SKELETAL LESIONS OF HEALTH AND STRESS AT LA VENTILLA
NEIGHBORHOOD, TEOTIHUACAN
A Thesis
Presented to the faculty of the Department of Anthropology
California State University, Sacramento
Submitted in partial satisfaction of
the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
in
Anthropology
by
Marisol Perez
FALL
2014
© 2014
Marisol Perez
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
ii
SKELTETAL LESIONS OF HEALTH AND STRESS AT LA VENTILLA
NEIGHBORHOOD, TEOTIHUACAN
A Thesis
by
Marisol Perez
Approved by:
__________________________________, Committee Chair
Samantha M. Hens, Ph.D.
__________________________________, Second Reader
Martin Biskowski, Ph. D.
____________________________
Date
iii
Student: Marisol Perez
I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format
manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for
the thesis.
__________________________, Graduate Coordinator ___________________
Jacob Fisher, Ph.D.
Date
Department of Anthropology
iv
Abstract
of
SKELETAL LESIONS OF HEALTH AND STRESS AT LA VENTILLA
NEIGHBORHOOD, TEOTIHUACAN
by
Marisol Perez
This study explores the mortality patterns and presence of porotic hyperostosis and cribra
orbitalia in the ancient population of La Ventilla. La Ventilla was a high status neighborhood in
Teotihuacan. These skeletal lesions are indicators of health and stress in archaeological
collections. Life tables are also calculated to establish mortality rates for the collection. The low
presence of these stress markers along with the calculation of life tables indicates low morbidity
along with low infant mortality rates. Overall the population of La Ventilla benefited from good
health and adaptation to their environment. A comparison to Storey’s (1992) paleodemographic
study of Tlajinga 33 – a lower status neighborhood at Teotihuacan – confirmed the higher
presence of stress markers and high infant mortality rate in lower class populations.
_______________________, Committee Chair
Samantha M. Hens, Ph. D.
_______________________
Date
v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank my advisor Dr. Samantha Hens for her support and guidance not
only for this thesis research, but also throughout my entire experience at CSU Sacramento.
Likewise I would like to thank Dr. Martin Biskowski and Dr. Jacob Fisher for their counseling
and advice. Without the time committed by these faculty members this project would not have
been possible.
I also owe a debt of gratitude to Oralia Cabrera, Ruben Cabrera, Carlos Serrano, Erika
Carrillo, Claudia Lopez and the staff of Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia at
Teotihuacan for giving me access to the skeletal collections used in this thesis.
Finally, boundless encouragement has been provided by my family. My greatest thanks
goes to my parents and my husband who have motivated me to pursue my passion. Their
financial provision has allowed me to focus on my career. Lastly, I cannot thank my husband
enough for his unconditional support to pursue my education wherever it might take us.
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................. vi
List of Tables ........................................................................................................................... ix
List of Figures ........................................................................................................................... x
Chapter
1. INTRODUCTION .......................……………………………………………………….. 1
Statement of the Problem ............................................................................................. 3
2. OSETOLOGICAL LESIONS ............................................................................................. 4
Cribra Orbitalia ............................................................................................................ 5
Porotic Hyperostosis .................................................................................................... 7
Lesion Overview ............................................................................................. 7
Anemia: Etiologies ....................................................................................... 10
Scoring Method ............................................................................................ 14
Archaeological Record of Anemia ............................................................... 17
Paleodemography ......................................................................................... 22
3. HISTORY OF TEOTIHUACAN AND LA VENTILLA ................................................. 25
Teotihuacan ................................................................................................................ 25
Environment ................................................................................................. 25
Chronology ................................................................................................... 27
Archaeological History of Teotihuacan ........................................................ 30
Site Layout .................................................................................................... 34
Neighborhoods and Apartment Compounds ................................................ 36
vii
Craft Industries/ Levels of Craft Specialization ........................................... 37
People of Teotihuacan .................................................................................. 38
Mortuary Practices/Patterns .......................................................................... 39
La Ventilla ................................................................................................................. 41
Site Overview ............................................................................................... 42
People of La Ventilla .................................................................................... 49
Burials and Osteological Material ................................................................ 50
Project Specifications ................................................................................... 52
4. MATERIALS AND METHODS ...................................................................................... 53
Materials and Methods.................................................................................. 53
Life Tables .................................................................................................... 56
5. RESULTS ......................................................................................................................... 58
Demographic Data ..................................................................................................... 58
Life Tables .................................................................................................... 58
Comparisons with Tlajinga 33 ...................................................................... 62
Lesions .......................................................................................................... 63
6. DISCUSSION ................................................................................................................... 69
7. CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................. 75
Future Research ............................................................................................ 76
Literature Cited ...................................................................................................................... 78
viii
LIST OF TABLES
Tables
Page
Table 3.1
General Chronology............................................................................................ 28
Table 4.1
Distribution of Age at La Ventilla ..................................................................... 54
Table 4.2
Distribution of Sex in Relation to Age at La Ventilla ....................................... 55
Table 5.1
Stationary Population Life Table of La Ventilla ............................................... 59
Table 5.2
Stationary Population Life Table for Tlajinga 33 ............................................ 62
Table 5.3
Age Mortality Comparisons of La Ventilla and Tlajinga 33 ............................. 63
Table 5.4
Cribra Orbitalia Lesions at La Ventilla .............................................................. 65
Table 5.5
Porotic Hyperostosis Lesions at La Ventilla ...................................................... 65
ix
LIST OF FIGURES
Figures
Page
Figure 2.1
Example of cribra orbitalia lesions ....................................................................
Figure 2.2
Example of porotic hyperostosis lesions ............................................................ 8
Figure 2.3
Standard for scoring cribra orbitalia .................................................................. 16
Figure 2.4
Standard for scoring porotic hyperostosis ......................................................... 17
Figure 3.1
Map of Valle de Mexico .................................................................................... 26
Figure 3.2
La Ventilla 1992-1994 explorations .................................................................. 41
Figure 3.3
Location of La Ventilla ...................................................................................... 42
Figure 3.4
Map of the ancient city of Teotihuacan ............................................................. 43
Figure 3.5
Map of the Frentes of La Ventilla, Teotihuacan ................................................ 45
Figure 3.6
Map of Frente 2 at La Ventilla, Teotihuacan ..................................................... 47
Figure 5.1
Mortality curve of La Ventilla ........................................................................... 59
Figure 5.2
Survivorship curve of La Ventilla ..................................................................... 60
Figure 5.3
Life expectancy for La Ventilla ......................................................................... 61
Figure 5.4
Probability of dying at La Ventilla .................................................................... 61
Figure 5.5
Probability of dying at La Ventilla and Tlajinga 33 .......................................... 63
Figure 5.6
Summary incidences of lesions .......................................................................... 64
Figure 5.7
Number of individuals presenting PH based on age .......................................... 66
Figure 5.8
Percentage of PH between age cohorts .............................................................. 66
Figure 5.9
Presence and severity of PH age cohorts ........................................................... 67
x
6
Figure 5.10
Presence of PH between males and females ...................................................... 68
Figure 6.1
Presence of PH by age ....................................................................................... 74
Figure 6.2
Presence of PH and CO by sex .......................................................................... 74
xi
1
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia were first recognized by Welcker in 1888, and
since then researchers have disagreed on its etiology. Rather than a specific disease, porotic
hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia lesions are morphological features of various diseases, and are
visually characterized by porous lesions on the frontal, parietal, occipital and superior-lateral
margin of the orbital roof. There are several possible etiologies for these cranial lesions including:
iron deficiency anemia, other acquired anemias, B12 deficiency, and congenital or hereditary
anemias. Numerous other factors can cause porosity in the crania, including deficiencies in
vitamins C and D, trauma, localized pressure within the cranium, and even postmortem erosion
(Stuart-Macadam 1985, 1992, Walker et al. 2009).
In 1985 Stuart-Macadam analyzed porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia on a RomanoBritish site from Poundbury Camp. She found a significant correlation between the presence of
these lesions and an increase in other stress indicators such as enamel hypoplasia and metopism
in children. Like several other anthropologists, Stuart-Macadam viewed porotic hyperostosis and
cribra orbitalia as evidence for the lack of health and nutrition in populations. Her final
determination was that lesions were age-related; they affected children to a greater degree, and
their presence in adults were likely the result of childhood acquisition. Other studies that connect
anemia to age include: Hooton’s (1930) study of Pecos Pueblo children, Lallo et al. (1977) and
their Ohio collection, and Mensforth et al. (1978) who had a thorough age-specific analysis on the
2
Libben collection. These studies along with, Nathan and Haas (1966) and El-Najjar et al. (1976),
connect the lesions to anemia acquired from nutritional deficiencies. Contrary to these, Angel
(1966) suggested that porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia were a result of the genetic
anemias: thalassemia or sicklemia. Cultural or environmental factors affecting the presence of
anemia have been described by: Ashworth et al. (1973), Carlson et al. (1974), Mensforth et al.
(1978), Molloy et al. (2008), Walker et al. (2009), and Pearson et al. (2010). This study aims to
determine differences in lesion frequencies and severity found on the ancient population of the La
Ventilla neighborhood in Teotihuacan, to denote differences in status and nutritional differences
between males and females.
La Ventilla is an elite neighborhood from Teotihuacan that is located adjacent to the
Ciudadela in the central part of the city (Millon 1973a, 1973b). The neighborhood consists of
several structures subdivided during the excavation process into four main areas called Frentes.
Archeologically, distinctions between the structures are found in the architecture and burial
offerings. Skeletal analysis of the remains can offer insight into the different lifeways between the
distinctive areas of the neighborhood. The presence, absence and severity of porotic hyperostosis
may illuminate distinctions in health, diet and disease in this neighborhood of Teotihuacan.
The Global Health History Project (GHHP) (Steckel et al. 2006) recommends a scoring
method for PH and CO that allows a more accurate understanding of population differences in La
Ventilla. This provides knowledge of environmental interactions, quality of life, susceptibility
and overall health status. This study has implications for not only the current interpretations of
malnutrition and infectious disease loads in prehistoric Mesoamerican populations, but also for
Teotihuacan archaeology and history.
3
Statement of the Problem
This study analyzes crania for lesions representative of porotic hyperostosis and cribra
orbitalia at La Ventilla. Specifically this thesis: (1) records the severity and frequency of the
lesions using a repeatable standardized method, (2) determines if there were differences in lesion
frequency between separate age groups, and between males and females, (3) calculates a
demographic life table to link morbidity and mortality in the population, and (4) compares the
presence of lesions at La Ventilla with those found at Tlajinga 33 by Rebecca Storey (1992) to
provide insight into the differential social, economic and environmental stresses present in
ancient Teotihuacan.
4
CHAPTER 2
OSTEOLOGICAL LESIONS
An understanding of stress is currently fundamental for the reconstruction of health
profiles and adaptations in ancient populations by means of paleopathological and
paleodemographic studies (Goodman et al. 1984, 1988). The concept of stress is used to
understand biological responses to natural, or cultural disasters including food shortages,
migration and modernization (Eder 1977, Graves and Graves 1979, McGarvey and Baker 1979,
Dirks 1980). Not all stressors will be expressed on osteological remains, but long durations often
increase the likelihood of skeletal lesions. Possible osteo-indicators of stress are Harris lines,
dental enamel hypoplasia, and periostitis. The manifestation of stress depends on a number of
factors including: genetic susceptibility, age, sex, and resilience. If an individual or population
lacks the necessary resources, it is likely to increase the levels of physiological disruption.
Several diseases leave distinct markings on the bone. The presence or absence of pathological
lesions has been used as a measure for health and well-being (Goodman et al. 1988).
Unfortunately, the skeleton does not preserve all the indicators of health, but mostly chronic and
severe episodes of morbidity. In many cases, the lesions left behind are the episodes survived and
not necessarily the proximate cause of death (Wood et al. 1992). Since bone reacts in only limited
ways, it is not always possible to diagnose the cause of the morbidity. However, nonspecific
indicators do reveal how often serious health problems were affecting individuals and samples
5
(Storey et al. 2012). The indicators of health analyzed in this study are cribra orbitalia and porotic
hyperostosis.
Cribra Orbitalia
Cribra orbitalia is characterized by porosity in the orbital roofs of the frontal bone (Figure
2.1). Lesions are represented by thinning of the outer table of the crania and range from small
porosity to much larger pores that merge and form sizeable openings, that are often coral or sievelike shaped (El-Najjar et al. 1976, Stuart-Macadam 1989) The diploë, or spongy tissue within the
bones of the cranium, swells and the tissue of the outer surface becomes thinner and more porous
with a symmetrical appearance (Angel 1966, Stuart-Macadam 1989). These lesions tend to be in
an active state of bony remodeling in children, whereas in affected adults these lesions begin to
heal over. Occasionally some active lesions show bone formation that expands into the orbital
cavity; however it is likely a response to subperiosteal bleeding and is more appropriately
associated with scurvy (Walker et al. 2009).
The etiology of cribra orbitalia is debated. Literature commonly views this lesion as an
indicator of childhood nutritional stress, more specifically iron deficiency anemia. Anemias,
either dietary or hereditary (i.e. sickle cell or thalassemia), promote the expansion of the orbital
marrow centers causing the signature lesions (Angel 1966, Mensforth et al. 1978, StuartMacadam 1989). Recently, other etiologies were suggested to also produce these orbital lesions.
Wapler and colleagues (2004) conducted a histological study of the bony orbits of individuals
exhibiting cribra orbitalia. They found that nearly half the lesions in the adult sample could be
attributed to anemia, while the rest were suggestive of either bony inflammation, pressureinduced bony atrophy, or hypervascularization. Walker et al. (2009) argued that cribra lesions
reflect “subperiosteal hematomas” of the orbital roof in children. The authors state that scurvy
6
(vitamin C deficiency) can weaken the connective tissue between the orbital bone and
subperiosteum. Even minor trauma can cause separation of these two layers, which would cause
Figure 2.1 Example of cribra orbitalia lesions (Walker et al. 2009)
subperiosteal bleeding and trigger bone deposition. Therefore, the orbital lesions collectively
termed ‘cribra orbitalia’ probably reflect multiple conditions and causes. Given the association
with anemia as well as scurvy and rickets, some sort of dietary deficiency plays a role in the
majority of cribra orbitalia cases. Such dietary inadequacy could stem from limited access to
resources, or malabsorption as would occur in the case of diarrheal disease (Walker et al. 2009).
7
Not all anemias produce orbital lesions, and the presence of cribra orbitalia will not always insure
the occurrence of porotic hyperostosis, which is discussed in the next section.
Porotic Hyperostosis
“Symmetrical hyperostosis”, “hyperostosis cranii”, “osteoporosis symmetrica”, “spongy
hyperostosis”, and “external cribra cranii” are some of the terms used to describe the same
lesions. In his 1966 publication, Angel coined the term that would prevail in future research,
“porotic hyperostosis”. These lesions are found on the frontal, parietal, and occipital bones.
Porotic hyperostosis (PH) is a skeletal indication of a severe or prolonged anemia caused by iron
deficiency, subperiosteal hemorrhage (Aufderheide and Rodriguez-Martin 1998, Ortner 2003), or
vitamin-B12 deficiency (Walker et al. 2009). Similar to cribra orbitalia, porotic hyperostosis is
classified as a non-specific indicator of stress and its’ cause is never definite. Anemia can also be
triggered by a number of factors related to three main etiologies: (1) genetic anemias, (2) diet, and
(3) disease/bacteria (Angel 1966, Mensforth et al. 1978, Stuart-Macadam 1989, Walker et al.
2009). This review will demonstrate that porotic hyperostosis found in the archaeological record
occurs more commonly from infectious disease in combination with a diet deficient in iron, the
introduction of staple diet agriculture, and the resultant sedentism and sanitation problems that
accompany these factors.
Lesion Overview
Porotic hyperostosis is a symmetrical cranial lesion found on the ectocranial surface of the frontal
and parietal bones, and on less frequent occasions on the occipital (Figure 2.2). Porosity will be
present in less severe cases, but in fully developed lesions the skull will be thickened by the
8
expanded diploë and the outer table will be resorbed completely from the overproduction of red
blood cells (Moseley 1965, Aufderheide and Rodriquez-Martin 1998). Red blood cells
(RBCs) are responsible for the transportation of oxygen throughout the entire body. In adults,
Figure 2.2 Example of porotic hyperostosis lesions (Walker et al. 2009)
9
RBCs are produced in trabecular bone, and the adult bone marrow has about six times the amount
of RBC production in reserve than what is needed. In infants however, their body mass grows
exponentially and blood is produced outside the bone marrow to fulfill the RBC need for
homeostasis. This rapid growth, along with infant bone malleability will increase infant
susceptibility to porotic hyperostosis lesions. Anemia is a symptom that expresses a state of
subnormal hemoglobin circulation. This lack of circulation can be caused by: blood loss,
decreased RBC production rate, or increased destruction rate (Aufderheide and Rodriguez 1998,
Walker et al. 2009). In an effort to increase RBC production the kidney produces the hormone,
erythropoietin, which stimulates overproduction of RBCs causing overcrowded intertrabecular
space, and the resorption of trabeculae and outer table of the skull (Aufderheide and RodriguezMartin 1998). Although children are more vulnerable to these types of lesions, adults can also
develop porotic hyperostosis if they have severe or chronic anemia.
These lesions are more commonly found on juvenile crania, and according to StuartMacadam (1985) their bones will be more susceptible to hypertrophic alterations since they are
still growing and subadult bones are more malleable and flexible. On the contrary, adult bone will
not be as responsive to anemia. In clinical cases it was found that PH occurring in adults is likely
a result of childhood anemia, or a severe and/or chronic case of anemia (Stuart-Macadam 1985,
1992). There is also a significant correlation between porotic hyperostosis lesions and growth
disruption in the form of: reduced stature, enamel hypoplasia, and metopism (Stuart-Macadam
1985, 1992; Mensforth et al. 1978).
According to Mensforth et al. (1978) there is something called “anemia of prematurity”
in which premature and low birthweight infants experience an early iron deficiency anemia. A
case study conducted examined subadults from the Libben skeletal collection for the presence of
porotic hyperostosis. They found a lack of growth that began around their first year, and
10
continued until childhood. In several cases, ‘catch-up’ growth occurred in the 8.5-11.5 year range.
Stuart-Macadam (1985) also found evidence of increased enamel hypoplasia, and a statistically
significant number of metopism in individuals that suffered from PH or cribra orbitalia. In
Walker et al.’s (2009) view the bioarchaeological data corresponds well with modern clinical
studies that show children have a reduced capacity to sustain elevated red blood cell production.
Anemia: Etiologies
Anemia has three main etiologies: genetics, diet, and bacterial diseases. These are not
mutually exclusive, and often times a combination of them cause porotic hyperostosis lesions.
Angel (1966) was one of the first anthropologists to correctly diagnose one of the etiologies of
porotic hyperostosis. He attributed the lesions to anemia cause by thalassemia and sickle cell
anemia.
Genetic
Thalassemia is caused by a variety of genetic mutations at different genetic loci that code
for the structure of the globin chains of hemoglobin. This causes the synthesis of the globin chain
to fail, which triggers the formation of RBCs with reduced hemoglobin content. The severity of
thalassemia is dependent on the homozygosity for the mutation (Aufderheide and RodriquezMartin 1998). Another genetic anemia is sickle cell anemia or sicklemia. This genetic mutation
affects a single locus resulting in the substitution of a single amino acid in the hemoglobin beta
chain. This substitution distorts the RBC into an elongated shape that causes the RBC to be
removed. In turn, the marrow is left with the huge task of replacing all the RBCs.
11
The less well-known genetic anemias are milder and are grouped under hereditary
spherocytosis. These are hereditary diseases that involve mutations affecting the function of
enzymes used in the burning of glucose within the RBC (Aufderheide and Rodriquez-Martin
1998). Angel (1966) found that porotic hyperostosis extends over the malaria belt across Africa
and Asia. High gene frequencies for abnormal hemoglobin would be selected for in populations
that are affected by malaria as a defense against the disease. Also genetic anemias better justify
PH lesions found in adults since they are chronic conditions, but their incidence in world
populations is relatively low when compared to the high frequency of porotic hyperostosis in
archaeological collections (Stuart-Macadam 1992).
Dietary
The high frequencies of porotic hyperostosis lesions have been attributed to diet.
Acquired iron deficiency anemia has been the favored etiology for PH found in the archaeological
record. It has been so popular that PH is often used as a nutritional stress indicator (El-Najjar et
al. 1976, Mensforth et al. 1978, Goodman et al. 1988). Another dietary deficiency recently
introduced is megaloblastic anemia. This anemia is a chronic dietary deficiency of vitamin B12
and/or folic acid. Vitamin B12 is found almost exclusively in animal foods. Today, individuals
who practice veganism have higher rates of megaloblastic anemia, and even multiple recurrent
infections, and growth retardations. These symptoms increase with pregnancy and lactation
(Walker et al. 2009).
El-Najjar et al. (1976) developed the maize-dependency hypothesis. Their proposition
explains how maize and cereal grain diets contain phytic acid, which not only lack iron, but
actually inhibit the absorption of dietary iron by the intestines. Other vegetable sources also have
difficult iron absorption. The frequency of porotic hyperostosis lesions increases in populations
12
that shift to the production of a dietary staple, and lack meat from hunting. This practice
contributes to both iron deficiency and megaloblastic anemia. Agriculture not only affected
anemia through a staple diet, but through the physical strain it causes as well. Agricultural work
increases the cardiovascular and metabolic systems, which in turn increases anemic symptoms.
Mild iron deficiency anemias will not intensify or have stronger symptoms when a body is at rest
(Mensforth et al. 1978, Walker et al. 2009).
Culture and Environment
Important cultural and environmental factors affect iron deficiency and megaloblastic
anemia. For example, weaning practices and age or sex specific food restrictions and taboos can
contribute to chronic malnutrition (Mensforth et al. 1978). Bone chemistry research from Pueblo
populations present evidence that males consumed a greater proportion of meat than females
(Walker et al. 2009). Epidemiological studies have noted that prolonged milk feeding and
weaning diets of maize or corn gruels are quite frequently found in association with high
frequency of anemia in infants (Pearson et al. 2010, Ashworth et al. 1973). In addition, if mothers
lack vitamin B12 their infants will be born with low reserves. The situation will only be worsened
as the B12 deficient mother breastfeeds the infant. Likewise, fetuses exposed to B12 deficiencies
regularly develop postnatal immunity problems that increase their vulnerability to infections
(Molloy et al. 2008).
It is important to remember that nutrition encompasses more than just diet. Both medical
and epidemiological studies have demonstrated that infant and child morbidity/mortality are
connected with the interactions between both nutritional deficiencies and infectious disease
(Walker et al. 2009). Most nutritional deficiencies are triggered or intensified by infectious
diseases, especially when an individual is on a nutritional borderline (Mensforth et al. 1978). An
13
example of this is weanling diarrhea or a gastrointestinal infection often caused by the sanitation
problems that come with sedentism. For instance, in a Puebloan village, individuals had fecal
material close to their homes. In times of rain the fecal matter contaminated some water sources,
this bad sanitation caused major bacterial disease especially for infants who were more
susceptible (Walker et al. 2009). Hookworm infestations, another form of environmental
contamination, may lead to intestinal blood loss and chronic iron-deficiency anemia in tropical
and subtropical regions of the world (Mensforth et al. 1978). Malaria is another disease that is
more easily transmitted to larger more sedentary populations. The malarial parasite invades RBCs
and causes premature destruction. Equatorial regions have more warm, and humid conditions that
are favorable for micro-organisms (Stuart-Macadam 1992, Holland and O’Brien 1997).
Stuart-Macadam (1992) explores new developments in the etiology of porotic
hyperostosis in which parasites have the strongest effect on PH lesions. Iron plays an important
role in the defense system of the human body, and according to her, diet has a minor effect in the
development of iron deficiency anemia except for cases of chronic malnutrition. In a different
study, Arthur and Isbister (1987) state that even if an individual takes little to no iron, it would
take at least two to three years for iron deficiency anemia to develop. In this explanation iron
deficiency is not a negative condition, but a defense against some diseases. Many microorganisms need iron to be able to replicate, the human body has the ability to minimize the iron
available to these organism. In other words, the body reduces iron intake and absorption to defend
itself from pathogens. Iron deficiency is actually an advantage in environments with many disease
organisms, including bacteria, fungi, and parasites. If porotic hyperostosis lesions are examined
thoroughly, four major trends are apparent that include temporal, geographic, and ecological
trends (Stuart-Macadam 1992). The frequency of PH increases: (1) during the Neolithic, (2) with
the adoption of agriculture, (3) closer to the equator, and (4) in lowland or coastal sites. On the
14
other hand, lesion frequency decreases toward the 20th century when better sanitation practices
are introduced, and in highland environments less amiable for micro-organisms. These patterns
are logical because pathogen load is dependent on: climate, geography, topography, population
size and density, hygiene, food, resources, seasonality, customs and subsistence patterns (StuartMacadam 1992). Pathogen load helps explain the trends in time and space, which include
increased: sedentism, aggregation, and population density that resulted in greater exposure to
pathogens. Later in the 20th century, improvements in sanitation and hygiene prevented the spread
of these micro-organisms. Iron deficiency anemia can be surpassed when other factors such as
physiological status (e.g. pregnancy) growth requirements, blood loss (as in parasitic infestation),
or in rare cases diet, may tip the balance. Also, populations that are constantly exposed to heavy
pathogen loads adapt by lowering their iron levels, this increases their susceptibility to iron
deficiency anemia (Stuart-Macadam 1992).
Scoring Method
The term porotic hyperostosis has become synonymous with anemia in bioarchaeological
research. While hereditary anemias are rare and occur occasionally in Old World collections,
most PH in New World collections occur from nutritional deficiencies, infectious disease, and/or
parasitism. The occurrence of these lesions is scored as a measure of population health, and these
studies often score PH on a presence/absence basis. However, it is important to distinguish
between cancellous hypertrophy (“hair-on-end” pattern) and lamellar expansion (“onion-skin”).
This distinction will allow for the differentiation of porotic hyperostosis, “hair-on-end”, from
lamellar bone production (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994).
The first standardized scoring method was defined and used by Stuart-Macadam (1982,
1985). She was also the first to include diploë thickening into her scoring method. She had three
15
main levels of severity: (1) light – with scattered fine foramina, (2) medium – large and small
isolated foramina with some of the foramina coalesced to form trabeculae, and (3) severe –
outgrowth in trabecular structure from the normal contour of the outer bone table. Almost a
decade after, Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994) developed another scoring method for PH. Their
method is more thorough and detailed, covering several degrees, locations, stages of expression
and include cribra orbitalia in the scoring.
6.0.0 Porotic Hyperostosis (frontal, parietal, occipital bones)
6.1.0 Degree
6.1.1 Barely discernible
6.1.2 Porosity only
6.1.3 Porosity with coalescence of foramina, no thickening
6.1.4 Coalescing foramina with increased thickness
6.2.0 Location
6.2.1 Orbits
6.2.2 Adjacent to sutures
6.2.3 Near bosses or within squamous portion of occipital
6.2.4 Both adjacent to suture and within orbits
6.2.5 Both adjacent to suture and near bosses/in squamous
6.3.0 Activity
6.3.1 Active at time of death
6.3.2 Healed
6.3.3 Mixed reaction: evidence of healing + active lesions
16
A more recent scoring method is the data collection codebook for the Global History of
Health Project (GHHP)(Steckel et al. 2006). It was adapted from an earlier version created for the
Western Hemisphere Project (Steckel and Rose 2002). The codebook can be used to analyze and
record health (chronic morbidity) in various populations from different localities and time
periods. The researchers developed a laptop-based software to standardize and improve data
collection. The software and codebook record lesions indicative of diseases such as: rickets,
scurvy, tuberculosis, leprosy, and treponematosis, all of which affected the morbidity and
mortality of historic and pre-historic populations. Under GHHP, the scoring system for cribra
orbitalia is as follows (Figure 2.3):
0 No orbits present for observation
1 Absent with at least one observable orbit
2 A cluster of mostly fine foramina covering a small area (≤1 !" ! )
3 Substantial area (> 1 !" ! ) covered by small and/or larger foramina with a tendency to
cluster together.
Figure 2.3 Standard for scoring cribra orbitalia (Steckel et al. 2006).
17
Under GHHP, the scoring system for porotic hyperostosis is as follows (Figure 2.4):
0 No parietals present for observation
1 Absent with at least one observable parietal
2 Presence of slight pitting or severe parietal porosity
3 Gross parietal lesion with excessive expansion and exposed diploë
Figure 2.4 Standard for scoring porotic hyperostosis (Steckel et al. 2006).
Archaeological Record of Anemia
The first known references to these lesions occurred as early as 1888. Welcker (1888)
describes the porosity of cribra orbitalia and its varying degrees. Hrdlička (1913) came across
porotic hyperostosis in a collection of pre-Columbian Peruvian Indians, and he called them
symmetrical osteoporosis (as cited in Mensforth et al. 1978). In 1929, Williams studied the
prehistoric Anasazi infants from Arizona and Utah. He determined that porotic hyperostosis was
the result of marrow hyperplasia due to anemia. Hooton (1930) reported an incidence of 66.7% of
porotic hyperostosis in Pecos Pueblo children. He suggested the hypervascularization was due to
cranial deformation. Müller (1935) dubbed these lesions “osteoporosis of the cranium” while
studying three cases at Soerabaja, Java. Cribra cranii was explored by Henschen in his (1961)
18
publication, Cribra cranii, a skull condition said to be of racial or geographical nature. Spongy
hyperostosis was analyzed and described by Putschar (1966). Nathan and Haas (1966) suggested
that nutritional deficiencies are the most probable cause of porotic hyperostosis. A variety of
descriptive terms accompanied by diverse etiologies have been proposed. All of these studies
demonstrate that porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia lesions have a wide spread geographical
distribution and occur frequently along the equator.
A classic study on porotic hyperostosis, cited by many anthropologists, is J. Lawrence
Angel’s (1966) publication. While studying ancient skeletal remains in the Anatolian region,
Angel (1966) noted the presence of porotic hyperostosis and pondered its etiology. He suggested
that the lesions were diseases, consequence of thalassemia or sicklemia, and that the anemias are
maintained by falciparum malaria. He found falciparum malaria concentrated over the anopheline
belts of the Old World, concurrent with porotic hyperostosis. Falciparum malaria however is not
found in the New World; Angel attributes the lesions in this part of the world to parasitism or
iron-deficiency anemia. Porotic hyperostosis became even more common with the
commencement of agriculture in Anatolia, Greece and Cyprus.
In 1974 Carlson et al. researched the occurrence of cribra orbitalia in Nubian skeletal
remains. They found that among 285 individuals examined, the largest concentration of lesions
was among infants and older individuals. For the first time they considered environmental factors
that affected the occurrence of cribra orbitalia. In locations where parasitic infection was high, the
diet was poor in iron, and weanling diarrhea was frequent, the lesion frequency increased. The
authors suspect that chronic iron deficiency is the main factor affecting lesion frequency.
El-Najjar and colleagues (1976) confirmed Angel’s results by studying 539 crania of two
different Native American groups in the southwestern United States, one maize and one nonmaize dependent society. They noted that the maize-dependent group experienced a higher
19
frequency of porotic hyperostosis and concluded that this stems from phytates in maize, which
inhibit the absorption of iron in the blood, leading to iron deficiency. According to modern
radiographic studies, Native American populations currently living in the southwestern United
States have some of the highest frequencies of these cranial lesions, however, they do not have
high rates of inherited hemolytic anemia. Due to this, researchers have focused on iron deficiency
anemia as the most likely explanation (El-Najjar et al. 1976, Walker 1985).
In 1977, Lallo et al. analyzed 269 crania from a variety of adaptations and temporal
phases that included: hunting and gathering (Late Woodland, A.D. 900-1050), transitional
(Mississippian Acculturated Late Woodland, A.D. 1050-1150), and agricultural (Middle
Mississippian, A.D. 1150-1350). The sample from Lorain, Ohio was examined for the presence of
porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia. Their well-known results indicated that lesions were
more severe in agricultural populations than hunting and gathering groups, and even more so in
children than in adults. Their study is one of the first to discover an association between porotic
hyperostosis and infectious disease, and in addition, to suggest an interaction between biological
and cultural factors. They determined that these “synergistic” interactions are instrumental in the
etiology of porotic hyperostosis.
Mensforth and colleagues (1978) sought to improve the methodology of porotic
hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia studies, as well as improve and refine epidemiological
investigations. They investigated hypochromic microcytic iron deficiency anemia and determined
that an important risk factor for anemia is the rate of growth, which affects infants and
adolescents. This anemia commonly affects infants between 6 and 24 months. It is treatable in
modern societies but in developing countries the condition is typically more severe. Hypochromic
microcytic anemia can rarely be attributed to a single factor. Some factors include: iron stores at
birth, birthweight, rate of growth in conjunction with nutritional status, diet, infectious disease
20
and some cultural practices. The researchers conducted a paleodemographic analysis on the
Libben skeletal collection with low infant and child mortality, and found that porotic hyperostosis
frequency fits the age-specific distribution of hypochromic microcytic iron deficiency anemia. In
summary, Mensforth et al. propose that the etiology of porotic hyperostosis in infants and
children can best be understood in terms of the collaborative interactions among diet and
infectious disease. Accurate diagnosis of PH must consider all relevant age and sex specific
factors as they relate to physiological, biological, cultural, and environmental adaptation.
In 1985 Stuart-Macadam explored porotic hyperostosis lesions and developed a new agerelated theory. PH seen in adults has often been assumed to represent anemia acquired in
adulthood, but anemia usually affects children to a much greater extent. She determined that
porotic hyperostosis seen in adults is most probably representative of an anemia acquired during
early childhood, as the result of growth period bone changes. Using Nathan and Haas (1966)
scoring system for severity of PH, Stuart-Macadam found statistical significance between the
presence of PH or CO, and an increased incidence of enamel hypoplasia and metopism in
children. She determined that anemia and other stressors would affect children to a higher degree
due to the plasticity and susceptibility to alterations in their bones, adult bones are less malleable.
Pueblo populations have exhibited a high frequency of porotic hyperostosis lesions, and
have been used in several stress, and diet deficiency studies. Paleopathological and
paleodemographic studies use PH to reconstruct past population adaptations (Goodman et al.
1988). Walker et al. (1985) constructed a thorough case study in which they looked at dietary
changes in the same population over time in ancestral Puebloans. They investigated several
pathologies as additional lines of evidence for dietary, population, cultural, and environmental
changes over time. Early on, after the overhunting of large game, the population became
increasingly dependent on maize. By the time of European contact between 70%-90% of the
21
calories in their diet came from maize consumption. Dental caries increased significantly in
accordance with maize intensification. Droughts and famine are remembered with horrible myths
of cannibalism, and the purposeful starvation of children. Skeletal remains also suggest that
nutritional shortfalls were common. With increased maize production, there is a parallel decline
of pinion trees. With a lack of trees there is a decrease in fuel for cooking, and this in turn provide
negative nutritional consequences. Depletion of plant environments was accompanied with the
loss of wild game and a valuable source of B12. In addition, sanitation problems associated with
sedentism and raising turkey contaminated many water sources. This introduced major diseases
and health problems. Infant mortality rates increased from gastrointestinal infections attributed to
poor hygiene. In addition, cultural practices limited the amount of meat consumption in women
and children, which added to the nutritional stress and infections susceptibility (Walker et al.
2009).
These case studies demonstrate how anemia is influenced by a number of factors. It is a
synergetic interaction of diet, environment, culture and even genetics. Iron absorption depends on
an individual’s need, their age, and sex. Anemia is rarely affected by a single factor; realistically
several etiologies are at play. There is a complex interaction between environmental and cultural
factors involved in generating these lesions. These nutritional marks affect children and
premenopausal females more often, and there is a parallel correlation between PH and growth.
Porotic hyperostosis lesions are caused by iron or B12 deficiency, which have three main
etiologies: genetics, diet or disease. Genetic anemias are less common in populations, and does
not account for all the porotic hyperostosis lesions found in the archaeological record. For this
reason when the nutritional status of a population is being analyzed in bioarchaeology,
researchers have to understand the complexity of these lesions, and their realistic occurrence.
Based on this research, it can be stated that diet deficiency and infectious disease cause the
22
majority of PH lesions found in archaeological collections. More often than not, a combination of
these will be responsible for the evidence we find. We cannot diagnose a population with skeletal
material alone, but we can get an idea of stress (both dietary and infectious) based on pathological
lesions.
Paleodemography
Paleodemography is the study of characteristics such as mortality, fertility and migration
specific to ancient human populations derived from archaeological samples (Hoppa 2002). J.
Lawrence Angel did the first study in this field by investigating the life expectancy in ancient
Greece (Angel 1947). Paleodemography uses skeletal remains to provide demographic
information on past populations (Angel 1947). By understanding the mortality of an individual or
group, anthropologists can develop an idea of the health or stress of a population and how
successful they were at adapting to their environment. In most cases, the initial paleodemographic
studies utilized abridged life tables to interpret mortality profiles in ancient populations.
Life tables are arrangements of age specific mortality, which provide demographic
information and a quick outline of mortality rates for a specific population (Angel 1947). It is
therefore, an effective way to represent the mortality experience of the La Ventilla population.
Life tables provide an abundance of calculations, more importantly the probability of dying and
the proportion of survivors at a specific age cohort. The life table used in this study, also one of
the most common, examines a population at a given time, such as a year or five years and records
the mortality pattern seen at each age group (Weiss 1973, Coale and Demeny 1983, Storey 1992).
The skeletal collection, or sample, has to be representative of the population. Ideally the
population should be stable or close to it to provide the best results. A population that is stable
23
will have an equal number of births and deaths, and no migration should exist. Fluctuations in
fertility are a problem when calculating life tables because they directly affect mortality
proportions. Actually, life tables measure fertility more so than mortality. In existent populations
there is a fluctuation of births and deaths from year to year. Estimates of fertility and mortality
rates must be averaged over a number of years (Sattenspiel and Harpending 1983). If a skeletal
sample spans several generations, the model for a stationary population is justified. The majority
of archeological populations cover very long time periods, and this reduces the effects of changes
in fertility and migrations that affect age distribution in life tables (Weiss 1973).
The most commonly used life tables (Weiss 1973, Coale and Demeny 1983) were
developed from nineteenth and twentieth century European populations. This makes the
calculations biased toward certain mortality patterns that may or may not be representative of
other populations. It is important to use a life table that fits well with the patterns seen in the
population being studied. This can be accomplished by using life tables developed for populations
of similar time periods, and more importantly of similar environments and substance patterns.
Additionally, growth and age indicators are population specific. Similarities need to be found
between the study population and the original reference sample (Hoppa 2002).
Demography in Europe was affected by the size and density of the population. Before the
Industrial Revolution and modern medicine, life expectancy was shorter and mortality rates were
higher in cities. This was due to the lack of hygiene and sanitation in densely populated urban
areas. Also, these residents relied on food that was either imported or grown outside of the city. If
the harvest failed, these dependent citizens would suffer from the lack of food and
malnourishment (Wrigley 1969, Armelagos 1990). Similarly, the residents of Teotihuacan lived
in a very densely populated city. Although its inhabitants did not suffer from the same diseases as
early European cities, they did have other tropical diseases that were likely perpetuated in the
24
crowded urban center. Additionally, the residents of La Ventilla were dependent on the food that
was grown elsewhere (Storey 1992). Due to the similarities in environment and subsistent
patterns between the two, this study will compute a life table that used a European population as
the original reference sample.
25
CHAPTER 3
HISTORY OF TEOTIHUACAN AND LA VENTILLA
Teotihuacan
Teotihuacan was an extraordinary city both in its size, and in its urban planning. It had an
urbanized capital surrounded by villages, and a multiethnic population. The ancient city is located
approximately 30 miles northeast of Mexico City, in the Valley of Teotihuacan in the Basin of
Mexico (Figure 3.1). The ancient inhabitants chose to live in a Valley that was 9.5 miles long
from northeast to southeast, and 4.5 miles wide (Ordoñez 1979, Sanders et al. 1979). This
settlement choice was likely due to the valley’s excellent environmental conditions, the eruption
of the volcano Xitle, and its caves that were symbolic to ancient Teotihuacanos. Caves are
important in Mesoamerican ideologies because they are believed to be sacred places of
emergence, and a passageway leading to the underworld (Heyden 1975; Taube 1986; Evans and
Berlo 1992; Millon 1981, 1992, 1994; Manzanilla 2002; Brady and Prufer 2005; Healy 2007).
Environment
The Basin of Mexico is a highland plateau in central Mexico with a semiarid
environment, and an elevation of 2250m above sea level (Cowgill 2008). It is located in a
strategic spot for trade routes throughout Mexico, and also contains a rich variety of natural
resources (Millon 1976). Deep alluvial soils and a number of natural springs provide the potential
26
for agriculture in the arid environment, while Lake Texcoco would have supplied the ancient
inhabitants with fish and waterfowl (Millon 1973b, Millon 1994, Pasztory 1988).
Figure 3.1 Map of Valle de Mexico (Adapted from Carballo, 2007)
Volcanoes surround the basin, and these offered both gray and green obsidian for the
building and manufacturing of ground stone tools. Access and control of these obsidian deposits
was a major contributor to the rise of urbanization at Teotihuacan (Cowgill 2008). The area also
27
had several streams running off of volcanoes, which provided a source of irrigation for drier areas
in the valley (Millon 1973b, Sanders and Santley 1983, Kurtz 1987, Pasztory 1988, Evans and
Berlo 1992). All of these features were likely key to the rise of Teotihuacan as an economically
and ideologically important city.
Chronology
Current research has dated the establishment of Teotihuacan at around 100 BC. During
the Patlachique phase (150-1 BC) or Late Preclassic (Table 3.1), the population of the site is
estimated to have been around 20,000 to 40,000 individuals, a very substantial number by that
date (Pasztory 1988, Evans and Berlo 1992, Millon 1992). Most of the early inhabitants were
dedicated to agricultural production, but even at this early period the city had exceeded the
carrying capacity of the valley. The recent identification of large canals and cropping systems
dating to about the same period would have favored population growth, and supported the
nutrition of a large agricultural population (Gómez-Chávez 2012).
Some researchers believe that political or military powers forced a centralization of the
Basin’s population into Teotihuacan (Sanders et al. 1979, Millon R 1988, Sanders and Webster
1988). In addition, the sudden migration to Teotihuacan was motivated even further by the
eruption of the volcano Xitle around 100 BC. At this point in time, Teotihuacan was one of two
large centers in the Basin of Mexico, the other was Cuicuilco (Sanders et al. 1979, Evans and
Berlo 1992, Trigger 2003). The eruption of the Xitle volcano affected the settlement patterns of
Teotihuacan, by burying Cuicuilco. Cuicuilco’s population was specialized in the production of
goods, commercial exchange, services, and management. Left without a home, many of
Cuicuilco’s inhabitants settled in Teotihuacan (Parsons 1976, Pasztory 1988, Evans and Berlo
1992). Around 100 A.D. agriculture was no longer the basis of the economy and became one
28
aspect of it. The city spread rapidly, ironically over the most suitable lands for agriculture. Canal
systems were quickly replaced by drainage systems. Over time, the division of labor and
specialization in craft production brought about a separation between agriculture and urban life
(Cowgill 1997, 2003; Gómez-Chávez 2012).
Table 3.1 General Chronology (Modified from Sugiyama 2005)
During the Terminal Preclassic, or Tzacualli (AD 1-100) and Miccaotli (AD 100-200)
phases, the city expanded to around 20km! , and the population rose to an estimated 80,000
individuals. This was about 90% of the population of the Basin of Mexico (Millon R 1988, 1992;
Cowgill 1997, 2008). Prior to A.D. 150 most of the construction at Teotihuacan was concentrated
on the grand pyramids along the Avenue of the Dead. During the end of the Miccaotli and
29
beginning of the Tlamimilolpa periods (A.D. 200-250) urbanization began (Sugiyama 1993;
Cowgill 1997, 2003; Headrick 2007).
In the Early Classic Tlamimilolpa (AD 200-400), there were a number of possible
political upheavals. The Feathered Serpent Pyramid and the subsequent building directly in front
of it appear to have suffered limited desecration around AD 300 (Cowgill 1983, 2008).
Monumental construction comparable to the previous time period halted, and enormous energy
was expended, instead, on the construction of apartment compounds (Millon 1976). Domestic
building accelerated during the Tlamimilolpa period (A.D. 225-350) when many of the
approximately 2,000 apartment compounds were built (Sugiyama 1993; Cowgill 1997, 2003;
Headrick 2007).
There was little change during the Late Classic Xolalpan phase (AD 400-650), which
continued the trends of the Tlamimilolpa phase. The population estimated to have plateaued
between 100,000 and 200,000, and the apartment compounds built during the former time period
continued to be rebuilt with limited alterations for at least 400 years (Millon 1973a, 1973b, 1976,
1981, 1992; Kolb 1987; Pasztory 1988)
The final Teotihuacan phase, the Late Classic Metepec (AD 650-750), saw the sudden
and drastic abandonment of the city. Millon (1981, 1988, 1992) describes a deliberate and
systematic destruction directed toward the polity of the city. A large number of fires were set
directed at the monumental architecture along the Avenue of the Dead and a few associated
temples in other parts of the city. The length of time that it would have taken to set the fires and
the seemingly controlled nature of them has led Millon to suggest that the destruction may have
been led by Teotihuacanos, either due to an internal political crisis or, it could alternatively
represent the completion of a time cycle that required ritual destruction for renewal (Millon 1981,
1988, 1992). The ruling powers of Teotihuacan were collective in nature. Some researchers have
30
speculated that growing competition between previously cooperative groups, along with new and
aggressive centers coming to power in Mesoamerica after AD 600, could have lead to the central
governments collapse (Millon 1981, 1992; Pasztory 1988). Headrick (1999) proposed that the
targeted fires could have been used for the same purposes as in Mixtec beliefs. If the ruling
entities were related, then the multiple lineages may have represented mortuary bundles buried
along the Avenue of the Dead. The burning of mortuary bundles would have effectively
delegitimized the power of the dominant group. Manzanilla (2006) has studied the Teopancaxco
apartment compound, southeast of the Ciudadela. She found that toward the end of Teotihuacan's
history, intermediate-level elites were acquiring wealth and power without the permission of the
central government. This would have been a sign of a weakening state authority, and agrees with
the central government collapse theory as opposed to the ritualistic burning, or warfare theories.
Archaeological History of Teotihuacan
The archaeological history of the ancient city of Teotihuacan is immense. There is a
wealth of information, product of the researchers who have tried to break down the history of this
great metropolis. Because of the abundance of information, a general overview of the
archaeological history provided here describes the major proposals and approaches to the study of
Teotihuacan.
After its fall, the city of Teotihuacan was not forgotten. The Mexica described what was
left of the ancient city and adopted it to their history. Evidence of this was found in the Templo
Mayor where Teotihuacan objects were used as offerings for their deities (López Luján, 1989).
Even the name Teotihuacan was given by the Nahuatl-speaking Aztec centuries after the fall of
the city. Teotihuacan is a Nahuatl (Aztec) name meaning "place where gods were born”. The
Aztecs believed that the gods created the universe at the site and for this reason they gave the city
31
its name (Millon 1993). This was the earliest interest of Teotihuacan history and its inhabitants.
Later during the Spanish conquest and evangelization, some Spanish friars took it upon
themselves to record the customs, myths, and ways of life of the natives. In Fray Bernardino de
Sahagún’s book, Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España, there is a reference to the
existence of an ancient city called Teotihuacan, where the gods met for the creation of man
(Cowgill 2008).
Bernal (1979) notes that the first archaeological excavations were reported by Lorenzo
Boturini, who describes the investigations done by Don Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora in 1675.
He explored the Pyramid of the Sun, and reported that the structure was hollow and that it
contained a tomb inside (Bernal 1979). Later a traveler named Alejandro de Humboltd also
explored the same pyramid and his description was in agreement with Sigüenza y Góngora, the
pyramid was a large hollowed structure (Schávelzon 1983).
In 1863, Antonio García Cubas explored the Moon Pyramid, and its tunnel. He cleared
off a layer of debris, and cleaned the edges of the southeastern corner of the structure. The
following year (1864) the Comisión Científica de Pachuca, led by the engineer Ramón Almaraz,
developed a research project to excavate and draw the levels of the Pyramids of the Sun, the
Moon and the Ciudadela. Desiré Charnay excavated a few superimposed structures and took
photographs of what constituted the archaeological site at the time (Schávelzon 1983). On the
celebration of the centennial of Mexican independence in 1910, Porfirio Díaz chose Teotihuacan
as part of the celebration. He selected the Pyramid of the Sun as an emblem, and for this he
commissioned Leopoldo Batres to scan and reconstruct all the structures along the Avenue of the
Dead (Flores 2013).
In 1917 Manuel Gamio began an interdisciplinary study on both the ancient and modern
population of the Valley of Teotihuacan. He published La población del Valle de Teotihuacán in
32
1922. During his exploration he uses stratigraphic methodology for his excavations on the
Temple of the Feathered Serpent, and the Pyramid of the Sun. Between 1939 and 1942 Sigvald
Linné excavated the compounds that are now know as Xolalpan and Tlamimilolpa. His results
explained for the first time, the sequence of occupation of lower status compounds. A separate
archaeologist, Alfonso Caso (1942), was in charge of digging the Tepantitla residential complex,
where he describes the mural called Tlalocan as an earthly paradise. In 1944 and 1950 Pedro
Armillas’s study of the Avenue of the Dead, and Eduardo Noguera’s of the North-East sector of
the Valley, contributed to the establishment of Teotihuacan’s first chronologies. During the 1960s
the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia directed a large research project carried out by
Ignacio Bernal. The Teotihuacan 62-64 project’s aim was to improve the understanding of the
ancient city layout, as well as conduct excavations of the Moon Pyramid, the Avenue of the Dead
and the Temple of the Quetzalpapálotl (Acosta 1964). During this project additional excavations
were commenced on several neighborhoods: La Ventilla (Juan Vidarte), Tetitla and Atetelco
(Séjourne 1959, 1966).
In the seventies, the Teotihuacan Mapping Project was initiated by René Millon. His
tremendous effort culminated in a very detailed map of the ancient city that provided clear limits
and diachronic spatial developments. Because of this research, important topics in Mesoamerican
archaeology began to arise such as the social organization of Teotihuacan, and the first
speculations about the fall of the city (Millon 1973a, 1973b). During the same time, William
Sanders and colleagues were working under a cultural ecology perspective to understand the past
and present of the Valley of Mexico. They wanted to discover how population density in the
Valley of Mexico affected Teotihuacan, Teotihuacan-dependent rural communities, and the
farming crisis that could have affected the city due to the overexploitation of natural resources
(Sanders et al. 1979). Also at this time, the first faunal and paleoenvironmental studies were
33
conducted for the Valley of Teotihuacan. This type of research painted a picture of ancient
everyday life, its mode of subsistence and the environment that affected it (McClung 1978, 1987).
In regards to mural paintings, studies began by exploring the characteristics and
techniques in which different designs and themes were carried out (Montes 1972). Clara Millon
(1988) studied iconography in mural painting, and related them to sacrifice, and Beatriz De La
Fuente (1995) catalogued the Teotihuacan murals.
By the eighties, the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia began the Teotihuacan
80-82 Project, this time it was carried out by Rubén Cabrera Castro. Their main objective was to
learn about ancient Teotihuacan city planning, by studying the architectural aspects of the
different compound structures, and what the architectural transformation implied about social
processes and religion (Cabrera et al. 1982). To answer these, excavations were conducted on the
Ciudadela, the Northwest compound of San Juan, the western section of the Avenue of the Dead,
several domestic structures, and caves. During the same project, Evelyn Rattray provided
knowledge about the merchant barrio that offered a clearer picture about the ethnic formation of
the ancient city. The excavation done by George Cowgill and Ruben Cabrera in the Temple of
Quetzalcóatl, provided information about the state organization and the practice of human
sacrifice in Teotihuacan (Cabrera 1989).
Another large archaeological project in Teotihuacan was the Proyecto Especial
Teotihuacán 92-94. In charge of it was Eduardo Matos Moctezuma who conducted several
salvage excavations around the outskirts of the city, including La Ventilla and the great platform
that surrounds the Pyramid of the Sun. In order to understand the different sections that formed
the city of Teotihuacan, Linda Manzanilla prepared a study of Oztoyohualco within the
framework of the Antigua Ciudad de Teotihuacán, Primeras Fases de Desarrollo Urbano Project.
Here new proposals were developed about the forms of economic and social organization based
34
on ancient lifeways (Matos 1995).
Going into the 21st century, no major archaeological projects have been promoted.
However, individual researchers have contributed information about both ceremonial centers and
peripheral compounds. Evelyn Rattray proposed a chronological evolution based on changes in
ceramic dishware in her 2001 publication. Her chronology is supported by carbon 14 dating, and
is considered very reliable. Since 2007 Ruben Cabrera has been studying the urban planning in La
Ventilla by identifying the layout of different compounds, neighborhoods, composition and street
organization to understand the development of the State in the Valley. They have also initiated
the work necessary to open the compound of La Ventilla to the public. Spectators will be able to
make their own interpretations about the everyday life of ancient Teotihuacan, Furthermore,
Linda Manzanilla continues her studies on noble houses serving as more independent social and
economic units (Manzanilla 2006, 2007)
The department of salvage archaeology makes explorations in the periphery of the city,
worried that urban growth will destroy and damage the Valley’s history. This department’s
explorations have provided important data that helps clarify both social organization and
domestic aspects of Teotihuacan (Flores 2013).
Site Layout
The city layout of Teotihuacan was planned from the construction of its first buildings.
The orientation of the entire city faces within 15.5 inches east of astronomical north (Cowgill
2000, 2008). This construction plan was followed entirely from the first buildings to the last
structures. It is rare to find this type of consistency over years of change and different state
powers. Recently Ian Robertson (1999) applied multivariate statistics and Bayesian methods to
the city layout. Based on the Teotihuacan Mapping Project data, he was able to find spatial
35
patterns between the distinct economic classes, and their changes over time. He determined that
there was a tendency for higher status individuals to live closer to the center and the lower classes
toward the edges. Over time, neighborhoods became less internally diverse. These patterns in the
city layout were deliberate and functional for the success of Teotihuacan.
The entire site covers a total surface of about 83 square kilometers, and its construction
used the natural environment that surrounds it. Cerro Gordo, a volcano, is found to the north, and
the Avenue of the Dead runs north to south. The avenue stretches for three miles, and runs
directly toward the colossal volcano right in front of the Moon Pyramid. There are a number of
enclosed courtyards along the Avenue of the Dead. The Sun Pyramid, the largest of all the
structures, falls toward the central point of the main street, on the east side of the avenue. The
Ciudadela, an enclosed compound where rulers could have lived, is located toward the southern
end of the avenue. In addition to the residential rooms, the Ciudadela has a vast Plaza, and to the
rear of the Plaza lies the Pyramid of the Feathered Serpent (Cowgill 1983, Kolb 1987, Millon C
1988, Headrick 2007).
The ethnic neighborhoods such as the Oaxaca Barrio, Mechants’ Barrio, and the
Michoacán sector were all located in the periphery of the site. Their funerary and ritual practices
differed from those that characterized Teotihuacan. The Oaxaca Barrio named Tlailotlacan was
studied by Rattray (1993) and Spence (1996). The Merchants’ Barrio housed individuals that
originated from the Gulf Coast in Mezquititla and Xocotitla (Rattray 1988). Strontium isotope
analysis (87/86 Sr) proposed that most of the residents from this section only stayed for some
time and eventually returned to their homeland (Price et al. 2000). Residents from the Oaxaca
Barrio kept some of their original traditions, but assimilated to the city’s diet and form of living.
Lastly, the Michoacán sector was studied by Gómez-Chávez (1998), and like all other ethnic
36
neighborhoods, it was located at the periphery of Teotihuacan. They constructed right at the edge
where these individuals traveling from their native lands first reach the city.
Neighborhoods and Apartment Compounds
From an archaeological perspective, it is important to establish that a neighborhood is a
unique element of cities. Similarly, neighborhoods are defined as a subsystem whose organization
and social relationships depend on its economic production processes. It houses a specific urban
community in a limited space, and the boundaries are established over several generations and
through ancient kinship relations. However, in more urban cases, these neighborhoods can be
established by economic production, worship of a patron deity, deep-rooted traditions, or craft
specialization (Gómez-Chávez 2012).
At Teotihuacan, these neighborhoods were communal spaces holding families usually of
the same lineage with varying social classes. These apartment compounds held their everyday
activities including their physical, cultural, and religious ideologies. Different groups socialized,
produced and exchanged goods and information daily. A Teotihuacan neighborhood had its own
temple, and more importantly, administrative bodies and religious institutions that served as
intermediaries between the community and the state. Each barrio engaged in a specific craft
production, in some cases because the lineage controlled sufficient land to provide key resources.
With this type of government system, the neighborhood organization is very important. GómezChávez (2012) proposed a neighborhood model that includes: (1) public buildings associated with
different processes such as politics, the management of resources, and religious activity; (2) the
public plaza where exchange of commercial goods and information occurred; (3) the residential
compounds; and (4) spaces of common use. This model also includes a transportation system
(streets), and urban facilities (drains, wells). This complex system occurred through urban
37
planning, administrative process, and spatial organization based on economic and social activities
benefitting the state.
The apartment compounds in Teotihuacan, were mostly residential structures. These were
single story walled compounds made of stone and adobe, and finished with lime plaster, whose
space and internal design was unique but which always included a number of rooms, patios,
passageways, an underground drainage system and one main patio with at least one temple facing
it (Millon 1973b, 1976, 1981, 1994; Manzanilla 1996, 2002; Cowgill 1997). These multifamily
compounds were autonomous; each of them had a dormitory, storeroom, kitchen, porch, service
patio, and a ritual courtyard for the family patron god, and held multiple families of 60 to 100
individuals (Spence 1971; Cowgill 1983; Pasztory 1992; Manzanilla 1993, 1996). There are three
main types of neighborhoods in Teotihuacan. The first is the earliest type, found in the oldest
sector of the city – the northwest. This neighborhood had three-temple plazas surrounded by
apartment compounds in which a specific craft or activity predominates (Manzanilla 1997). The
second type were elite neighborhoods that had formal architectural compounds for each function
such as: worship, administration, craft activity, residence, and an open space for festivities,
exchange, and ball game. La Ventilla constitutes an elite neighborhood (Gómez-Chávez 2000).
The last type were the peripheral multiethnic neighborhoods led by noble “houses” (Manzanilla
2012). This last neighborhood type had similar functional sectors and layout to the previous type
with the exception of the expensive finish of mural painting or extra rooms that do not serve a
necessary function.
Craft Industries/ Levels of Craft Specialization
Apartment compounds, sometimes larger areas such as barrios, specialized in a specific
craft industry. The crafts intended for the ruling elite were located in the city’s cores close to the
38
Moon Pyramid, the Ciudadela or the Xalla compound. For the intermediate elite, craft industries
were located in neighborhoods centers such as La Ventilla and Teopancazco. The rest of the craft
production for urban dwellers was found in the periphery of the city (Manzanilla 2012).
People of Teotihuacan
Teotihuacan did not emphasize their rulers by making statues, portraits, or having glyphs
describing them and their accomplishments like the Maya. In actuality, very little is known about
state governance. Based on Teotihuacan’s size, the scale of their pyramids, organized layout, and
apartment compound system, it was likely ruled by a strong central government. So powerful that
there was little need for monuments or publicity. Another possibility is that depictions of
Teotihuacan rulers may be misidentified and unrecognized (Cowgill 1997, 2008; Headrick 2007)
Little is known about Teotihuacan’s non-elite population before AD 250. Some of the
first excavations done Teotihuacan focused on the residential compounds of higher status
individuals with polychrome wall-paintings (Cowgill 2008). After Millon’s mapping project,
strides were made to understand the entire society of Teotihuacan. One of the compounds with
the highest status outside the civic-ceremonial center is La Ventilla. Other districts such as San
José 520 are a lot more modest, and are located toward the outer vicinity of the city. The Tlajinga
district is also in the southern part of Teotihuacan. Both San José 520 and Tlajinga 33 specialized
in pottery production. Storey’s (1992) paleodemographic research has complemented the
archaeological data. The individuals living in less privileged neighborhoods suffered from
malnutrition more so due to their lower status.
Foreigner compounds were also constructed to follow the canonical orientation and
organized into apartments, generally with the same setup. They are of lower quality and not
always as organized internally as other Teotihuacan compounds, and their outer limits are not
39
always straight rectangles. These compounds were first distinguished by the imported and foreign
stylized ceramics. The Oaxaca neighborhood is located toward the western edge, the Merchants
enclave to the northeast margin, and in the Tetitla compound Mayan glyphs are found in the
mural paintings (Gómez Chavez 2002, Taube 2003, Cowgill 2008). Isotope studies on foreigners
were conducted by Spence et al. (2005), Wright (2005), White et al. (2007), and Price et al.
(2000) to determine the origin of migrants. The most obvious and general pattern found at
Teotihuacan is the direct relationship between location of neighborhood, and status. Those barrios
closer to the center enjoyed better lifestyles, and the opposite is true of the peripheral populations.
Mortuary Practices/Patterns
A set of common mortuary practices occurred during the Classic period at Teotihuacan.
The domestic compounds can be clustered into “types” from their context, with the exception of
the immigrant neighborhoods who maintained some of their original practices (Sempowski 1994).
Burial patterns were often established based on age groups; for example, skeletons of fetuses and
newborns were flexed inside a small pit, occasionally inside one or two plates. Flexed individuals
from almost all ages and both sexes are found inside semicircular pits, usually with grave goods.
These burials are frequently disturbed, uncovered inside rooms and patios of compounds (Storey
1992, Storey et al. 2012).
It is common knowledge that there are social differences between compounds and
neighborhoods at Teotihuacan. These distinctions are found: in the materials and quality of the
architecture, where they are located (e.g. status varies from the center of the city through the
periphery), artifact type, and even from the tools left behind at the compounds. The objects found
in burials can give some evidence of status inequality, but the burials share a simplicity despite
the status of the individual. Differences in architecture are much more pronounced than burials.
40
For this reason the study of disease and health indicators on skeletal remains will give more
insight into status and urban living conditions between different compounds (Sempowski 1994,
Manzanilla et al. 1999, Storey and Widmer 1999, Storey et al. 2012).
The appearance of sedentism and the development of the first cities brought about an
increase in disease, infection, and mortality more so than in rural settlements (Cohen 2008). An
environment that has many individuals crowded together creates sanitation problems in which
infectious diseases are easily contracted, and with the additional threat of poor nutrition, an
increase in mortality rates can occur. It was not until the early twentieth century that sanitation
and health care improved in urban areas (Storey et al. 2012).
Teotihuacan’s semiarid environment along with a lack of sanitation would have caused
water contamination that encouraged diseases. According to Storey (1992) the dry season at
Teotihuacan was unhealthy with endemic diseases that included: respiratory, bacterial, and
gastrointestinal infections and fevers. In addition, the specialization found in Teotihuacan made
some individuals largely dependent on the market for food. If there was a lack of food distributed
to the city, the dependent residents would have suffered from poor nutrition, another cause of
morbidity. Morbidity lesions found on skeletal remains are often times the only source of
information concerning health conditions from past populations. These nonspecific pathological
lesions provide a record of chronic or severe stresses caused by a combination of disease and
malnutrition. Skeletal lesions are common in the Tlajinga 33 sample (Storey 1992).
The Tlajinga 33 neighborhood was founded in the Early Tlamimilolpa period (250-300
A.D.), and is located in the southern part of the city west of the Avenue of the Dead. Several
dispersed compounds of lower status make up this neighborhood. The modest building materials,
its peripheral location, irregular layout, and regularly modest burial offerings, evince the lowstatus of the artisan residents (Widmer and Storey 1993, Cowgill l997). During earlier phases of
41
occupation, the first 100 to 150 years, the community specialized in lapidary production of both
rare and common materials: shell, greenstone, slate, travertine, etc. However, in the later phase of
the neighborhood, San Martin Orange ceramic was the main production of Tlajinga (Widmer
1991). The compound was abandoned some time in the Early Metepec period. A total of 206
individuals were excavated from Tlajinga, but most of these were represented by a few skeletal
elements (Storey et al. 2012).
La Ventilla
The archaeological zone in Teotihuacan has been excavated for more than 100 years, and
in these many years, little study has been done on osteological remains. Skeletal studies have
been limited to descriptive analyses, with a lack of analytical research. The excavations at La
Ventilla (Figure 3.2) provided the most extensive and important osteological collection found in
Figure 3.2 La Ventilla 1992-1994 explorations (Flores 2013)
42
Teotihuacán. The main goal of the researchers in charge of this project was the collaboration of
archaeologists and physical anthropologist (Serrano 2003). This type of cooperation will provide
answers to questions such as: the differential access and management of resources, production
activities (usage, storage, waste, exchange etc.), cultural and custom differences between distinct
classes, and an overall idea of the general life of this population (Serrano 2003).
Site Overview
The ancient compound of La Ventilla is located approximately 500 meters west of the
Ciudadela (Figure 3.3, 3.4); right on the outskirts of the road that surrounds the archaeological
area. According to Millon and colleagues’ Mapping Project (1973a, 1973b), La Ventilla was
located between the sectors N1W2, N1W1, S1W2 and S1W1.
Figure 3.3 Location of La Ventilla (Cabrera 2007)
43
Figure 3.4 Map of the ancient city of Teotihuacan (modified Millon1973a/b).
In 1865 the first artifacts from La Ventilla were discovered by Ramón Almaraz from the
Comisión Científica de Pachuca. He described carved stones in the shape of snakes (Aveleyra
1963). In 1963 the architect Pedro Ramírez Vazquez, project manager of the new National
Museum of Anthropology, discovered a stela on the grounds of what was at the time La Ventilla
Ranch. After Ramirez’s discovery, the archaeologists Piña Chán conducted excavations at the
Ranch to pinpoint the exact location of the stela, and found a series of typical Teotihuacan-style
rooms, burials underneath the rooms and ceramics with motifs common in central Veracruz
44
(Aveleyra 1963, Piña Chán 1963). The 1962-1964 Teotihuacan Project was a salvage
archaeological project carried out for the construction of a road that would lead from Mexico City
to the archaeological site. Only a small section of La Ventilla was excavated for this project by
Juan Vidarte. He found part of an archaeological compound with plazas, patios, residential
rooms, murals and some burials underneath the ground floors (Vidarte 1964).
It was not until the Proyecto Especial Teotihuacán del Instituto Nacional de Antropología
e Historia that the entire compound of La Ventilla was explored, a total of 13,000 square meters.
The coordinator of the Teotihuacan Project was Eduardo Matos and the field coordinator for La
Ventilla was the archaeologist Ruben Cabrera. The excavation sections were broken down into
four main groups (Frentes), and diggings began from October 1992 to July 1994. Dr. Carlos
Serrano was in charge of the osteological research, and his participation along with a group of
physical anthropologists in the excavations was of great importance due to the discovery of more
than 301 human burials and a total of 320 skeletons. These osteologists were responsible for the
cataloging, conservation, and care of the remains, which have given valuable information about
the past Teotihuacános (Serrano 2003).
In 2009 the project, El Sistema Urbano, in La Ventilla began with the objectives aimed at
determining the urban development and architectural characteristics of different compounds.
During this project, further excavations were done in what is considered additional Frentes (5 and
6). In the year 2010, investigations were focused on specific structures. The main one was
Templo de Barrio, and they discovered that the platform had access to other structures to the
southeast toward the Hórreo Ranch. With permission from the owners they did further
investigations and found that the compound extends onto the ranch and other structures exist
further to the South (Flores 2013).
45
The main sections from La Ventilla used for this study are Frentes 2 and 5 from the 20102013 excavation project. However to fully understand the complexity of this neighborhood a
description of the original four excavation sections from Cabrera (2003) are examined (Figure
3.5). The first Frente spans 4,693 square meters, and is full of religious structures, which leads
archaeologists to believe that the section served as a civic-religious area. There are four distinct
temporal sections in order from the earliest to the most antiquated: the Building with the Red
Edges, Chalchihuites Patio, Central Plaza, and South Plaza. The Building with Red Edges is very
Figure 3.5 Map of the Frentes of La Ventilla, Teotihuacan (Flores 2013)
46
literally characterized by red stripes or bands on its edges, dated to Miccaotli and early
Tlamimilolpa periods between the years 150 and 250 AD. Other decorations include symbols of
xicalcoliuqui, crenellated designs, and interlaced bands and seashells. The architectural highlight
in this area is a pyramidal base of a single body with three other bases used to form an elongated
square. Chalchihuites Patio section accounts for the next level of occupation during late
Tlamimilolpa and early Xolalpan (400-500 AD). It was used as a civic religious structure and
there is evidence of sacrifice motifs found in the symbolic figurines and murals. The Central
Plaza consists of several buildings arranged around a central plaza. The facades of the square
bases are formed by talud tablero walls. In addition, a few burials were found in this structure.
The last section, the South Plaza provides a nearly complete layout of the architectural whole,
represented by the superposition of three constructive levels integrated into a rectangular square.
In the center there are three small superposed temples, and to the East and West two residential
areas (Cabrera 2003).
In the excavations for Frente 2 several architectural complexes were detected, but the
work was focused mainly on the excavation of the residential chambers. These spaces were
considerably large, and had an excellent finish; due to these findings, it was most likely inhabited
by people who enjoyed a high position in Teotihuacan society (Figure 3.6). In the center of this
section, a large pyramidal base is found, constructed with talud tablero walls. Behind it another,
smaller base is found and together they form a central grand structure. On either side of these,
two separate plazas were constructed: Plaza 1 and Plaza 2. Plaza 2 is also identified as “Plaza de
los Glifos”. Its floor is a mural covered in symbolic characters, which some scholars believe
could be part of Teotihuacan’s early writing system. “Patio de los Jaguares” was also found in
this Frente; its orientation is consistent with the four cardinal directions, and it is decorated with
astronomical symbolism and representations of Venus (Cabrera 2003).
47
Figure 3.6 Map of Frente 2 at La Ventilla, Teotihuacan (Flores 2013)
Two main residential compounds were found in Frente 3: compounds A and B.
Compound A is marked off by the South West and North streets. It is full of residential structures,
all of which follow the cosmological design found in all Teotihuacan housing. However, these
houses are different from other compounds because they vary in sizes some of which have murals
on the floors. The individuals that lived in these compounds specialized in the production of
artisanal luxury objects made from: greenstone/jade, shell, slate and other like materials. The
48
majority of burials found in Compound A belonged to perinatals. Compound B was not studied as
extensively but the parts of the buildings uncovered showed better quality finishes with many
murals. It is clear that this architectural compound represented a residential housing for high
status individuals (Cabrera 2003).
Frente 4 was excavated into four main sections: 4-A, 4-B, 4-C, and 4-D. The most important
structure in this Frente is Plaza Jaguares, which functioned as a market in ancient Teotihuacan.
Section 4-A consists of open areas (patios) with some rooms and hallways. However, it was not
possible to determine actual limits and barriers, therefor the distribution, occupation, and
constructive levels were not determined. Due to the architectural finishes, the large presence of
ceramics used for domestic and food preparation, and for the considerable amount of burials
found underneath the floors, it was determined that the area served as dwelling units for families
or groups dedicated to the production of consumer goods (Paredes 2003). Evidence of food
preparation was only found in one of several architectural units which suggests that the food for
all of the occupants of the compound was prepared only in one or two rooms. In the same rooms,
masonry tools were found on the floors indicating that the same individuals in charge of food
preparation were responsible for the compound maintenance (Gómez-Chávez 2012). Chronology
was established using pottery fragments. The first layer belonged to the late Xolalpan, and later
modifications could have corresponded with Metepec and Coyotlatelco periods. The 22 burials
also correspond to these three time periods. Ceramics, polished and carved lithics, plus an
additional 14 burials were present in section 4-B. Section 4C was architecturally superior in
quality and finish than Sections A and B. Archaeologists discovered a temple with several patios
surrounding it, and the murals in this structure have aquatic symbols (stylized shells and water
snails) and polychrome feathers. This section was constructed and inhabited during the late
Tlamimilolpa, and early Xolalpan. It was built upon again during late Xolalpan and Metepec.
49
Only seven burials were found in 4C. Section 4D has no architecture, just ceramic and lithic
debris (Paredes 2003).
The finds at La Ventilla are extremely unique, most importantly, the extensive osteological
collection. The collaboration established between: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia,
la Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Instituto de investigaciones Antropológica de la
UNAM; and the coordination between Dr. Carlos Serrano, Dr. Lourdes Márquez, and
archaeologist Rubén Cabrera expanded the expectations of interpretations using an
interdisciplinary approach. This will improve ones understanding of this Prehispanic population.
People of La Ventilla
La Ventilla dates to the Miccaotli to the Metepec periods (200-600 AD), which makes it
one of the oldest compounds in Teotihuacan. Paleobotanical and paleozoological studies found
that most of caloric intake was obtained through the consumption of: (1) vegetable protein
(maize, amaranth, and beans), (2) animal protein (dog, deer, turkey, rabbit, jackrabbit, sweet
water fish, duck, pigeon, sparrow-hawk/hawk, quail, turtles, or insects), and (3) vitamins and
minerals (purslanes, huauzontle, cactus, prickly pear, tomato, peppers, pumpkin, gourd, plum and
caulin) (Ochoa 2003). It is also possible they drank pulque (Manzanilla 1993).
Individuals from different Frentes took part in different activities. Frente 1 had spaces
devoted to ritual activities and exchange. Frente 2 was originally enclosed by a stone wall, and its
architecture is very open with squares/courtyards, and is outlined by temples and wide rooms
covered in artwork. Frente 3 is associated with domestic groups. Storage areas, preparation,
consumption and disposal of foods are evident. It also had work stations dedicated to artistic
objects made from precious stones and shell. The residential rooms were simpler in architecture
and finish. Lastly, Frente 4 is a compound formed by several rooms distributed around small
50
courtyards whose function is related to food prep and maintenance of the rest of the compound.
Frente 5 sometimes referred to as compound N.5 was inhabited in the later years of Teotihuacan’s
existence. West Street is evidently on the west side of the administrative compound. The street
provides access to the administrative compound and public areas. Frente 5 is located west of this
street. This section of La Ventilla served as a residential structure for the later phases of
Teotihuacan (Flores 2013).
Toward the end of Teotihuacan’s existence, La Ventilla began to close off the access to
streets and the circulation was monitored through guard posts constructed at the intersections of
several streets. Many of the city’s compounds only had one entrance, and security was a problem
that intensified toward the collapse of the city. It implies that the central government became
unstable, and could no longer provide services to the compound such as security, maintenance of
urban facilities, and the supply and regular conduct of markets (Gómez-Chávez 2012).
Burials and Osteological Material
The skeletal sample at La Ventilla is the largest at Teotihuacan with a total of 450
individuals from 312 burials excavated from all four Frentes (Gómez-Chávez and NúñezHernández 1999). A large amount of perinatal individuals were found in varied contexts and
situations with the exception of the administrative buildings, which lacked infant remains. Some
adult individuals had signs of cremation or burning, while others were mutilated and decapitated.
But the most unusual finding was that a large amount of these were primary burials, all of which
were flexed, but in different positions. The compound’s varied ritualistic and funerary customs
are unusual for Teotihuacan (Cabrera 2003, Gómez-Chávez 2012).
Some interesting osteological research has been done on the collection from La Ventilla
such as Carlos Serrano’s (2003) study on cranial deformation. He found eight individuals from
51
La Ventilla with light deformation. On the outskirts of La Ventilla B, burials with cranial
deformations frequently exhibited tabular erecta modification found from the late Tlamimilolpa
(AD 300-400) to late Xolalpan (AD 500-650). It is difficult to tell which exact deformation was
used since the skulls are not all articulated, but the most probable modification is tabular erecta.
Cranial deformation was found both in male and female remains, and there is still no specificity
on whether certain sections of La Ventilla had more deformation than others. Most osteological
research has been done on the Temple of Quetzalcoatl sacrificial victims. Ángel (2003) examined
dental wear on 82 individuals from the Quetzalcoatl project, some of whom were trophy remains,
and are identified only by a maxilla or a mandible and the teeth accompanying them. Merlín and
Gallardo Velázquez (2003) conducted a preliminary biodistance study in which they analyzed 59
discrete cranial traits along with 47 postcranial traits. They concluded that a larger sample is
needed for further analysis.
In 2012, Rebecca Storey and colleagues compared the health differences between the
neighborhoods of La Ventilla and Tlajinga 33, two compounds of different status and therefore
different urban lifeways. They used 190 burials from the residential sections of Frente 3, of which
only 106 individuals could be analyzed. The researchers scored dental enamel hypoplasia, porotic
hyperostosis/cribra orbitalia, and periosteal reaction on the tibia (the most susceptible bone). They
found a higher presence of health stressors at Tlajinga, especially in younger individuals. This
pattern was expected by the researchers because of the overall lower status of Tlajinga and its
peripheral location in the city. These indicate problems with hygiene, infections and nutritional
deficiencies, all of which contribute to morbidity.
52
Project Specifications
This thesis scored the presence of porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia on individuals
from La Ventilla. With the archaeological data compiled by Cabrera (2003) and Paredes (2003) it
is known that La Ventilla residents enjoyed a more privileged lifestyle especially when they are
compared to other compounds such as Tlajinga 33. Storey’s paleodemographic studies (1992,
2012) will serve as a comparison to this research. Similarly, she analyzed porotic hyperostosis for
Tlajinga 33 and a separate section of La Ventilla that was not analyzed in this study. Storey
however used a different scoring method for PH and CO that does not account for severity of the
lesion. Differences were expected to be present on the osteological material, and it is anticipated
that lesion frequency will vary. Additionally, a demographic life table from the La Ventilla
neighborhood was generated to provide a general overview of mortuary patterns.
Focused on this study’s analysis, several hypotheses were developed:
1. Based on archaeological findings, children would exhibit both a higher
presence and severity of porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia lesions.
2. Likewise females would be more frequently and severely affected by these
lesions than males.
3. Lastly, in a paleopathological comparison of Tlajinga 33 and La Ventilla, we
expected to find more frequency and severe lesions of porotic hyperostosis
on the skeletons from Tlajinga 33 than from La Ventilla, due to the lower
status exhibited by Tlajinga 33.
53
CHAPTER 4
MATERIALS AND METHODS
The main skeletal collection of La Ventilla is housed at Teotihuacan behind the Pyramid
of the Sun at the Ceramoteca. The collection used in this study is also housed in Teotihuacan right
next to the archeologist offices. This specific skeletal collection had recently been excavated, and
for this reason, it had not been cleaned or analyzed by any physical anthropologist. To complete
this study and analyze skeletal lesion of porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia, the materials
had to be cleaned, aged and sexed.
Materials and Methods
The study sample consisted of 77 individuals from 57 burials representing neonates to
full adults. The skeletal collection is comprised of burials from Frentes 2 and 5 in La Ventilla.
The urban neighborhood was of an elite status with some fluctuations from Frente to Frente
(Gómez-Chávez and Núñez-Hernández 1999). In the residential compounds, a large amount of
perinatals were found, with some of the individuals having signs of burning and mutilation
(Cabrera 2003, Gómez-Chávez 2012). The La Ventilla site contains habitation and burial
materials that span at least from the Miccaotli to Metepec (AD 200-600). The remains used in this
study belong to the most recent excavation seasons from 2010-2013. They had never been
analyzed, and were still covered with soil and sediment. The preservation of the skeletal remains
is poor, being that the majority of the sample is highly fragmented and fragile. The skeletal
54
sample should be representative of Frentes 2 and 5 as a whole, as all ages and sexes are
represented. However due to its preservation, age distribution, and skeletal elements present, sex
was identifiable for a very limited number of individuals. In addition, of the 77 individuals
observed in the initial study, only 67 could be included in the analysis.
Various techniques were used to age individuals depending on the completeness of the
skeleton, and a combination of these were generally used. In the case of children and adolescents,
aging is fairly accurate due to their growth, which leaves indicative markers on the teeth and
epiphyses. The skeletal material was aged on the basis of: epiphyseal closure (Buikstra and
Ubelaker 1994, Baker et al. 2005), the pattern of dental eruption (Ubelaker 1999), and dental
wear (Smith 1984). For the os coxae present the methods used for aging included both pubic
symphyses (Suchey and Brooks 1990), and auricular surface aging (Lovejoy et al. 1985,
Buckberry and Chamberlain 2002). Visual indicators of sex were analyzed on the skull and the
pelvis if present (Bass 1987, and France 1998). The only exception were preadolescent skeletons
who where too young to demonstrate indicators of sex. Age distribution and sex is further
illustrated in Tables 4.1 and 4.2.
Table 4.1 Distribution of Age at La Ventilla
Age
Perinatals-infants <1 year
Children 1-9 years
Adolescents 10-19 years
Young adults 20-30 years
Middle-aged adults 30-49 years
Old adults 50+ years
Number
10
9
6
12
29
1
Percentage
14.9
13.4
9.0
17.9
43.3
1.5
55
Table 4.2 Distribution of Sex in Relation to Age at La Ventilla
Age
Adolescents 10-19 years
Young adults 20-30 years
Middle-aged adults 30-49 years
Old adults 50+ years
Sex
Female
Male
Unidentified
Female
Male
Unidentified
Female
Male
Unidentified
Female
Male
Unidentified
Number
1
2
3
1
4
7
0
7
22
1
0
0
Percentage
2.1
4.2
6.3
2.1
8.3
14.6
0.0
14.6
45.8
2.1
0.0
0.0
The skeletal sample was examined for the presence and severity of porotic hyperostosis
and cribra orbitalia. Analysis of the cranial material involved gross macroscopic examination of
the external surface of the cranium with a lighted magnifying glass. The collection was scored
using the GHHP system (Steckel et al. 2006), which measured presence and severity using a
score system of 0-3.
The scoring system for cribra orbitalia is:
0 No orbits present for observation
1 Absent with at least one observable orbit
2 A cluster of mostly fine foramina covering a small area (≤1 cm2)
3 Substantial area (> 1 cm2) covered by small and/or larger foramina with a tendency to
cluster together.
56
Similarly the scoring method for porotic hyperostosis is:
0 No parietals present for observation
1 Absent with at least one observable parietal
2 Presence of slight pitting or severe parietal porosity
3 Gross parietal lesion with excessive expansion and exposed diploë
According to Steckel et al. (2006) to score these lesions at least one eye orbit or parietal must be
present. For this study, if two eye orbits or parietals were present for a single individual, then the
most severe score (highest score) was recorded.
Life Tables
The age distributions, or age cohorts, were divided into intervals of varying width due to
the difficulty in ageing skeletons of fragmentary nature. Age determination is not always precise
for the skeletons of adults as these are determined by deterioration of the bones, and can be
affected by the activity done during life. For this reason adults were divided as follows: 20-29
years, 30-49 years, and 50-80 years. The skeletons of younger individuals on the other hand,
provide more specific age ranges because age is based off of growth. Growth is specific and
provides smaller ranges. They are also broken into finer categories because the first years of life
provide insights into childhood mortality, which conveys a great deal about the success of a
population (Mensforth et al. 1978). The divisions for perinatals to adolescents are as follows: 011 months, 1-4 years, 5-10 years, and 10-20 years. This specific age organization provides
insights into early life morbidity and mortality problems. Individuals who died under the age of
one were most likely affected by diseases resulting from birth: prematurity, postpartum infections
or injuries, congenital anomalies etc. (Mensforth et al. 1978). Children between the ages of 1-4
were prone to weaning stress and malnutrition, which is commonly seen in anthropological
57
population that have higher mortality rates at these younger ages. In addition, a favorable
situation that is lacking from several anthropological populations is present in Teotihuacan. Their
mortality practices preserve fetuses and infants, who are usually underrepresented in other
archaeological collections (Storey 1992). This life table includes individuals from several phases
present at Frentes 2 and 5 at La Ventilla. In addition contingency tables were created to compare
the porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia found in this collection with that of Storey et al.
(2012) which evaluated the residential structures of Frente 3 of La Ventilla and Tlajinga 33.
58
CHAPTER 5
RESULTS
Demographic Data
Life Tables
The construction of a life table is often times the basis of a paleodemographic analysis. In
anthropological populations the expectation is to find a J-shaped human mortality pattern in
which there is a high mortality percentage of infants, a decrease in mortality rate of children and
adolescents, and another gradual increase in adults and older individuals (Weiss 1973). This
pattern is present at La Ventilla if we assume the population is stable. The mortality curve (Figure
5.1) depicts this.
Table 5.1 presents a stationary population life table for the burials found at Frentes 2
and 5 of La Ventilla. Each column of the life table has a specific calculation: (1) the !! is the
number of deaths in each age cohort; (2) the !! is the proportion of deaths that occurred in the
age cohort; (3) !! is the survivorship, or the proportion of individuals that survived up to the
beginning of the age cohort; (4) !! is the age specific probability of death, or the proportion of
individuals who reach the age cohort but die before reaching the next age class; (5) !! is the
people years lived in the age interval, or the total years lived in a specific age cohort by
individuals who entered the cohort; (6) !! is the total people years to be lived, or the total years
left to be lived by all of those who enter the age class until they have all died; (7) !! is life
59
expectancy at each specific cohort; and lastly (8) !! is the proportion of individuals alive in the
interval, it represents the living population structure.
Table 5.1 Stationary Population Life Table of La Ventilla
Dx
10
7
2
6
12
29
1
dx
0.15
0.10
0.03
0.09
0.18
0.43
0.01
67
1
lx
1.00
0.85
0.75
0.72
0.63
0.45
0.01
qx
0.15
0.12
0.04
0.13
0.29
0.97
1.00
Lx
0.93
3.19
3.66
6.72
5.37
4.63
0.22
Tx
24.72
23.79
20.60
16.94
10.22
4.85
0.22
ex
24.72
27.96
27.60
23.65
16.31
10.83
15.00
50% Percentage of Deaths x
0
1
5
10
20
30
50
80
Total
40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 0-­‐11 mo. 1-­‐4 years 5-­‐9 years 10-­‐19 years 20-­‐29 years Age Figure 5.1 Mortality curve of La Ventilla
30-­‐49 years 50+ cx
0.04
0.13
0.15
0.27
0.22
0.19
0.01
60
Due to the significant preservation of fetus and infant remains, I was able to divide the
early ages into smaller groups. The last age cohort however, was set at 50+ because this was the
upper limit to the aging methods used, and the preservation did not allow for more precise and
detailed aging. In this population sample of La Ventilla, more than 75% of the individuals
survived to age 5, and 45% made it to age 30 (Figure 5.2). The life expectancy at birth is
approximately 24.7 years, and it rises to 28 years if an individual survives past their first year of
life (Figure 5.3). The probability of death is surprisingly low for the infants of La Ventilla,
however it is slightly higher than for individuals between the ages of 5-9 (Figure 5.4).
1.00 0.80 lx 0.60 0.40 0.20 0.00 0-­‐11 mo. 1-­‐4 years 5-­‐9 years 10-­‐19 years 20-­‐29 years 30-­‐49 years Age Figure 5.2 Survivorship curve of La Ventilla
50+ 61
30.00 25.00 ex 20.00 15.00 10.00 5.00 0.00 0-­‐11 mo. 1-­‐4 years 5-­‐9 years 10-­‐19 years 20-­‐29 years 30-­‐49 years 50+ 30-­‐49 years 50+ Age Figure 5.3 Life expectancy for La Ventilla
1.20 1.00 qx 0.80 0.60 0.40 0.20 0.00 0-­‐11 mo. 1-­‐4 years 5-­‐9 years 10-­‐19 years 20-­‐29 years Age Figure 5.4 Probability of dying at La Ventilla
62
Comparison with Tlajinga 33
As stated earlier, this population of La Ventilla had a high survivor rate of 72% to age 10,
and 45% to age 30. These proportions are higher when compared to the 55% that made it to 10
years, and 34% who made it to 30 years in Storey’s (1992) life table of Tlajinga 33 (Table 5.2).
Life expectancy at birth for the Tlajinga 33 neighborhood was 20.8 years, also lower than La
Ventilla. A mortality comparison of La Ventilla and Tlajinga 33 demonstrates that the major
differences between the two are the percentages of deaths that occur in the infant and adult
cohorts (Table 5.3 and Figure 5.5).
Archaeology can benefit demographic studies by estimating population structure,
community size, family size, government structure, artifact type, etc. However, population
demography that includes fertility and mortality rates, can only be determined through the study
of skeletal remains.
Table 5.2 Stationary Population Life Table for Tlajinga 33 (Storey 1992)
x Dx dx lx qx Lx Tx ex cx 0 1 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 85 63 18 11 10 9 16 8 7 12 22 11 11 3 5 206 0.31 0.09 0.05 0.05 0.04 0.08 0.04 0.03 0.06 0.11 0.05 0.05 0.01 0.02 1.00 0.69 0.61 0.55 0.50 0.46 0.38 0.34 0.31 0.25 0.15 0.09 0.04 0.02 0.31 0.13 0.09 0.09 0.09 0.17 0.10 0.10 0.19 0.42 0.37 0.58 0.38 1.00 0.85 2.60 2.90 2.65 2.42 2.11 1.82 1.64 1.41 1.00 0.59 0.33 0.16 0.30 20.77 19.92 17.32 14.42 11.77 9.36 7.25 5.42 3.79 2.38 1.38 0.79 0.46 0.30 20.77 28.70 28.54 26.05 23.32 20.29 18.89 15.71 12.19 9.42 9.50 8.55 11.88 12.50 0.04 0.13 0.14 0.13 0.12 0.10 0.09 0.08 0.07 0.05 0.03 0.02 0.01 0.01 63
Table 5.3 Age Mortality Comparisons of La Ventilla and Tlajinga 33
Population
La Ventilla
Tlajinga 33
Total
Number
67
206
Perinatals/Infants Children Adolescent
Percent
Percent
Percent
14.9
13.4
9.0
31.0
14.0
9.0
Adults
Percent
62.7
46.0
0.50 Propor7on of Deaths 0.45 0.40 0.35 0.30 0.25 La Ven:lla 0.20 Tlajinga 33 0.15 0.10 0.05 0.00 0-­‐1 1-­‐5 5-­‐10 10-­‐20 20-­‐30 30-­‐50 50+ Age Cohorts Figure 5.5 Probability of dying at La Ventilla and Tlajinga 33
Lesions
Mortality and morbidity are two different concepts. Mortality refers to the incidence of
deaths in a population. Life tables measure mortality. Morbidity refers to the incidence of illness
and health problems in a population. To measure the morbidity of past populations
anthropologists need to study the skeletons, and find evidence of pathological lesions that left
their mark on the bones. A great number of diseases do not affect the bones, and in many cases
when an individual dies quickly from a certain illness; evidence of it has likely not affected the
skeleton yet. The lesions that are left on the bone usually occur because an individual survived
64
long enough to acquire such lesions (Wood et al. 1992). More chronic illnesses have a better
chance of leaving marks on the skeleton.
The archeological population of La Ventilla used for this study exhibited a very low
frequency of lesions. Porotic hyperostosis was the only lesion found affecting about 13% of the
analyzed population (Figure 5.6). Approximately 10% of the collection presented orbital roofs to
analyze, of which none presented cribra orbitalia lesions.
70 Number of Lesions 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 No Lesion CO only PH only Figure 5.6 Summary incidences of lesions
To analyze these lesions more closely, their presence and severity were broken down into
five main age cohorts: perinatals and infants, children, adolescents, young adults and adults
(Tables 5.4 and 5.5). Surprisingly, no cribra orbitalia was found on any of the individuals, which
is odd since it has more etiologies than porotic hyperostosis. The severity of these lesions
measure the complete spectrum: 0 – the absence of elements needed to observe the lesions, 1 –
presence of element and absence of lesion, 2 – slight severity, and 3 – excessive severity (Steckel
et al. 2006).
65
Table 5.4 Cribra Orbitalia Lesions at La Ventilla
CO Score
0
1
2
3
Perinatal/Infants
8
2
0
0
Children
6
3
0
0
Adolescents
5
1
0
0
Young
adults
10
2
0
0
Adults
28
1
0
0
Table 5.5 Porotic Hyperostosis Lesions at La Ventilla
PH Score
0
1
2
3
Perinatal/Infants
4
5
1
0
Children Adolescents
3
3
5
1
1
1
0
1
Young
adults
8
2
2
0
Adults
21
5
3
0
The presence of porotic hyperostosis does not follow the anticipated pattern.
Anthropologists expect to find more severe lesions on the remains of infants and children, as they
are more susceptible to changes due to their growth and development. Also, since porotic
hyperostosis is a response to anemia involving the expansion of the marrow chamber, these
lesions should be more severe during the process of expansion in childhood, and less visible after
the process in adults. In this analysis we see a higher presence of lesions on older individuals and
a low presence in infants and children (Figure 5.7) Approximately 11% of the lesions present are
found in perinatal and infants, and the same proportion is found in children. There is then an
increase to 22% for adolescents and young adults alike, but the majority of porotic hyperostosis,
33%, is found in adults (Figure 5.8). Although there is a significant number of perinatal and
66
infants preserved, the collection is not proportional. There is a considerable amount of adults in
this sample.
Precence of Poro7c Hyperostosis 3.5 3 2.5 2 1.5 1 0.5 0 0-­‐1 1-­‐10 10-­‐20 20-­‐30 30-­‐50 Age Cohorts Percentage of Poro7c Hyperostosis Figure 5.7 Number of individuals presenting PH based on age
35% 30% 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% 0-­‐1 1-­‐10 10-­‐20 20-­‐30 Age Cohorts Figure 5.8 Percentage of PH between age cohorts
30-­‐50 67
With the limited presence of porotic hyperostosis, it follows that the severity of most
lesions is low. In all age cohorts there is the presence of at lease one case, which presents a
severity of 2. The severity of 3 is only found once, and is present in ages 10 to 20 (Figure 5.9).
The presence of porotic hyperostosis lesions was also divided between males and females in
different age cohorts (Figure 5.10). The majority of individuals that presented the lesion could be
identified to sex, with the exception of one adult between the ages of 30-50. Most of the
individuals affected were males throughout all the age divisions, and only one female between the
ages of 20-30 exhibited lesions. Similarly in Storey et al.’s 2012 study, Frente 3 from La Ventilla
presented a very low presence of porotic hyperostosis for infants and adults, especially when
compared to Tlajinga 33. In addition, Frente 3 and Tlajinga 33 presented a higher presence of
porotic hyperostosis in males than females (Storey et al. 2012). In Teothihuacan the majority of
skeletal studies have demonstrated that apartment compounds are composed of extended families
with related males and brides marry into the compound (Spence 1974).
Number of Affected Individuals 6 5 4 Presence of Parietals 3 Severity 2 2 Severity 3 1 0 0-­‐1 1-­‐10 10-­‐20 20-­‐30 30-­‐50 Age Cohorts Figure 5.9 Presence and severity of PH age cohorts
68
Number of affected individuals 2.5 2 1.5 Females 1 Males 0.5 Uniden:fied 0 10-­‐20 20-­‐30 30-­‐50 Age Cohorts Figure 5.10 Presence of PH between males and females
69
CHAPTER 6
DISCUSSION
When paleodemographic and paleopathological results are being interpreted it is
important to remember that bones record the most chronic or dramatic insults. It is also
imperative to consider that disease lesions or trauma modifications have no direct correlation with
mortality. Having considered this, we can interpret life tables to understand specific demographic
data such as mortality, and fertility rates. This information can provide insight about the health or
stress of a population and how successful they were at adapting to their environment. A high rate
of deaths at a specific age class can be informative of the type of stress suffered by the
population. A high number of mortality found from neonatals to one month are most commonly
due to prematurity, birth injuries, congenital anomalies, asphyxia, atelectasis, and immediately
acquired infections (Mensforth et al. 1978). The leading causes of death between one and twelve
months are infectious diseases. Mortality rates found between the ages of one to four are more
commonly due to weaning stress, malnutrition and to a less extent infectious diseases (Mensforth
et al. 1978).
In La Ventilla we see a slightly low percentage (15%) of deaths for neonatals and infants,
and similarly 10% for children between one to four years old. High rates of infant mortality in a
population are indicative of poor living conditions and poor nutrition, both of which generate
illness and disease. The contemporary population of Tlajinga 33 had a much higher mortality rate
70
reaching 31% for infants. However, the individuals between ages one and four had a lower
mortality rate at 8%.
The preservation of infants at Teotihuacan is surprisingly good, so it was unexpected to
have such low mortality rates of perinatals and infants at La Ventilla. According to archaeological
information found in the architecture, artifacts, and locality of La Ventilla, we know that this
neighborhood housed more elite individuals. Tlajinga 33 on the other hand, is found on the
southern peripheral end of Teotihuacan. The compound has a more modest finish, and contained
less expensive artifacts. Based on these socioeconomic differences we do expect to find a lower
infant mortality rate at La Ventilla. Individuals that enjoy a higher status can afford to provide
better nutrition, and a cleaner environment for expecting mothers. This will reduce many of the
postpartum diseases and infections that affect infant mortality.
At La Ventilla we see a low mortality rate of children and adolescents between the ages
of five to twenty. Children between five and nine years old make up only 3% of the mortality
profiles and adolescents between ten and nineteen have a mortality rate of 9%. Similarly, the
children from Tlajinga 33 represented 5% of the population and adolescents 9%. In most
populations anthropologists expect to find low mortality rates for these age ranges. As individuals
reach adulthood, mortality rates begin to increase. For La Ventilla, individuals between ages
twenty and thirty have a slightly higher mortality rate at 18%. At Tlajinga this age group still has
a low mortality rate at 12%.
The highest mortality rate at La Ventilla occurs in adults between the ages of thirty to
forty-nine at 43%. We do expect to see a higher incidence of deaths in older adults in a healthy
population, but thirty to forty-nine years of age is not very old. The problem in these numbers is
likely an effect of the representativeness of the population. The preservation in the adult skeletons
was very poor, more so because of the 29 adults present, 10 of them were only represented by a
71
burned skull. This made it impossible to age individuals from suture closure, and they could only
be identified as adults. Only 1% of the population from La Ventilla made it past 50 years of age.
At Tlajinga 33 these ranges differ. Storey (1992) was able to produce finer age divisions. When
her ranges are clumped to fit the ages from La Ventilla, the adult mortality rate becomes 25%. A
very low value when compared to the range found at La Ventilla. Additionally, 9% of the
Tlajinga 33 population made it past the age of 50.
The major differences found between La Ventilla and Tlajinga 33 life tables are located
in the infant and adult age cohorts. The largest mortality rate at La Ventilla belongs to adults
between the ages of thirty to forty-nine. At Tlajinga 33, infants represent the largest proportion
(32%) of deaths. These differences support the same conclusion – the population at La Ventilla
was healthier and less susceptible to stress than Tlajinga 33.
Health and stress in an archeological population can also be studied through the analysis
of skeletal pathologies. The skeletal system is a supporting structure that protects major organs
such as the brain, lungs and heart. Because of this, it is very strong and is only altered when the
soft tissues are affected by a severe or chronic disease. According to Goodman et al. (1984) stress
represents physiological disruption resulting from three main causes: environmental stress,
cultural pressures, and diseases. As stated earlier, mortality and morbidity are not the same thing.
A life table was calculated to identify the mortality rates of La Ventilla, but to understand
morbidity anthropologist turn to skeletal indicators of stress. The stress indicators used in this
study to understand the morbidity of La Ventilla were porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia.
The incidence of cribra orbitalia in this population was nonexistent. Porotic hyperostosis
was present in the collection, but it affected a very small percentage of the population.
Additionally, it was surprising to see that infants and children were the least affected by the
lesions. This study expected to find a large number of children affected by these skeletal lesions,
72
and likewise females to a greater extent than males. In actuality the results were the opposite for
both hypotheses. The largest group of individuals presenting PH lesions were adults between the
ages of thirty to fifty, and males made up 71% of the total number of individuals affected.
The low number of skeletal lesions represents one of three things: (1) that the diet was
adequate and provided infants and children with the required iron intake, and/or (2) that parasitic
load and infectious diseases were not a serious threat at La Ventilla, or (3) the small sample size
of only two Frentes and poor preservation affected skeletal lesion representation. Mesoamerican
diet was extremely dependent on maize. We know from earlier studies that maize can be an
inhibitor to iron absorption in the body (Ashworth et al. 1973). Iron could have been attained
through other common foods found at Teotihuacan including dried peppers, beans, bean broth,
and mashed beans used to feed small children. Beans are an excellent source of iron, and even
have a higher intake than meat. The daily consumption of beans and dried peppers provides the
population with a diet sufficient in iron (Storey 1992). However, it is important to note that the
preparation of beans entails a high cost in fuel (Kuhnlein and Receveur 1996). This was likely not
a problem to the higher status compound of La Ventilla until later phases. It proposes that the few
lesions found at La Ventilla were likely caused by infection or the sample.
Some of the infections that most likely affected Mesoamerican populations were
staphylococcal and streptococcal infections, viruses, gastroenteritis, tuberculosis, treponematoses,
fungi and common tropical parasites (Mensforth et al. 1978, Storey 1992). Several of these were
more prevalent among young individuals. This leads us again to our uniquely high number of
adult males affected by porotic hyperostosis. It is important to note that “burial” 433 was
composed of three main sections, two of which contained six individuals each, and the third
included three other interments. All of these remains were only represented by a skull, and
belonged to males that ranged from young to middle aged adults. These skulls were partially
73
burned, and were positioned in a line facing the same direction. Of these only one skull presented
a low severity of PH, but this find raises a few assumptions on the function of this part of La
Ventilla. Due to its proximity to the Ciudadela, it is possible that some military families resided in
this neighborhood (Ruiz Carillo, personal communication 2014). This would have influenced the
large proportion of males found at these burials. If these males were residing at La Ventilla for
their military positions, it is likely that they lived their childhood in other regions of
Mesoamerica. This can account for the uncommon higher presence of porotic hyperostosis
lesions in males.
Storey et al. (2012) developed a study in which they recorded several skeletal indicators
of stress for Tlajinga 33 and Frente 3 of La Ventilla, which was a domestic compound that had at
a minimum 18 separate rooms and public areas. A summary of their analysis on porotic
hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia is found in Figure 6.1 and Figure 6.2. Their results from the
domestic compound of La Ventilla are very similar to those found in this study of Frentes 2 and
5. Storey et al. found a higher percentage of adult males that suffered from the skeletal lesion of
porotic hyperostosis. Out of the 53 sub-adults present in their collection not one of them
presented any lesions. These similarities are in agreement, in that the higher status, which the
population of La Ventilla experienced allowed for a healthier population. The lower status
neighborhood of Tlajinga had more incidences of PH and a more stressed population. Subadults
presented lesions 12.5% of the time and adults 16.7%. It is irregular to find a higher percentage of
adult males affected by porotic hyperostosis, but this pattern is present in all of the groups
compared here: La Ventilla (Frentes 2 and 5), La Ventilla (Frente 3), and Tlajinga 33. It would be
interesting to do further research and ascertain if there were cultural causes to the differential diet
between adult males and the rest of the population.
74
Figure 6.1 Presence of PH by age (Storey et al. 2012)
Figure 6.2 Presence of PH and CO by sex (Storey et al. 2012)
75
CHAPTER 7
CONCLUSION
A study of the health and stress of an archaeological population should incorporate
several anthropological methods. It is not enough to just analyze and record paleopathologies.
There should be a complete understanding of the population being studied and their mortality and
morbidity patterns. Especially due to the fact that most of the lesions present in bones can be
caused by a number of etiologies, and the stress has to occur for long durations to present
themselves in the bones.
In this study the presence and severity of porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia were
recorded for the ancient population of La Ventilla. Porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia are
lesions depicted by the thinning of the compact bone in the outer tables and the thickening of the
trabecular bone in the diploë. The three main etiologies for these skeletal lesions are: genetic
anemias, a deficiency in iron or B12, and from infections and parasitic loads (Stuart-Macadam
1985, 1992 Walker et al. 2009). These skeletal markers can be indicative of morbidity if there is a
high mortality rate of young individuals in a population. It has been used in various
archaeological studies to asses health and stress of populations (Angel 1966, Ashworth et al 1973,
Carlson et al 1974, El-Najjar et al 1976, Goodman et al. 1984, 1988, Stuart-Macadam 1985, 1989,
1992, and Walker 2009).
The population of La Ventilla resided in the center of the large ancient urban city of
Teotihuacan. Neighborhoods that are wealthier or higher class will be located in this central part
76
of the city. Due to their higher status the individuals of La Ventilla suffered only from a low
incidence of the lesion, and had a low mortality rate for infants and young children. A life table
was calculated presuming that La Ventilla was a stable population. Since the skeletal collection
analyzed covered several generations, it reduces the effect of changes in fertility and migration.
The mortality rates were low for infants and children, with the highest mortality rate belonged to
adults; this is seen in healthier populations (Weiss 1973).
The skeletal population found in Frentes 2 and 3 presented a very low presence and
severity score of porotic hyperostosis lesions, and no lesions at all from cribra orbitalia. This low
incidence of stress markers represents a population that not only had low infant mortality rates,
but also low morbidity. Most of the lesions that were present at La Ventilla were found on adult
male skulls, and a very small presence and severity in young children and females.
Due to this pattern and our understanding of their diet, the individuals that were affected
by porotic hyperostosis likely suffered from infections or parasitic diseases. The only surprise in
these results was the fact that the individuals who did suffer from porotic hyperostosis were adult
males. In anthropological populations the expectation is to find a higher incidence rate in children
and females, but the present study cannot offer much insight into the reason for this. What this
study did find was that the residents of La Ventilla had a higher life expectancy as well as less
skeletal stress.
Further Research
There is still an abundance to be explored from the skeletons of the La Ventilla
neighborhood in Teotihuacan. A comprehensive analysis on all of the remains from every
structure of the neighborhood should be conducted. The analysis should include mortality profiles
for each separate functional structure at La Ventilla, along with mortality profiles divided
77
between the separate occupational periods. The calculation of both a stable population life table,
and a life table that accounts for migration and fertility changes should be carried out. These will
provide a very complete picture of the mortality rates present at La Ventilla.
Likewise, a more comprehensive paleopathological study is needed. It should include all
lesions that are indicative of stress: porotic hyperostosis, cribra orbitalia, periostitis, scurvy,
rickets, enamel hypoplasia, Harris lines, and stature estimations. These will determine the types
of stresses suffered by the population. In addition to these, a study analyzing dental wear and a
comparison with isotope studies will provide insight into the type of diet these individuals were
consuming. If the diet of the population is known, the etiology of the stress lesions present in the
population can be determined with greater certainty.
78
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