” Conference Proceedings of Western Conference On Linguistics, UC Santa
Cruz; also presented at the Colloquium Series, Department of Linguistics, University of
Washington.
55
1996
“Emergence of the unmarked: a case in Korean reduplication,”
Conference Proceedings of Chicago Linguistics Society, University of Chicago; also
presented at Northwest Linguistics Conference, University of Washington.
Teaching Experience
1999-
Lecturer, Korean, Department of Asian Languages and Literature, University of
Washington. Seattle, Washington.
1998-1999
Instructor/Teaching Assistant, Beginning Korean (Kor 301 C), Department of
Asian Languages and Literature, University of Washington. Seattle, Washington.
1997
Teaching Assistant, Introduction to Linguistics (Ling 200: Instructor Soowon
Kim), Department of Linguistics, University of Washington. Seattle, Washington.
1997
Teaching Assistant, Introduction to Linguistics (Ling 200: Instructor Michael
Brame), Department of Linguistics, University of Washington. Seattle, Washington.
1996
Teaching Assistant, Introduction to Linguistics (Ling 200: Visiting instructor
Ola-Nike Ola), Department of Linguistics, University of Washington. Seattle,
Washington.
1992-1994
Instructor, Intensive English Listening Comprehension Course (American
Force Korean Network), Pagoda Foreign Language Institute. Seoul, Korea.
1992-1993
Private Teacher, Korean to Foreign Adults. Seoul, Korea.
1992
Instructor, TOEIC, SSang Yong Company. Seoul, Korea.
1992
Instructor, English Conversation and Listening Comprehension, Kolong
Company: Institute of Asian Simultaneous Translation. Seoul, Korea.
1991-1992
Private Teacher, English to Korean High School Students. Seoul, Korea.
1989
Instructor, Korean to Second-Generation Koreans, Hangul Hakkyo. Miami,
Florida.
1987
Instructor, TOEFL, YoungJae Language Institute. Seoul, Korea.
Appointed and Elected Positions
1998-1999
Treasurer, Linguistics Society at University of Washington, Department of Linguistics.
1997-1998
Undergraduate Adviser, Department of Linguistics, University of Washington.
1994-1995
Graduate and Professional Student Senate, University of Washington.
56
1994-1995
Research Assistant, Journal Phonology (Professor Ellen Kaisse), University of
Washington.
1990-1991
Lab Assistant, Phonetics (Professor John Jensen), Florida International University.
Honors and Fellowships
1991
Linguistics Society of America Fellowship, Linguistics Society of America.
1990
Award for Outstanding Achievement in Linguistics, Florida International
University.
1989
National Dean’s List.
1989
Phi Kappa Phi, Honor Society.
1987
Outstanding Fellows Award, YoungJae Language Institute.
1985
Working Student Fellowship, Ewha Women’s University.
Languages
Korean: Native
Japanese: Intermediate
Quechua: Grammar
English: Near Native - Fluent
Chinese: Beginning
Spanish: Fluent - Very Good
French: Reading knowledge
References
Richard Wright
Department of Linguistics, University of Washington.
Box 354340, Seattle, WA 98195-4340.
Telephone: 206-543-2046.
Sharon Hargus
Department of Linguistics, University of Washington.
Box 354340, Seattle, WA 98195-4340.
Telephone: 206-543-2046.
Ellen Kaisse
Department of Linguistics, University of Washington.
Box 354340, Seattle, WA 98195-4340.
Telephone: 206-543-2046.