on Black Working-ClassHistoty
Perspectives
and the Labor MovementTodaY
JoeW. Trotterr
Introduction
interwovenwith
African Americanworking classandlaborhistoryareinextricably
movement' and the nation
the larger history of the black community, the labor
which
a complexphenomenon'
itself. No lesstrraoin the past,the labormovementtodayis
we arestruckby the declinein
revearsdivergentbut reraiedtendencies.on the onehand,
labor force in the
union membershipfrom an estimated35 percentof the nonagricultura]
the otherhand,thereis also
mid_1g50sto lessthan 20 percentbv the mid-lggOs. on
workers,white collar
evidencethatthe labormovementis undergoinga revival,asservice
the work force in
professionals,women, immigrants,and d'iversepeopleof color enter
combinationsof old
growihg numbers.Moreover,workersareexperimentingwith creative
labgrpolitics,various
andnew stategiesandtactics: internationaisolidarity,lndependent
Takentogether,accordingto laborhistorianPeter
andcivil disobedience.
insidestrategies,
Rachleff,"; find the elementsof a new labormovement."
to the lives of
Historians and other scholarsneed to pay much more attention
unions'
working people,includingtheir diversecommunitiesaswell astheir
contemporary
workers of their past -Conversely,historians-urJ itt an excellentposition to remind
this essayanalyzesa
strugglesthat werewaged,won' partially*on, br lost' Accordingly'
labor,class'and
periodwhich holdsperhapsthe mostimportantlessonsfor contemporary
thesewere crisis
race relations-- i.e. the GreatDepressionand world war II. Because
debate,painful
times in American and African American rife, they demandedserious
African Americans
decisions,and an extraordinaryresolveto survivehardtimes' Indeed,
dignity and often
not only resorvedthat they wourd sunive, but that theywould do so with
,JoeW. Trotteris professorof Historyat camegieMellon university. This essayis
African Americansin
adaptedfrom JoeW. Trotter. From a Raw Dealto aNq$' Deal?Vol'8:
Historyof African Americans,New York:
D"fr"rrio' arrdWur. lg29-lo4@
essay,seethe appended
oxford university Press,1995). For the principa sourcesusedin this
a courseon labor and
bibliography. This ;r*y is part of ProfessorTiotter's contributionto
of Washingtonduring
ethnicity sponsoredCt,itr ienter for Labor Studiesat the University
SummerQuarter,1995.
with a senseof humor.
years,AfricanAmericanstold ajoke abouttwo menwalking
Duringthe depression
alonga county road. Althoughthe menpickedcottonfrom sunup to sundown,they had
no -lon"y andownedno property. In fact,they couldbarelyplacefood on the table. The
conversationeventuallyturnedto their wives andthe creativesolutionsthat they devised
to makeendsmeet. It is no secretthatblackfamiliessurvivedbecauseblackwomencould
almostliterally turn nothinginto somethinguseful. At any rate,one of the menbragged:
of her old
"My wife is smart. Shedon'twastea thing. Why,just the otherdayshetook one
raggedydressesandmademe a tie." Deierminednot to be outdonethe otherman turned
to his friendandreplied: "Boy, that ain't nothing. Yesterdaymy wife took one of my old
ties andmadeher a dress!" In otherwords,while someworkersdespaired,mostexpressed
hopeanda determinationto survivewith heart,soul,andmind intact'
Long before the stock market crash in 1929,African Americanshad already
experiencedthe growing impact of hard times. The "Last Hired and the First Fired,"
the depressionearlierand deeperthan otherracial and ethnic
eAican Americarisenter-ed
groups. SociologistsSt. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton believed that the black
Jo*-unity r*rd ^ a "barometersensitiveto the approachingstorm." Months beforethe
stockmarketcrash,theChicagoDefenderwarnedthat, "Somethingis happening. . ' and
it shouldno longergo unnoticid. During the pastthreeweekshardly adayhasendedthat
manyof whom have
therehasnot beena-reportof anotherfirm dischargingits employees,
beenfaithful workers at theseplacesfor years." As late as 1934,an unemployedblack
worker spokefor manywhen he appealedto the NAACP for help to feedand clothehis
family. nI u* writingyou askingii you will assistme in procuringwork . . . or Direct
Relief . . . I needfood andraimentfor my wife andchildren."
The GreatDepressionbroughtmasssufferingto the countryas a whole. National
income droppedby nearly 50 perient, from $81 billion in 1929to $40 billion in 1932;
unemploymett roseto an estimated25 percentof the labor force; and nearly20 million
Americansturnedto public andprivaterelief agenciesto preventstanrationand destitution.
receivedlessfrom
Still, African Americanssufferedmorethan their white counterparts,
their government,and got what they calleda "raw deal" ratherthan a "new deal.o'The
depressiontook its toll on virtually everyfacetof African Americanlife.
As unemploymentescalated,membershipin churches,clubs,and fraternalorders
dropped. Blacks frequently related the pain of this separationfrom friends and
acquaintances."I usedto belongto a Baptistchurch,but don't go therenow. I can't go
anywherelooking like this . . ." "I don't attendchurchasoften asI usedto. You know I
am not fixed like i want to be -- haven't got the clothesI need." As cottonpricesdropped
2
from 18 centsperpoundto lessthan6 centsby early l933,blacks in the rural Southfaced
the mostdevastatingimpactof the GreatDepression. All categoriesof rural black labor
--landowners,cashtenants,sharecroppers,
and wage laborers-- sufferedfrom declining
incomes. Mechanicaldeviceshad alreadyreducedthe numberof workers neededfor
plowing, hoeing, and weeding,but plantersnow experimentedwith mechanicalcotton
droppedfrom nearly392,000in 1930
pickersaswell. Thenumberof black sharecroppers
to under 300,000as the depressionspread. As one black womanput it, manyjobs had
"goneto machines,goneto whitepeopleor goneout of style." ThenovelistRichardWright
reinforcedthe samepoint, "As plantationafterplantationfails, the Bossesof the Buildings
and sendtractorsuponthe land,and still more of
[northernindustrialists]acquirecontrol
'another
place."' Public and private relief efforts were
us are compelledto searchfor
virflrally non-existentin the rural South,forcing farm familiesto continuetheir trek to the
city.
'Despite
decliningopportunitiesto work in southernand northerncities,black
migration continuedduring the depressionyears. The percentageof r:rbanblacksrose
from about44 percentin1930to nearly50 percentduringthe depressionyears. The black
populationin norttrerncitiesincreasedby nearly25 percent;the numberof citieswith black
populationsof over 100,000increasedfrom one in 1930to elevenin 1935. Public social
servicesplayedan increasingrole in decisionsto move. As the SwedisheconomistGunnar
Myrdal notedin his classicstudyof black life duringthe period,"It was muchharderfor
Negroeswho neededit to get relief in the Souththanin the North.ff
The increasingmigrationof blacksto cities reinforcedthe poverty of established
residents. By 1932,black urbanunemploymenthad reachedwell over 50 percent,more
thantwice the rateof whites. In norttrernandsoutherncities,blackworkersfacedspecial
difficultiestying to hold on to theirjobs. In Pittsburgh,for example,someblack workers
were fired when they refusedto give kickbacksto the foremanfor being permittedto keep
theirjobs. "I wasjust laid off- why? BecauseI wouldn'tpay off the foreman. He knows
us coloredfolks hasto put up with everythingto keepajob sohe asksfor two-threedollars
anytimean' if you don'tpay,you get a poor payin'job or a lay-off." Otherblack workers
the samegrievance."My division foremanchargedme $20 onetime for taking
expressed
me back on, after he had laid me off; then askedme for $15 more after I had worked a
At
while.Ijustgottiredofthatwayofdoin'andwouldn'tpayhim;nowI'moutofajob."
jobs."
the sametime,unemployedwhitesmadeincreasinginroadson the so-called"Negro
Not only in factoriesbut in streetcleaning,garbagecollection,anddomesticservicework,
whitescompetedfor the traditionallyblackjobs.
As the depressionintensified,ffiffiy white womenalsoenteredthe labor force for
the first time. They competedwith black women for jobs as maids, cooks, and
housekeepers.
In northemcities,unemployment
anddestitutionforcedmanyblack women
to panicipatein the notorious"slavemarket." Congregatingon the sidewalksof major
cities, thesewomen offeredtheir servicesto white women,who drove up in their cars
seekingdomestichelp. Someof the employerswereworkingclasswomenthemselvesand
paid as little as five dollars weekly for full-time laborerswho carriedout a full regimen
of housework. In their observationsof the practicein the Bronx, New York, two black
women,Ella BakerandMaryel Cooke,comparedthe practiceto the treatmentof slavesin
UncleTom'sCabin.HarrietBeecherStowe's1832novel:
Shewho is fortunate(?) enoughto pleaseMrs. SimonLegree'sscrutinizing
eyeis led awayto performhoursof multifarioushouseholddrudgeries.
Undera rigid watch,sheis permiuedto scrubfloors on her bendedknees,to
hang precariouslyfrom window sills, cleaningwindow afterwindow, or to
strainand sweatover steamingfubs of heavyblankets,spreadsand furniture
covers.
The work was difficult indeed. Oneyoungblackwoman,Millie Jones,offereda
detaileddescriptionof her work for onefamily for five dollarsa week:
Did I haveto work? andhow! For five bucksandcar farea week.. . . Each
andeveryweekobelieveit or not, I hadto washeveryoneof thosewindows
U5 in a six-roomapartmentl.If that old hag found as muchasthe teeniest
speck on any one of 'em, sh'd make me do it over. I guessI would do
anythingratherthanwashwindows. On MondaysI washedand did asmuch
of the ironingasI could. The restwaitedover for Tuesday.Thereweretwo
grown sonsin the family andher husband.That meantthat I would haveat
leasttwenty-oneshirtsto do everyweek. Yeah,andten sheetsand at least
two blankets,besides.Theyall hadto be donejust so,too. Gosh,shewas a
particularwoman.
Making mattersworse,manyemployerscheatedthe womenout of their wages. As
Bakerand Cookeput it, "Fortunate,indeed,is shewho getsthe full hourly ratepromised.
Often,her day'sslaveryis rewardedwith a singledollar bill or whateverher unscrupulous
employerpleasesto pay. More often,the clock is setbackfor an hour or more. Too often
sheis sentawaywithout anypay at all." In urbanfactoriesandcommerciallaundries,black
womenalsofaceddiffrcult times. In a New York laundry,blackwomenworked fifty hours
eachweek. Accordingto one employee,"it was speedup, speedup, eatinglunch on the
fly." Womenworking in the starchingdepartmentstoodon their feet for ten hourseach
day, "sticking their handsinto almostboiling starch." Whenthe employeescomplained,
the boss threatenedto fue and replacethem with workers from the large pool of
unemployedwomen.While blackwomendid not accepttheseconditionswithout a fight,
racism and job competition helped to narow the margin between subsistenceand
destitution. Evidenceofracism abounded.In the South,white workersrallied aroundsuch
ologarroas,5${oJobsfor NiggersUntil EveryWhite Man Has a Job" and'Niggers, Back
to the CottonFields- City JobsAre for White Folks."
The mostviolent effortsto displaceblackworkersoccurredon southernrailroads,
where the white brotherhoods,as their unions were called, intimidated,attacked,and
murderedblack workersin orderto take their jobs. One contemporaryobserver,Hilton
Butler, offereda list of black firemenwho lost their lives or wereseriouslyinjured: "_Gus
Emer4 [a] Negro fireman at Durant, saw a closedcar rush toward him ashe steppedfrom
an engineto u rid. track. Hejumpedbackin time to missthe secondshotgunload,but the
fust was sufficientto sendhim to the railroadhospitalwith seriouswounds. . . Cleve Sims,
a fireman also stationedat Durant,walked into the yardsat night to go to work. From
behind a water tank a shotgunblazed,and Cleve fell badly wounded." By early 1933,
nearly a dozenblack firemenhad lost their lives in variouspartsof the county. Butler
concluded:"Dusthadbeenblown from the shotgun,thewhip, andthe noose,andKu Klux
Klan practiceswerebeing resumedin the certaintythat deadmen not only tell no talesbut
createvacancies."
The discriminatorypolicies of employersand labor unions also affectedAfrican
Americansin northemcities. Employersretainedtheir viewsthat African Americanswere
fit only for dirty, unpleasan!low paying,andheavywork. As blackssoughtemployment,
employersagainfrequentlyclaimedthat, "We don'thavea foundryin our plant andthat's
tfre nna of work Nlgroes are best suited for." In Milwaukee, one firm justified its
exclusionof black *oik.rr in familial andpaternalisticterms: "Wejust sort of work like
a family here and to bring in Negro workerswould causeconfusionand causewhite
workersto feel thattheirjobs hadlost in diguty if beingdoneby Negroes."Whiteworkers
reinforced and frequently demandedsuch policies. Twenty-four unions, ten of them
affiliates of the AFL, balred blacks completelyand otherspracticedother forms of
discrimination and exclusion. Thus, disproportionatelylarge numbers of African
Americansenteredthe breadlines, sold their belongings,and facedeviction from their
homes.
It was a difficult time, but the Republicanadministrationof HerbertHooverdid
little to relievethe suffering. Hooverresistedproposalsfor aiding the nation'spoor and
destitute.,Instead,he pursueda policy of indirect relief thrbugh the establishmentof
FinanceCorporation,which providedloansto relievethe
agencieslike the Reconstnrction
creditproblemsof hugecorporationslike railroads,banks,and insurancecompanies.By
would
Hooverbelievedthat federalaid to corporations
"primingthe pump" of big business,
stimulateproduction,createnewjobs, andincreaseconsumerspending,i.e., "trickle down"
to the rest of the economyand endthe depression.Unfortunately,thesepolicies,aswell
asthe first yearsof FDR'sNew Deal,providedliule helpto African Americans.
African Americansrallied
Despitetheir sufferingunderthe Hooveradministration,
to the slogan'\vho but Hoover" in the presidentialelectionof 1932. Hooverhadnot only
he had alsooffended
failed to advanceeffectivepoliciesfor dealingwith the depression,
with black
photographed
African Americansin a varietyof ways,includingrefusingto be
leaders. Still, he receivedabout66 percentof the black votes. Only in New York and
KansasCity, Missouridid the majority of blacksvote for FranklinDelanoRoosevelt.
The Republican party was still the pafi of emancipation. Its role in the
a "long memory"for African Americans. Moreover,
emancipationof slavesrepresented
despitetheir lowly position, industrialexpansionduring the 1920shad openedup new
opportunitiesfor thousandsof blacks. Although skeptical,someblacks took heart in
Hoover'swords that, "We in Americatoday are nearerto the final triumph over poverly
than everbeforein the history of any land. The poorhouseis vanishingfrom us." From
their vantagepoint Rooseveltlookedlifile betterthanHoover. As AssistantSecretaryof
Nurry,he hadlupported the racial segregationof the armedforces. He had also adopted
Warm Springs,Georgiaashis homeand acceptedthe systemof racial segregationin that
state. Moreoler, during its nationalconvention,the Democraticparty rejectedan NA'ACP
proposalfor a civil riglrts plank calling for an end to racial discrimination. Thus, for a
variety of reasons,African Americansperceivedlifile reasionfor supportingFDR over
Hoover.
After his election,FDR did lifile to build confidenceamongAfricanAmericans.The
to passandimplementhis'T{ew Deal"
new presidentdependedon southernsegregationists
programs.FDR definedthe depressionasan economicdisaster,requiringmassivefederal
aid and ptanning.Accordingly,the Presidentformulatedhis New Deal programs,giving
close attention to the needsof big business,agriculture,ffid labor. Some African
but mostanticipatedandreceiveda "raw deal"
Americanshopedfor equalconsideration,
during the first yearsof FDR's administration.Rooseveltopposedfederalanti-lynching
from visitingtheWhiteHouse,andrefusedto make
legislation,preventedblackdelegations
justified his actionson the grounds
civil rightsandracialequttya priority. FDR repeatedly
that he neededSouthernwhite supportfor his economicrelief andrecoveryprograms.In
a conversationwith an NAACP official, he confidedthat "If I come out for the antilynchingbill now, theywill block everybill I askCongressto passto keepAmericafrom
collapsing.I just can't takethatrisk." African-Americanrightswereplacedon hold. Each
piece of New Deal legislation failed to safeguardAfrican Americansagainst racial
discrimination.TheNationalRecoveryAdministation (NRA), theAgricultural Adjustment
6
Valley
Administration(AAA), the WorksProgressAdministration(WPA), the Tennessee
Authority (TVA), the Civilian ConservationCorps(CCC), and the FederalEmergency
Relief Administration (FERA), to name only a few, all left blacks vulnerable to
diaoriminato4remployers"agencyofficials, and localwhites.
African Americansrepeatedly
Despitettre initiation of New Deal relief measures,
complaineaof m.it inability to securerelief. Whena fatherof six lost his job and sought
relielin the city of pittsburgh,relief officials deniedhis request.Only when he deserted
his family, his wife reportid, did she and the children receiveaid. According to the
woman'siestimony:"HL told me oncethat if he wasn'tliving at homethe welfarepeople
would help me andthe kids, andmaybehejust went awayon that account."
Southernstateand local offrcialsdisregardedfederalguidelinesand paid African
Americanrelief recipientslessthanttreir white counterparts.In Atlanta,blackson relief
receivedan averagrof $tq.Z9 per monthcomparedto $32.66for whites. In Jacksonville,
Ftoridq about5,000whitesreceived45 percentof the relief funds,while the 15,000blacks
on relief receivedthe remaining55 percent. Southernpoliticiansdefendedthe practice,
arguingthatthe low living standardof blacksenabledthemto live on lessthanwhites. In
his own words,from Louisiana"a black mancomplainedto the NAACP:
I havebeendeprivedof work sinceOct.20th 1933.. . Being deniedof work
so long I wasforcedto applyfor directreliefandthe womanParish director
of the 1f .p.n.a. told me becauseI had quit a job in Sept.that only paid me
$2.00per week l0-14 hoursper dayandbecauseI hadwritten severalletters
to Washingtonreportingthisoffice shesaidyou will not get any directrelief
here. I will showyou that you cannotrun this office [shesaid] . . .
A letterfrom Alabamatold the sametale:
N.A.A.C.P.,Dear Sir: Pleaseallow me to presenta questionto you which
I am oneof familiesthat is in very bad need
myselfis very importantbecause
of aid an up to this datehave beendeniedso it have retch the stagethat
somethingmustbe did. It is a well known fact that onecannotlive without
food andclothesso a friend andmyselfbeingamongthe unemployedand is
not gettinganyaid so far from the public welfareof this countyis askingfor
aid or informationaboutaid from somesource.Will you seeafterthis matter
at once. . . Its awful badto wait for someonewho doesnot careto give you
food.
From Georgia,a widow explainedthe abuseandviolencethat her l7-year-oldson faced
when he soughtwork relief:
DearSir: Sometimeagoabout6 or 7 weeksagomy boy went up in town to
signto geton the releafwork to getsomeof the goulor moneyhe was out of
ajob andI am a poor widderwomanwith a housefulI of little childrensand
a cripple girl to take ceareof they wouldenlet him sign the white peoples
knockedhim down run him out of town wouldenlet him com backto town
he went back to town in about 5 weaksthey got after him agin about a
hundredheadof white menswith knives andthey run him all ove town they
cout him theythrowedhim in backof a tnrck hog fashionhe got out somway
theyput a Bulldog on him thenhe ran in a storthensomof the collord mens
beg ihe cheefpoliceto put him in jale to keepthe mob from killing him the
chiaff say let them kill him just so they dont mobb him hearein town the
night marshellput him in jale for safekeepingandI hadeto pay him S5.00
to get him out andhe hadto leavetown dont be seeheareno more if they see
hi1nenny more they will surekill him he left in the night walking with no
moneyI wont be ableto gavehim nothingandI want him to help me that is
my sunhe is just 17yearsold-Just write to help me if you all pleasetakeup
far me andhelp me I am his mother. . .
The localFederalEmergencyReliefAdminisfationwasnot alonein discriminating
againstblacks. The Agricultural AdjustmentAct paid farmersto withdraw cottonland from
pioduction, createa shortage,ild drive up the price of cottonon the market. Set up to
excludedAfrican Americans
ud*itrirt.t the law at the local level,AAA countycommittees
white landowners
from participation. By deprivingAfrican Americansof representation,
wereuUt. to it rtitute policiesthat droveblack landownersinto the ranksof sharecroppers
off the landaltogether.
and forcedgrowingnumbersof sharecroppers
During its first year, for example,the AJA,Aencouragedfarmersto plow under
cottonthat was alreadyplanted. Landownerstook governmentchecks,plowedup cotton,
and deniedtenantsa shareof the governmentincome. At the sametime that planters
removed increasingacreageof land from cultivation, the largest landownersturned
increasinglyto scientificand mechanizedfarming. The "thunderingtractorsand cotton
picking machines" renderedblack labor more and more dispensable.Although their
earned less than their white
numbeis dwindled, the remaining black sharecroppers
receiveda meannet incomeof $417per yearcompared
counterparts.
-SZqSWhite sharecroppers
for blacks. Whitewagehandsreceived$232peryearcomparedto only S175
to only
otherformsof racialinequality.
for blacks. Lower earningsaggravated
In his surveyof 6l2black farm familiesin MaconCounty,Alabama the sociologist
CharlesS. Johnsonfound that more than hatf lived in one- and two-roomweatherworn
shacks.Whenaskedif her houseleakedwhenit rained,a blackwomansaid,"No, it don't
leakin here,it just rainsin hereandleaksoutdoors."Anothercroppercomplainedthat the
l*tJlotdtefssedtoprovidelumberforrepairs:
giveus...isafowplanks...It's
"A11he's
nothin doin'. We just living outdoors." Food was also difficult to come by for farm
families. A writer for the magazinetheNew Republicreportedin 1931that someblack
farmersin the cottonregionwerenearstarvation:"Someof the menwho areplowing are
hungry. They don't haveenoughto eat. .. And with hungergnawingat their vitals they
situationandthey exist in terribleanxiety.
plow in earnest,becausethey arein a desperate
Sotheyplow hard." Black tenantshad goodreasonsto view theseearlyyearsof the "new
dealt'asa "raw deal.t'
The National RecoveryAct also discriminatedagainstblack workers.Partly by
exemptingdomesticserviceandunskilledlaborersfrom its provisions,the NRA removed
mostblacksfrom its minimum wageandparticipatoryrequirements.Sinceover 60 percent
of African Americansworked in thesesectors,the measurehad little meaningfor most
other blackswho held on to
blacks,especiallyAfrican Americanwomen. Nonetheless,
theirprecariousfooting in the industriallaborforce,despitehardtimes,facednew pressures
from employersandwhite workers.
In 1934,theMilwaukee,WisconsinUrbanLeaguereporteda strikeat the WehrSteel
Foundry. The chief aim of the strike,the Leaguereported,ws the "dismissalof Negroes
from the plant." Whenblackworkersdecidedto crossthepicketline,policejoined strikers
violencebetween
in attackson them:"The first few daysof the stike broughtconsiderable
jobs
and the white pickets. . . Policehad
the Negroeswho attemptedto continueon the
to protectthosewho caredto enterbut in turn joined
been summoned[by management]
with the strikers in overturningan automobilefilled with Negro workers." Even on
constructionprojectsfor black institutions,white workersralliedto bar African American
workers. In St.Louis,for example,whenthe GeneralTile Companyhireda blacktile setter
on the two million dollarHomerPhillipsHospitalfor blacks,all the white AFL union men
quit and delayed constructionfor two months. In Long Island and Manhattan,the
Brotherhoodof ElectricalWorkersand the Building ServiceEmployees'Union pursued
similarpractices.WhenAfrican Americanswerebroughtunderthe provisionsof the law
African Americanjobs, in orderto remove
in southerntextilefirms,employersreclassified
them from the protectionof the NRA codes.
Some firms simply arguedthat blackswere less efficient than whites and thus
deservedlow wages. In Atlanta, for example,the ScriptoManufacturingcompanytold
blackworkersthat "This companydoesnot basewageson color but entirelyon efficiency.
Our recordsshowthatthe effrciencyof coloredhelpis only 50 percentof that of white help
in similarplants. . . If the 'falsefriends'of the coloredpeopledo not stoptheir propaganda
this companywill be forced
aboutpayingthe samewagesto coloredandwhite employees
to move the factory to a sectionwhere the minimum wage will producethe greatest
production.Stopyour falsefriends'from talkingyou out of a job. " Wherethe codesdid
upgradethe pay of black workers,manyfirms replacedtheir African Americanworkforces
with white employees.It is no wonderthat blacksfrequentlycalledthe NRA, the "Negro
Run Around," "NegroesRuinedAgain", and "NegroRarelyAllowed."
In short,NRA legislation(particularlysection7a"which gaveworkersthe right to
collectivebargainingwith employers)enabledlaborunionsto strengthentheir handat the
expenseof btacksin the Norttr and South. As late as 1935,organizedwhite labor also
clausein theWagnerNationalLaborRelations
blockedthe inclusionof a nondiscrimination
Act. Sponsoredby SenatorRobertWagnerof New York, the new law gaveworkersand
their unionsextendedprotectionin their effort to bargaincollectivelywith management.
According to Wagner'sassistantLeon Kyserling, "The American Federationof Labor
fought biuerly to eliminatethis clauseand much againsthis will SenatorWagnerhad to
conientto eliminationin orderto preventscuttlingof the entirebill." African Americans
not only faced discrimination in industrial, agricultural, ffid relief programs, they
confroniedracialbiasin federalhousing,socialsecurity,andregionalplanningandyouth
programsaswell.
In the faceof blatantforms of discriminationduringthe earlyNew Deal, African
Americansfound little to praisein the govemment'srelief efforts. Theywereacutelyaware
that they suffered disproportionately from unemployment, but faced the greatest
discriminationandreceivedthe leastbenefitsfrom governmentrelief, work, housing,and
social securityprograms. All Americansgainedincreasingassistancefrom the federal
would only.slowlyreachAfrican Americansand help to
govemment,but suchassistance
reversethe impactof hardtimeson their familiesandcommunities.
By the mid-1930s,however,a varietyof new forceswould graduallytransformthe
"raw deal" into a "new deal." The emergenceof the new Congressof Industrial
the Communistparty,andthe Democraticparty'sgrowingappealto black
Organizations,
voters,all helpedto improvethe position of blacksduring the period. In a nationwide
PresidentFranklinD. Rooseveltsymbolizedthe shift whenhe condemned
radiobroadcast"
of the
lynchingas murder: "Lynch law is murder,a deliberateand definitedisobedience
'Thou
shaltnot kill.' We do not excusethosein high placesor low who
high command,
pronouncement,
the NAACP's Crisls
condone.lynchlaw." Following the President's
magazineexclaimedthat FDR was the only presidentto declare"frankly that lynching is
murder. We all knew it, but it is unusualto havea presidentof the United Statesadmit it.
Thesethingsgiveus hope."
l0
By 1939,African Americanshadgraduallyincreased
their shareof New Deal social
programsand improvedtheir socioeconomic
conditions.African-Americanincomefrom
-New Deal work and relief programs the Public Works Administration(PWA), Works
ProoreeeAdminisfration(ldffAJ. and Civilin ConsewationCorps(ccc) -- now nearly
equaledtheir income from employmentin agricultureand domesticservice. On CCC
from lessthan6 percentin 1935
their representation
projects,African Americansincreased
to 1l percentin 1939.African Americansalsooccupiedaboutone-thirdof all low income
PWA housingunits,obtaineda rising shareof FederalFarm SecurityLoans,andaccessto
a variety of new WPA educationaland culturalprograms. Basedpartly upon increasing
includingthe building of new facilities,black illiteracy
accessto educationalexpenditures,
droppedl0 percentduringthe 1930s.By the mid-1930s,nearly45 blackshad received
appointmentsin variousNew Deal agenciesandcabinetdepartments.
The "Black Cabinet" astheseblackadviserswerecalled,inciudedRobertL. Vann,
editorof the PittsburghCourier,in the office of the AttorneyGeneral;William H. Hastie,
a civil rights attorney,in the Departmentof the Interior;RobertC. Weaver,an economist,
alsoin the InteriorDepartment;LawrenceA. Oxley,a socialworker,in the Departmentof
Labor; Edgar Brown, presidentof the United GovernmentEmployees,in the Civilian
College,
ConservatibnCorps;andMary Mcleod Bethune,founderof Bethune-Cookman
headof theNegroDivision of theNationalYouth Administration.The numberof African
Americanson relief andthe amountof moneyavailableto themrosesteadily.
African Americans increasinglyhailed such New Deal social programs as "a
thatGod "will leadme" but relief "will feedme." African
godsend."Someevensuggested
Americansnow perceivedthat a "new deal"was in the making. Key to thesechangeswas
the increasinginteractionof black workers,the largerAfrican Americancommunity,the
labor movement,ild radicalparties,althoughmost black workerswould join the mass
productionunionsof the CIO -- steel,coal mining,meatpacking,andautomobile.
Perhapsmore than any other single figure during the 1930s,however,A. Philip
Randolphepitomizedthe persistenteffort of blackworkersto organizein their own interest.
Born in CrescentCity, Florida in 1889,Randolphwas the son of an African Methodist
Episcopal(AME) ministerand an equallyhard-workingandproductivemother. He had
migratedto New York in 1911. During World War I he had co-publishedan antiwar
socialistmagazineTheMessengerandwassoondenouncedby the U. S. attorneygeneral
the formationof the
as "the mostdangerousNegro in America." In 1925,he spearheaded
Brotherhoodof SleepingCar Porters(andMaids)(BSCP),a black union,which the AFL
refusedto recognize. During the 1930's,however,when new federallegislation(the
RailwayLabor Act of 1934)legitimizedthe rightsof workersto organize,Randolphand
the BSCPincreasedtheir organizingdriveamongblackporters. Randolph'srhetoricand
ll
actions inspired the rank and file during the hard days of the depression. At one
convention,he exclaimedthat, "The lessonthat Pullmanportersin particularandNegroes
in generalmustlearnis that salvationmustandcanonly comefrom within." Otherofficers
invariably reinforcedRandolph'sinspiring words. "When the US finished the War of
Revolutionthe peoplewereragged,the wives and childrenwerebarefoot,the homeshad
just the
not evenwindow panesto keepout the cold; but Americahad her independence
same."Blackpullmanportersralliedto theBSCP. By 1933,theunionclaimedto represent
some35,000blackPullmanporters.
Two yearslaterthe BSCPdefeateda Pullmancompanyunion and gainedthe right
which, in 1937,signeda contract
to representportersin negotiationswith management,
with the union. In the meantime,the AFL had gnrdginglyapproveda fuIl international
placingit uponan equalfootingwith otherconstituentunions.
charterfor the brotherhood,
The BSCPvictory had extaordinarysignificance:it not only helpedto makeblacksmore
their influenceon nationallaborpolicy, andthe largercivil
union- conscious,but increased
rights struggle.
As black workers increasedtheir organbng activities, the major civil rights
organizationsalso moved toward a sharperfocus on the economicplight of African
Americans. In lg33,the NAACP, the UrbanLeague,and otherinterracialorganizations
formedthe Joint Committeeon NationalRecovery(JCNR). Although under-fundedand
ill-staffed, the JCNR lobbied on behalf of blacks in Washington,D. C. and helpedto
publicizethe plight of African Americansin the relief andrecoveryprograms.
Advisory CouncilsandNegroWorkers
The UrbanLeaguealsoformedEmergency
Councilsin majorcitiesacrossthe county andplayeda majorrole in promotingcloserties
betweenblacks and organizedlabor. Although the Leaguehad earliersupportedblack
amicablerelationswith employers,it now urged
strikebreakingactivitiesandemphasized
union andstaythere." For its part,the
blackworkersto organizeand"getinto somebody's
NAACP formed a Committeeon Economic ProblemsAffecting the Negro, invited
of the CIO to serveon its board,andworkedwith organizedlaborto gain
representatives
housing,wages,hours,andsocialsecuritybenefitsfor blackworkers.
the "Don'tBuy WhereYou Can't
alsosupported
The majorcivil rightsorganizations
Work" campaign.Aimed at white merchantswho servedthe African Americancommunity
but refusedto employblacks,the "Don't Buy WhereYou Can't Can't Work" campaign
galvanizedthe black urbancommunity. In New York, Chicago,WashingtonD.C., and
other cities,African Americansboycottedstoresthat refusedto hire African Americans,
exceptin low-payingdomesticand commonlaborercapacities.New York launchedits
campaignunderthe leadershipof ReverendJohnH. Johnson,of St. Martin's Protestant
12
EpiscopalChurch. Whenwhite Harlemstoreownersrefusedto negotiate,Rev. Johnson
andhiJsupportersformedthe CitizensLeaguefor Fair play andescalatedttreir efforts' The
picturgl ol
CitizensLlague setup picketlinesaroundBlumstein'sDipartmentStore,took
tfr6 Ine, andpublishedphotosin the black newspapel,theNew Yark
blackswho crosseO
As
Age. Aftersixweeks,the storegavein andtrireAbhck clericalandprofessionalstaff'
black affrmative action
a resultof suchactions,New yoik blacls obained the nation'sfirst
plan.
with the Greater
In 1938,theNew York uptown chanrberof commercenegotiated
agreedto grant African
New York coordinating committee for Employment and
would
jobs. Thebusinesses
Americansone-thirdof all retail executive,clerical,and sales
give blackspreferencein all new
not fire whitesto makeroom for blacks,Lut agreedto
openings.
their resentmentin formally organizedand
AlthoughAfrican Americansexpressed
' On25
violent responses
peacefulgoup ur,i*r, they sometimesdespairedand adopted
spreadthat l blackyouth had
March 1935,a racerioi Urotceout in Harlem,whenu **oi
soonappeared:"Child Bruta11y
beenbrutally beatenand nearlynfieA by police. Flyers
BrutatlyBeaten," "The Boy Is
Beaten-- Near Death," "one HourAgo N.gxo Boy was
releasedunharmed'outragehad
Near Death.,' Alttroughthe youth in {uestionhad-been
and lootedstores,in a night of
alreadyspreadandAfrcan Americanssmashedbuildings
and thousandsof dollars
violencethat resultedin at leastone death,over fifty in3utitt,
worth of ProPertYdamage.
the event: "I could seea
In his novelInvisibleMan, RalphEllison laterdescribed
goods,salami,liverwurst'
crowd rushinga store. . . moving in, anda fusiltadeof canned
' ' asnow out of the dark of the
hogsheadsandchittterlingsbelchinttut to thoseoutside'
gallop. . . th-.ghg straightinto the
intersectingstreettrvo mountedpolicemencameat a
menandwomencarryingcases
swarmingmass.tt ry cametowardme asI ran, a crowdof
sacksof sugar,hams,commeal'fuel
watermelons,
chainsof linkedsausage,
of.beer,cheese,
lamps."
towardthe Communist
In the volatile climateof the 1930s,someblacksgravitated
appropriateresponseto the
and Socialistparties. They perceivedradicalismasthehost
communistParty,blacksin
deepeningplight of African Americans.In 1931,aidedby the
union. The organizationdevel0pedan
rural Alabamafoundedthe AlabamaSharecroppen
that enabledthemto maintainsecrecy.Meetings
undergroundnetworkof communications
asreligiousundertakings'
took placein black churches,wheretheir plansweredisguised
to an esiimated3,000in 1934. Its effons soonattracted
The union,,-"*uoship increased
law offtcerstried to confiscate
the attentionof local authoritiesandviolencebrokeout when
13
the livestockof union members,who allegedlyowedmoneyto landowners.
In l932,Ned Cobb,referredto as "NateShaw"in the oralhistoryof his life, joined
the sharecroppers
union and foughtthe systemthat oppressed
him. As-herecalled,he had
to actbecausehe had labored"undermanyrulins,just like the otherNegro,that I knowed
was injuriousto man anddispleasinto God andstill I hadto fall back."
One cold morning in December1932,Shawrefusedto "fall back." When
deputy sheriffs came to take his neighbor'slivestock, he took part in a
shootoutwith local law officers. He reportedthat beforehe couldreachfor
his gun,the law officers"filled my hind endup from the bendof my legsto
my hips with shot." I walked on in the door,stoppedright in the hallway and
lookedback. He [a law officer] was standinright closeto a big old oak tree
right in line with the door. Run my handin my pocket,snatchedout my .32
Smith and Wessonand I commenceda shootingat Platt. Good God he
jumpedbehindthattee soonasthatpistol fired; hejumped like lightin. My
mind told me:just keepshootingthe tree,just keepshootinandmaybehe'll
getscaredandrun; you'll havea chanceat him then. But asthe devil would
have it, the moreI shotthe tighterhe drawedup behindthat treeuntil I quit
shootin. I seedhis headpokearoundthe tree- that fee savedhim - andhe
seedwhatI was doin: goodGod almighty,I wasreloadinandbeforeI could
reload my gun . . . [e]very one of them officers [4 in all] outrunthe devil
away from there. I don't know how manypeoplethey might havethought
wasin thathouse,but that .32 SmithandWessonwasbarkintoo muchfor em
to stand.Theydidn'tseewherethe shotswas cominfrom - nobodybut Mr.
Platt knowedthat.
Nate Shaw'sactionunderscoredthe increasingmilitanceof rural black workers.
Despiteviolenceandintimidation,blackworkersalsotook an activepart in the formation
of the socialistSouthernTenantFarmersUnion (STFU). A black farmerhelpedto inspire
the organizationwhenhe spokeup at the initial meetingof the group: "For a longtime now
the white folks andthe coloredfolks havebeenfightingeachotherandboth of us hasbeen
gettingwhippedall the time. We don'thavenothingagainstoneanotherbut we got plenty
againstthe landlord. The samechainthatholdsmy peopleholdsyour peopletoo. If we're
chainedtogetheron the outside,oughtto staychainedtogetherin the union." Whenwhite
landownersevicted sharecroppers
in Arkansas,the black STFU vice president,O. H.
Whitfield, led some500blackandwhite farmersontothe mainhighwaybetweenMemphis
and St. Louis andvowedto remainthereuntil the federalgovernmentintervened.
Althoughtheseradicalactionsproducedfew results,theyhighlightedthe increasing
t4
activismof ruralblackworkersin theirownbehalf.A smallnumberof blacksjoinedthe
Communistpartyandplayeda role in the party'sLeagueof Stmgglefor NegroRighls
eraAlabama,blacksmade
(LSNR).Accordingto a recentstudyof thepartyin depression
duringmostof the period. The party'sfight on
,ryrth. r,"rjority ofthe pady's memberShip
behalf of the ScottsboroBoys attractedlocal black steelworkerslike Al Murphy and Hosea
Hudson.
Al Murphy was born in McRae,Georgiain 1908,g.ew up in a poor sharecropping
worked as a
family, and moved to Birmingham,Alabarnain 1923. In Birmingham,he
it, during
cornmonlaborerand attendeanight schoolthere. unfofirnately, as he recalled
..I
school and join workers on breadlines." Shortly
the depression, had to stop
"ight
by whal
thereafter,he attendeda CommuniJtparfymeetingior the unemployed.Impressed
parly work, and
he sawandheard,hejoined ttrepanythut r*t night,dedicatedhimselfto
soon recruitedotherblack steelworkersfor membership.
Born in a shareffoppingfamily in Wilkes County,Georgiain 1898,HoseaHudson
was amongthosethat ei Murphy ricruited. Hudsonalso belongedto a sharecropping
in 1923,
family. As a youngster,he alsoworkedhardon the land,movedto Birmingham
an iron molderat a local foundry. Hudsonlaterrecalledthat he
andgainedr-pf"v-*as
and the way whitesfieatedblacks. After failing to organize
alwiys ..resented'injustice"
the
black workers indeiendently, and aftei witnessingthe Communistcampaignto free
later
Scottsboroboys,Hodton joined the Communistparty in September1931' Hudson
and
hired
recalledthe socialinjusticethat led him to the party: "Blacksarethe last to be
who
the first to be fued. it ** we, alreadyexistingon the crumblingedgeof starvation,
just a whisper
sufferedthe highestdeathrate. If w! had any medicalcareat all, it was
abovebeing nottring." During the struggleto free black party memberAngelo Herndon,
graduateof
his black defenseo:tto*.y, Benjamin5avis, Jr., alsojoined the party. A
"the
AmherstCollegeandthe Hanard Law School,Davis laterexplainedhis decisionas
only rationatand realisticpath to the freedomwhich burnsin the breastof everyNegro.
It requiredonly a momentio join but my wholelifetime asa NegroAmericanpreparedme
for the moment."
Most African Americansshururedmembershipin radicalpartiesandworked hard to
broadentheir participationin the New Deal coalition. The growing militance of the
African Americancommunityhelpedthemto broadentheir participationin the political
system. In 1936, African Americansformed the National Negro Congress(NNC).
by RalphBuncheof HowardUniversityandJohnDavis,executivesecretary
Siearheaded
of the Joint Committeeon NationalRecovery,the organizationaimedto unite all existing
organizations-- political, fraternal,and religious-- and pressfor the full socioeconomic
,"Jo'.ry of the black communityfrom the ravagesof the depression.Nearly six hundred
l5
organiTations
attendedthe foundingmeeting,which selectedA. philip Randolphas its first
president.
TheNationalNegroCongresssymbolizeda new levelof African Americanpolitical
organizationandmobilization. Baseduponexpandingnumbersandconcentration
in cities,
blackvoter registation drivesescalated
duringthe 1930s.The proportionof blackvoters
rosedramaticallyin the major industrialcities-- from lessthan30 to 66 percentin Detroit
and from 69,214to 134,677in Philadelphia for example. In Chicago,black voter
registrationexceededthe percentageof whites. In the Southaswell -- Durham,Raleigh,
Birmingham,Atlanta, Savannatr,ffid Charleston- African Americansformed political
clubsto fight for the franchiseand increasethe numberof blackvotersin that region. As
Republicanscontinuedto ignore the pleas of black voters,blacks increasinglyturned
towardthe Democraticparty.
As earlyas l932,RobertVann,editorof the blackweekly ThePittsburghCourier
had urged African Americansto changetheir political affiliation, "My friends, go turn
Lincoln's pictureto the wall . . . that debthasbeenpaid in fuII." In the electionof 1936,
African Americansheededhis requestand voted for the Democraticparly in record
numbers,giving Roosevelt76 percentof the Northernblack vote. Following the 1936
election,African Americansusedtheir growing supportof the Democraticparty to demand
greaterconsiderationfrom federalpolicy makers.
Under the impact of World War II, African Americansgained new industrial
opportunitiesas the nation mobilized for war and calledmen into the military in rising
numbers. It was during this period that African Americansregaineda foothold in the
industrialeconomyand brokethe unskilled"job-ceiling"andmovedinto semi-skilledand
skilledjobs. Yet, the movementof African Americansinto defenseindusty jobs was a
all discriminatedagainst
agencies,
slow process.Employers,laborunions,andgovernment
blacksandunderminedtheirparticipationin the war effort. TheChicagoDefender,a black
weekly,capturedthe frustrationsof manyAfrican Americansin an editorial:"Why die for
democracyfor some foreign country when we don't even have it here? . . . What
Democracyhavewe enjoyedsincethe lastWorld War? Are our peoplesegregated?Are
they not Jim-Crowedand lynched? Are their civil and constitutionalrights respected?"
Most African Americansnonethelesssupportedthe nation'sdeclarationof war against
GermanyandJapan
Black selicemen andwomenfought in the European,Pacific,and Mediteranean
theatersof war. Unlike World War I, however,AfricanAmericansrefusedto simply"close
ranks" andpostponetheir own stnrgglefor full citizenshipandrecognitionof their rights
at home. They now usedthe war emergency,as well as their growing influencein the
l6
Democraticparty and the new unions,to wage a "DoubleV" campaig - for victory at
home as well as abroad. Their campaignreceivedits most powerful expressionin the
militant March on WashingtonMovement (MOWM), which led to the federal Fair
EtnployrnentPrccticesComrnittee.By war'send,African AmericansandthEir white allies
had setthe stagefor the emergence
of the moderncivil rightsmovement.
The African Americanquestfor socialjustice gainedits mostpotentexpressionin
by A. Philip
the emergenceof the March on WashingtonMovement. Spearheaded
Randolphof the Brotherhoodof SleepingCar Porters,the MOWM was launchedin 1941
following a meetingof civil rights groupsin Chicago. The critical momentcamewhen a
the chair: *hdr.Chainnan. . . we oughtto throw 50'000
black womananglly addressed
Negroesaroundthe White House,bring themfrom atl over the county, in jalopies, in trains
-d *y way they can get there,and throw them aroundthe White Houseand keepthem
theregntil we can get someactionfrom the White House.o'A. Philip Randolphnot only
theproposalbut offeredhimselfandthe BSCPasleaders:"I agreewith the sister.
seconded
I will be very happyto throw [in] my organization'sresourcesandoffer myselfasa leader
of sucha movement."
in Harlem,Brooklyn,
By earlyJune,the MOWM hadestablishedmarchheadquarters
Washington D.C., Pittsburgh,Detroit, Chicago, St. Louis, and San Francisco. The
movementspreadthroughthe major rail centersandsoonjoined forceswith local NAACP
andUrban irugu. chapters,churches,andfraternalorders. TheBlack Worker,the official
of the MOWM. The paper'sMay l94l
organof the BSCP,becamethe offrcialnewspaper
iszuereprintedthe official call to march: "We call uponyou to fight for jobs in National
DefensJ. We call uponyou to stnrgglefor the integrationof Negroesin the armedforces
for the abolitionof Jim Crowismin
. . . of theNation . . . We call uponyou to demonstrate
all Governmentdeparfinentsanddefenseemployment. . . The FederalGovernmentcannot
call uponprivateindusty andlaborunionsto abolishdiscrimination
with clearconscience
basedupon race and color so long as it practicesdiscriminationitself againstNegro
Americans."
The MOWM helpedto mobilizethe massesof blackworking peopleaswell asthe
middleandupperclasses.Accordingto Randolph,"It wasapparent. . . that someunusual,
bold andgiganticeffort mustbe madeto awakentheAmericanpeopleandthe Presidentof
the Nation to the realizationthat the Negroeswere the victims of sharpand unbearable
wereflaminghigherandhigher." Thoughthe
andthat the fires of resentment
oppression,
MOWM welcomedliberal white support,Randolphinsistedthat African Americanslead
the movement.
Randolphwas wary of the labor movement,the major political parties,and the
t7
gowing communistinfluencein black organizationslike the National Negro Congress
(I'INC). Whenthe Communistpartygainedcontol of theNNC in early 1940,for example,
Randolphresignedfrom the presidencyand soon left the organization. Ralph Bunche
reportedon Randolph'sdepartingspeech,which urgedblacksto pursuea moreindependent
coursein their struggleagainstracialsubordination:
Randolph'sspeechwas a very fair one. He merelycautionedthe Negrothat
it would be foolishfor him to tie up his own interestswith the foreignpolicy
of the SovietUnion or any othernationof the world. Nor would the Negro
be sensible in hoping that through tying himself to any American
organization,political or labor, he would find a ready solution for the
problems. He cautionedthe Congressagainsttoo closea relationshipwith
any organization,mentioningthe major parties,the CommunistParty (of
the view that the Negro
which he is a member)andthe CIO. He expressed
andnon-partisanandttratit shouldbe
Congressshouldremainindependent
built up by Negro effort alone.
AlthoughRooseveltresistedthe movementaslong ashe could,the MOWM finally
producedresults. Rooseveltmet with black leadersA. Philip RandolphandWalterWhite
of the NAACP on 18 June1941. A weeklater,on24 June1941,FDR issuedExecutive
Order8802,banningracialdiscriminationin govemmentemployment,defenseindustries,
and uaining programs. The order also establishedthe Fair Employment Practices
Committee(FEPC)to implementits provisions. The FEPCwas empoweredto receive,
investigate,and addresscomplaintsof racial discriminationin the defenseprogram. A.
Philip Randolphrecalledthe detailsof the initial meetingwith FDR. The turning point
"How manypeoplewill really march?"
camewhen FDR turnedto WalterWhite and askedo
According to contemporaryaccounts,White'seyesdid not blink. He said,"Onehundred
thousand,Mr. President."
Executiveorder8802provedto be a turningpoint in African Americanhistory. It
linked the stnrggleof African Americansevenmorecloselyto the Democraticparty and
helpedto transformthe federalgovernmentinto a significantally. African Americansused
the FEPCto broadentheirparticipationin thewar effort,but it wasa slowprocess.Despite
the persistenceof discrimination,as the wartime labor shortagesincreased,the FEPC
playeda key role in facilitatingthe movementof blackworkersinto defenseplants.
Although black workers faced ongoing obstaclesin their struggle for skilled,
managerial,and clericalpositions,by the endof World War II they claimedthe CIO, the
Democraticparly, andthe federalgovernmentasimportantalliesin their strugglefor social
relief, andpublic servicework, World War
change.After a long periodof unemployment,
l8
II enabledAfrican Americansto regain and stengthentheir foothold in the industrial
economy. Although war production creatednew economicopportunitiesfor African
Americans,their pittt *^ haught with numerousdifficulties. Labor unions,employers'
policieg' Only the organizational
ry employment
',"J the statepursuedracially disCriminato
indushial
andpolitical activitiesof African Americansin their own behalf insruedaccessto
nation
jobs and full employment.Theyhad learnedthat "closingranks" in supportof the
The "Double V"
did not precludethe continuationof their own strugglefor. equlry:
Movement' and the
campaignfor victory at home and abroad,the March on Washington
write a new
growini use of the federalgovernmentto securetheir aims, all helpedto
modern civil rights
chapterin the history of African Americansand set the stagefor the
movementduringthe postwaryears'
Conclusion
today? First,
In conclusion,what doesthis story suggestto the labor movement
hard times for the
black workersare a kind of barometerfor mebsuringthe onslaughtof
a whole' Thus' any
African Americancommunity,the working class,and the nation as
perceived
andpoliticd difficultiesconfrontingAfricanAmericansshouldbe
socioeconomic
experiencesof
asvital to the healthof the entireworking classandthe nation. Second,the
can be a foe as
the Depressionand World War II suggJstthat the largerlabor movement
its recordon raceissuesmust
well asa friendin the lives of blackworkers. ConsequentlY,
be scrutinizedasmuch in the presentas it hasin the past.
and the
Third, whateverhappensin the ongoingrelationshipbetweenblack workers
with thoseof the
labor movement,the lives of black *orkerc areinextricablyinterwoven
Americans
African Americanmiddle class.Despiteimportantconflictsof interests,African
class lines'
continue to sharecertain aspectsof persistentracial discriminationacross
middle classare
Moreover,basedon evident. frorn the eadyyears'membersof the black
potentialallies in the struggleagainstclassand racial inequality. Finally, the depression
but opportunitiesfor social'
andWorld War II tell us that crisesnot only presentobstacles,
political, and culturalchange.
l9
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23