1
Mughal gastronomy and Brahmanical dietary practices: Food and identity at
the court of Akbar. [1556-1605]
Anku Bharadwaj
Abstract
My paper seeks to understand the interaction between Mughal gastronomy and
Brahmanical dietary practices in the reign of Akbar (1556-1605), and their relations
with the consolidation of the empire in his reign. It explores the early Mughal food
practices, and in the process of doing so, brings out contrasts and resemblances with
high caste Brahmanical dietary practices and perceptions of food. In examining the
Brahmanical gastronomy, with a view to draw comparisons with the Mughals, I
focus on the stringent dietary rules and etiquette of the Indics where caste
distinctions were evident, the concept of self-restraint and prohibition through the
practice of fasts and food charity, the notion of internal and external food pollution
and purity – all of these which form vital components of the Brahmanical religion
and culture in Hindustan.
My effort here is to look at Akbar’s acquaintance with the Hindustani culture and
habits, and see how aspects of this culture, in particular gastronomy and dietary
rules, were selectively appropriated by the Mughal state to legitimize its rule, and
deepen its control over the subjects in the Mughal Empire. Further, the paper reveals
1
Mughal gastronomy and Brahmanical dietary practices: Food and identity at the court of Akbar. [1556-1605 c.]
that the selective appropriation of the Brahmanical dietary norms by the ruler was a
source of much discontent among his Muslim conservative detractors, who often
accused him of abandoning Islam and of performing heretical practices.
Key Words: Food, taboo, fast, Indics, Hindustan, Akbar, caste, Brahamanical,
charity, Mughals.
*****
Food has a crucial socio-political space in virtually every human social order
and culture. At the risk of sounding banal, let me emphasize that food in any culture
is not just about feeding oneself, but involves complex patterns of assimilation,
interaction and resistance. In the Mughal period, we observe that the food practices
were not uniform and static, but dynamic and ever-changing. By the time of Akbar,
the third Mughal ruler, the casualness towards eating etiquettes and dining practices
present during Babur’s reign had under gone a huge transformation, and prefigured
by the development of a well-defined and elaborate code of conduct. The regulations
that defined culinary practices and patterns of food consumption were now
systematically integrated with imperial sovereignty.
Rituals and Practices of natives of Hindustan in early Mughal period.
The dietary habits of the people of Hindustan were quite different and
complex and were unfamiliar to the Mughals. The Indics followed stringent dietary
Anku Bharadwaj
rules and etiquettes, and considered it desirable, and for the high caste Brahmans, a
ritual necessity, to abstain from alcohol and meat. It is often assumed that the
vegetarian diet that is associated with the Brahmans was related to their faith in nonviolence and repugnance to taking lives; evidence suggests that it was probably tied
to notions of ritual purity and pollution. Meat-eating groups were ritually ranked
lower and beef eaters the lowest.1 Jack Goody points out that self-restraint and
prohibition are widely recognized as ways of attaining refinement in a hierarchical
society, such as India.2 The idea is clearly expressed in a verse in the Manusmriti:
‘there is no harm in eating meat or drinking intoxicating liquors as it is the natural
craving of man, but abstaining from them is meritorious.’3 The Indian religions Buddhism, Jainism and Hinduism developed this ethical injunction into a way of
life, and total abstinence from meat consumption was considered meritorious. Jack
Goody states that such a philosophy of rejection could develop only within the
context of hierarchical societies with its stratified cuisine. In India, rejection of
certain food and temporary rejection of all was one of the paths to holiness and
grace.4
Notions of ritual purity and pollution were a vital component of the
Brahmanical religion and culture in Hindustan. Since food, in particular meat, was a
vital carrier of pollution, regulation of dietary practices was tied to the rituals of faith
and the articulation of religiosity. Food rituals were widely present in Hindustan way
Mughal gastronomy and Brahmanical dietary practices: Food and identity at the court of Akbar. [1556-1605 c.]
back in the ancient period, and served to explain the variations in life, and wrath of
gods and the supernatural powers. Abul Fazl mentions that the Hindus believed in an
afterlife and in the concept of facing the consequences of previous birth in the
present life, ‘Karma Vipaka.’5 Extraordinary tales centring on food rituals are cited
in the Mughal chronicles; most of these rituals were followed by the people that
these would ensure their ritual purity, and serve to maintain social hierarchies. Mary
Douglas rightly points out that mostly people believed that their rites had an obvious
efficacy, and would suspend the natural course of events.6
Comparison of the food practises of the Mughals and the Indics
During Akbar’s period, we get a rich and elaborate description about the day
to day food habits of a regular Brahman family. Joaness De Laet mentions how a
whole family ate together from one dish.7 Arjun Appadurai argues, for Hindus, food
sharing is a principal social marker, both within the family and in the larger social
sphere. He also states that accepting food prepared by another person is perceived as
a homogenizing act, as well as a form of personal solidarity.8 When discussing
feasting occasions, De Laet observed that they didn’t eat from the same dish, and
maintained some distance from each other. Brahmanical gastronomical practices
restricted communal eating to the family, whereas among the Mughals, these
occasions were usually marked by the presence of a large number of friends and
Anku Bharadwaj
political allies.9 The concept of affinity to brethren was a composite aspect of the
Mughal nomadic life while the sedentary life of Indics gave importance to kinship.
Social distance and hierarchies were common to both the Brahmancial world
view and the Mughal courtly cultural tradition; the social and political hierarchies
were reproduced in Mughal imperial culinary practices. According to De Laet,
visitors were made to sit in order of superiority on either side of the host. They did
not use napkins, and ate with their fingers: it was considered bad manners to use the
left hand or to lick the fingers. The use of the left hand was for handling anything
dirty because the right hand was used for eating, and people realized the risk of
contamination of food that might result if this distinction was not observed.
Dietary taboos were instrumental in maintaining religious identities in
Hindustan. Like any other religion, Hinduism had its own list of acceptable food
items and practices. Abul Fazl mentions how stringently a Brahman family followed
the ceremonies and rituals of cooking and eating. They emphasised on the
significance of sacred gastronomical spaces and disciplined body. Each time before
cooking, the kitchen floor, wall and the cooking utensils was plastered with cow
dung and mud to make the space pure, and even if a piece of paper or a dirty rag fell
on the plastered space, the food was considered to be spoilt. Edward Harper states
that for Brahmans, the most striking and frequently encountered expression of
Mughal gastronomy and Brahmanical dietary practices: Food and identity at the court of Akbar. [1556-1605 c.]
pollution is in the use of cow-dung as a cleansing agent.10 What is unclean for some
becomes clean for others and vice versa. The person cooking should be clean as
well, and should take a ritually purifying bath before cooking. The notion was that
external and internal pollution that results from contact with the polluting substances
need to be removed by such acts as bathing.11 Harper states that the notion was that
simple types of pollution were removed by water; greater degrees of pollution were
removed by cow-dung and water.12 The role of cooking was defined and had to be
done by either the mistress of the family or a Brahman either a cook or somebody
related to the master of the house. A cook would not taste the food she is preparing,
as, by touching her finger to her lips, she would lose the condition of purity required
for protecting food from pollution. Since cooking involves contact, which is a source
of pollution, depending on their position in the hierarchy, higher caste individuals
were prohibited from eating food prepared by the lower castes. Members of higher
castes may give food to people of a lower caste without suffering a loss of status, but
they may not receive food from them.13 Often they guarded against coming in
contact with people whose pollution would lower their moral status.14 Leftover
food, especially food that has been touched [jutha] was considered polluting.
However, the leftovers [jutha] by God remained pure for humans. The food
offerings made to god, became sanctified and was called ‘Prasad’ [i.e., God's
Mercy], which was then partaken by the devotee. The higher the original eater, the
Anku Bharadwaj
less polluting the leftovers, and the wider the range of possible consumers.15 The
eating ritual was almost like a practice of worship where we see caste distinctions to
be quite evident.
The notion of a disciplined body among the Mughals was on similar lines. As
mentioned earlier, social food transfer, as most clearly indicated by the food eating
etiquettes followed by natives of Hindustan and the Mughals within their own
differentiated culture, had much to do with both creating closeness and harmony and
with distinction from others. Dining etiquettes and regulation in the mode of eating
were important to Akbar. The court chronicles created a profusely meticulous,
virtuous and masculine image for Akbar which included careful dietary habits,
including preferred vegetarianism and abstinence from wine showing his moderation
and self-control. The individuality of his distinguished presence itself derived
legitimacy and stability to the kingdom. Akbar believed that knowledge and care for
proper consumption of food was necessary, as strength of body, capability of
external and internal blessings and acquisition of worldly and religious affairs
depended on it apart from ‘distinguishing man from beast.’16 According to Harbans
Mukhia, it was mostly for maintaining the image of virile masculinity and to follow
modes of orderly elite behaviour.17
Mughal gastronomy and Brahmanical dietary practices: Food and identity at the court of Akbar. [1556-1605 c.]
Moreover, dietary practises such as fasts and charity were also undertaken by
the Mughals. Many references to Ramzan fast have been made in various Mughal
chronicle. Frugality and fast were uplifting properties in many or most cultures and
religions. The supposed notion was that it brought people closer to spirituality and
their creator. R.S. Khare states that during fasts, the food becomes an offering as
well as a means of self-denial, a sacrifice in both senses.18 He notes that the main
characteristics of fasts are: austerity, self-discipline and devotion to seek aims
ranging from ‘self-realization’ to the possession of worldly riches and pleasures.19
Interestingly, fasts had other dimensions too. Sometimes partaken to eat after
completion of a certain task, often to mourn or repent for breaking certain dietary
taboo, or to avoid excess. Mary Douglas states that one of the peculiarities of
religion is the fear of failing to practice the pollution -avoidances attached to one’s
religion.20 Vincent A. Smith narrates how to repent for his licentious relations with
women; Akbar pursued fasting for several days. Daniello Bartoli mentions that the
abstinence was not extended to include liquor and hence the merit of fasting was lost
in the demerit of inebriation. 21
Adaptation to Indic gastronomy by the early Mughals
When the Mughal royals moved to Hindustan, which had different cultural
norms, it was inevitable for them to adapt to their new environment. While it had
been a period of constant military engagements, it was no less challenging for Babur
Anku Bharadwaj
and his men to adapt to the social and cultural challenges of their new environment.
The lack of available native ingredients forced them to familiarize to the foods of the
new culture. Moreover, if Babur had to establish an empire in India, he had to adapt
to a land that was different socially, culturally and geographically to his homeland.
However, his grandson, Akbar understood the need for legitimizing his rule,
but realized that it was going to be a monumental task. He was born in India and was
exposed to Indian culture and religion because of his upbringing and his marriages
with the Rajput princesses. A large part of Akbar's administrative efforts were
related to winning over the Hindu society at a large. As Romila Thapar points out,
Akbar ‘won the allegiance of the Rajputs, the most belligerent Hindus, by a shrewd
blend of tolerance, generosity and force.’22 Apart from the tolerant policies, Akbar
paid attention to the ritual and culinary practices of the subjects and Hindu allies, as
well. He not only implemented certain dietary rules to conciliate his subjects, but
under their influence, embraced some of these practices himself.
John F. Richards states that Akbar adopted the Hindu custom of giving alms
to the poor by having himself weighed against gold, silver, grains and other
commodities.23 Moreover, consumption of meat became restrictive and sometimes
forbidden. For instance, he ordered that every year on the anniversary of the month
of his accession, nobody would be allowed to consume meat.24 In 1583, he made
Mughal gastronomy and Brahmanical dietary practices: Food and identity at the court of Akbar. [1556-1605 c.]
efforts to ban cow slaughter, and even though he was not successful, the efforts
indicate a noticeable shift in the Mughal imperial dietary practises.25 He himself
abstained from eating meat and hunting on Fridays and Sundays. To justify Akbar’s
stance, Abul Fazl states that Akbar, from the beginning, found animal food tasteless
and for protecting animals, refrained from animal food to protect animals. He states
that Akbar would have totally abstained from meat and implemented the same for
others, ‘had it not for the thought of the difficulty of sustenance.’26 Abul Fazl
described how Akbar experienced his great moment of spiritual enlightenment while
he was hunting. In appreciation for his spiritual enlightenment, he ordered to stop
the hunt and the thousands of animals caught up by the beaters were set free.
Thereafter, Akbar began to restrain himself from hunting and restricted himself to a
vegetarian diet on certain days.27 Observing this incident, Rosalind O’Hanlon
highlighted elements of appeal to Brahmanic Hindu prohibitions on the taking of
life.28
It won’t be wrong to say that Akbar’s policy of abstinence and charity was
politically motivated. In Mughal India, charity, in particular, food charity was
crucially tied to imperial sovereignty and was crucially linked to the notion of
‘justice’, a central trope that defined kingship in the Indo-Muslim dispensation.29
These policies provided to the state, legitimacy and acceptance among the people.
Anku Bharadwaj
Akbar was criticized for his policies of appeasement.
Bartoli makes a
mention of Akbar’s fasting strictly on Friday, and ascribed it to his contempt for
Islam.30 Badauni mocked Akbar’s effort to ban cow slaughter by saying that he saw
cow dung as pure and its meat impure.31 The reason given by Akbar for the ban was
that the doctors had told Akbar that beef was the source of all sorts of diseases, and
was very indigestible. Mary Douglas states that the resemblance between some of
the symbolic rites and the practice of hygiene is sometimes uncannily close and
religion based practises were often justified by medical explanations.32 She states
that it is not enough to explain religious orientations or rites simply on medical
grants.
According to Badauni, the reason of this was that, from the very beginning,
Akbar had been in the company of Hindu ascetics and jogis, and had thus learnt to
look upon a cow as something holy. Badauni believed that Akbar was subject to the
influence of the numerous Hindu princesses of the Harem, who had gained so great
an ascendancy over him, as to make him forswear beef, garlic, onions33 and had
turned his mind against ‘friendship of people with beards.’34 He critiqued Rajah
Deb Chand for saying that ‘Allah after all had great respect for cows implying that
the Quran agrees with the Vedas in reverence of the cows, else the cow would not
have been mentions in the first chapter of the Quran.’35
Mughal gastronomy and Brahmanical dietary practices: Food and identity at the court of Akbar. [1556-1605 c.]
Badauni states that Akbar in order to propagate Hindu religion and beliefs
forbade the prayers of the Islam, the fast and even the pilgrimage. He states that
Akbar initially had the early history of the Islam read out to him, but later started to
think less of the Sahabah [companions of the Prophet]. Soon after, the Islamic
practises of observance of the five prayers, the fasts, and the belief in everything
connected with the Prophet, were put down as taqlidi, or religious blindness. Akbar
initiated his own new faith where man’s reason was acknowledged as the basis of all
religion.36
However, according to Smith, the prohibition of animal food by Akbar was
under the influence of Jains.36 Seemingly, the whole gist of the regulations was to
further the adoption of Hindu, Jain and Parsee practices. While O’Hanlon has
highlighted that Akbar’s institution of discipleship of the new faith ‘Din i Illahi’
itself drew broadly on akhlaqi norms, ishraqi illuminationist thinking, and the
relationship between Sufi pir and disciple and Brahmanic Hindu dietary codes.
37
The disciples were made to observe particular regulations: a special mode of
greeting, alms-giving, periodic abstention from meat and avoidance of those
involved in its slaughter.
Anku Bharadwaj
Conclusion
In conclusion, I would like to say that the interaction between gastronomic
elements of the Indics and the Mughals displayed that unlike the early Mughals,
their food habits were much more rigid, stringent and constructed around caste and
religion, which of course included taboos and rituals. Seemingly, communal eating
was restricted to the family and unlike the Mughals; mealtime was not marked with
the presence of friends. However, the norms of hierarchy were similar in both the
Indic gastronomy and early Mughal dining practices.
The interaction of the Turko-Mongol food practices with indigenous
gastronomy was related to the consolidation of the Mughal Empire. Both Babur and
Humayun, rulers before Akbar, did not get enough time to engage with the dietary
practices of their subjects in India. However, Akbar’s birth and upbringing in
Hindustan and his marriages in the Rajput clan allowed him to come closer to the
Hindustani culture and habits. His policy of gastrodiplomacy to successfully
appropriate food rituals and dietary practices of the higher caste groups in India
helped him to legitimize Mughal imperial sovereignty. His assimilation of the
Brahmanical dietary norms was indeed a source of much displeasure among his
Muslim conventional critics, who often blamed him for abandoning Islam and for
performing heretical practices.
Mughal gastronomy and Brahmanical dietary practices: Food and identity at the court of Akbar. [1556-1605 c.]
1
H. N. C. Stevenson. ‘Status Evaluation in the Hindu Caste System,’ The Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute 84, 1954, 45–65.
2
Jack Goody. Cooking, Cuisine and Class: A Study in Comparative Sociology. United Kingdom: Cambridge
University Press, 1982, 117.
3
Quoted in Ibid., 117. (Manusmriti chapter 5- verses: 51-60)
4
Ibid., 129.
5
Abul Fazl. Ain–i–Akbari, III, translated by H. Blochmann and Colonel H. S. Jarrett. Calcutta: Baptist Mission
Press, 1873 – 1907, 225.
6
Mary Douglas. ‘Taboo.’ In Man, Myth and Magic, edited by Richard Cavendish, Vol 20, London, 1979, 2767–71.
For instance, Abul Fazl narrates how in the village of Zewan in Kashmir and in Devsar in the village of Balau,
people considered a spring and a reservoir sacred. People in Zewan believed that the saffron seed came from this
spring. At the time of cultivation, they worshipped at this spring and poured cow's milk into it. If it fell and sunk
into the water, it was considered a good omen and it was believed that plentiful saffron crop would grow, but if it
floated on the surface, it would be otherwise.1 Similarly, people of Balau believed that whosoever was desirous of
knowing the prospects of the harvest or whether his own circumstances were to be prosperous or unfavourable,
filled an earthen vessel with rice, wrote his name on its rim, and, closing its mouth dropped it into the pool called
Balau Nag. After a time when he opened it and if the rice was fragrant and warm, the year would be considered
prosperous and his undertakings successful, but if it be filled with clay or mud and rubbish, the reverse would be
the case. Abul Fazl. Ain–i–Akbari, II, translated by H. Blochmann and Colonel H. S. Jarrett. Calcutta: Baptist
Mission Press, 1873 – 1907, 358.
Another such reference also came from Kashmir, in Banihal where a temple was dedicated to Durgah. People
believed that they could know the outcome of the strife between two people through an elaborate ritual that was
followed in the temple. The ritual involved offering boiled rice to the deity. Abul Fazl, Ain–i–Akbari, II, 362.
6
Joaness De Laet, The Empire of the Great Mogol, translated by J S Hoyland, Delhi, 1928, 89, 91.
7
Arjun Appadurai, ‘Gastro–politics in Hindu South Asia.’ American Ethnologist, 8, 1981, 494 –511.
8
Abul Maali ate with Humayun in the same plate, Abul Fazl, Akbarnama, I, translated by H. Beveridge.
Calcutta: Baptist Missionary Press, 1897 – 1939, 662.
9
Edward B. Harper, ‘Ritual Pollution as an Integrator of Caste and Religion.’ The Journal of Asian Studies, 23.
1964, 181–183.
10
Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and Class.
11
Edward B. Harper, ‘Ritual Pollution as an Integrator of Caste and Religion.’ The Journal of Asian Studies, 23.
1964, 181–183.
12
M. Marriott, ‘Caste reading and food transactions: A metric analysis.’ In Structure and Change in Indian
Society edited by M. Singer & B. S. Cohn, Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues, 1968, 133–
142.
13
Appadurai, ‘Gastro–politics’, 494– 511.
14
R. S. Khare, The Hindu, Hearth and Home. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing. House, 1976, 39.
15
Abul Fazl, Ain–i–Akbari, I, 57–59.
16
Harbans Mukhia, The Mughals of India. Malden MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2004.
17
R. S. Khare, The Hindu, Hearth and Home. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing. House, 1976, 137.
18
Ibid., 132.
19
Vincent Arthur Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul, 1542–1605. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1917.
20
Quoted in Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul, 115.
21
Romila Thapar, Akbar. Microsoft Encarta Encyloclopedia Microsoft Corporation, 2001.
22
John F. Richards, The Mughal Empire (England: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 39
Anku Bharadwaj
23
Abul Fazl, Akbarnama, III, 580; Abul Fazl, Ain–i–Akbari, III, 395.
24
Badauni mentions, how to please the Hindus, this order, of abstaining from meat, was extended over the whole
realm and capital punishment was inflicted on everyone, who acted against the command. Many families suffered
ruin and confiscation of property. Badauni, Muntakhab, II, 331.
Stringent punishments were imposed. For instance, if anyone were to eat with a butcher, their hands were to be cut
off, but if he belonged to the butcher's relatives, they should cut off only his little finger. Ibid., 388.
25
Abul Fazl, Ain–i–Akbari, I, 395
26
Abul Fazl, The Akbarnama, III, 241–3.
27
Rosalind O’Hanlon, ‘Kingdom, Household and Body History, Gender and Imperial Service under Akbar’, Modern
Asian Studies, 41, 2007, 889–923.
28
This was not just specific to the Mughal state. In an excellent study, Suraiya Faroqhi has shown the
significance
of food charity in the Ottoman Empire. Her study demonstrates the significance of the circulation and distribution
of food in legitimizing the Ottoman sovereignty. Suraiya Faroqhi, Subjects of the Sultan: Culture and Daily Life in
the Ottoman Empire (New York: I B Tauris, 2005), 207.
29
Henry Beveridge, the translator of Akbarnama quotes Bartoli, ‘Bartoli Mission Al Gan Mogor, ed. Piacenza, p 7,
speaks of Akbar’s fasting strictly on Friday, and ascribes it to his contempt for Muhammadanism.’ in Abul Fazl,
The Akbarnama, III, 332 (Footnotes).
30
Badauni, Muntakhab, II, 268.
31
Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger:An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo. New York: Routledge, 2001,
59–73.
32
Badauni, Muntakhab, II, 268.
33
Ibid., 303.
34
Ibid., 211.
35
Ibid.
Vincent A. Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul
Rosalind O’Hanlon, Kingdom, Household and Body History
36
37
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Primary
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York: Routledge, 2001.
Mughal gastronomy and Brahmanical dietary practices: Food and identity at the court of Akbar. [1556-1605 c.]
3. Faroqhi, Suraiya. Subjects of the Sultan: Culture and Daily Life in the Ottoman Empire. New
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