Early civilisation at Teotihuacan, Mexico
Sample Essay
Area of Investigation:
The socio-political context of pre-Aztec society at the Teotihuacan site and the causes
and events surrounding its collapse around 700CE.
Focus Question:
Examine the nature of polity in Pre-Aztec Teotihuacan and analyse the debates
regarding its collapse.
The Mesoamerican city of Teotihuacan rose to prominence around 100BC, by 200CE it
had become the dominant city in the region covering and area of close to twenty square
kilometres and much of the population of the Valley of Mexico had relocated to its
territory. The inhabitants constructed immense civil and religious structures whose
architectural wonder, while borrowed by the later Aztecs, would never again be
equalled. Despite this, archaeological evidence suggests a rapid decline beginning
around 600CE and continuing until the city's partial destruction and abandonment
sometime after 700CE. This paper will explore the nature of governance and the
societal collapse at Teotihuacan and attempt to provide a hypothesis for its causes based
on current archaeological evidence and recent historiography.
The current investigations conducted at the Teotihuacan site have produced two
competing theories regarding the causes behind the fall of the city. George Cowgill
(1997) argues that the destruction of the city came about in the form of a civil uprising
against a powerful and militaristic central government, perhaps incited by the agents of
rival states and an ecological disaster such as a drought resulting in famine. Rene
Millon (1988) suggests an alternate theory; he believes that the uprising came in the
form of a directed attack against a corrupt ruling body, led perhaps by the priesthood
ofTeotihuacan. This author feels that the evidence currently collected at the site points
more favourably towards Millon's hypothesis.
In order to contextualize the evidence surrounding the collapse it is first necessary to
explore the socio-political aspects ofTeotihuacano culture, in particular the nature of
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governance within the city. Pasztory (1997, pg. 19) argues that early interpretations of
the Teotihuacan site suggested that the Teotihuacanos themselves were an advanced
and peaceful culture. While they held similar religious beliefs to the later Aztecs, it was
thought that human sacrifice and other violent rituals were absent from Teotihuacan
religious practice. This was mainly due to the absence of a sacrificial stone in any of
Teotihuacan's temples as well as the absence of typical sacrificial burials seen in other
Mesoamerican cities.
This idea has since been overturned by Saburo Sugiyama's (2005) study of burial sites
surrounding the Feathered Serpent Pyramid. These sites have traditionally been
interpreted as the graves of members of the city's social elite. Sugiyama (2005, pg.222)
notes that while the bones found at the site lack the expected cut marks or
disarticulation seen in other sacrificial burial pits, the sheer number of bodies,
particularly infant bodies, with no signs of disease point strongly toward human
sacrifice. This early view ofTeotihuacan culture caused much of the archaeological
evidence discovered to be viewed through what Pasztory (1997, pg. 19) terms "Tialoc
goggles" in a reference to the Mesoamerican rain god. Early archaeologists such as
Chamay interpreted many of the murals and sculpture fragments discovered at the site
as "Tialocs", basing their interpretation on this idea of a peaceful, agricultural society
and the 'goggles' worn by this god in later Aztec iconography. This rather dubious
identification caused many other details present in the murals to be overlooked.
Pasztory (1997pg. 18-19) gives the example of clearly militaristic figures, possessing
claws, jaguar faces, etc. which were termed "red Tialocs" and added to the evidence for
an "agricultural paradise". What emerges from more recent studies of the site by
Cowgill (1988), Sugiyama (2005), et al. is a deeply religious culture who shared many
theological links with contemporary and derivative Mesoamerican cultures such as the
Olmecs and Aztecs, including the practice of animal and human sacrifices, much at
odds with the early 'Utopian' interpretations.
In order for a society to collapse, the figures responsible for maintaining cohesion
within the culture must be removed from power. It is essential therefore, to establish the
method by which Teotihuacan society was ruled before theories regarding its collapse
are discussed. The early interpretations of the archaeological evidence present at the
site yielded little information regarding the leadership of Teotihuacan society. Studies
conducted by Armillas (1964) and Coe (1981) hypothesised the existence of a single
'ruler' or ruling family within the city, a dynasty of sorts. The evidence presented by
these historians is fragmentary, based on tenuous interpretations of apartments within
the Ciudadela and the timescale for the city's construction. They rely on the assumption
that Teotihuacan society followed patterns observed in other Mesoamerican cultures
and societies such as the Olmecs and Tula. Recent studies, particularly those of
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Sugiyama and Cowgill have shed greater light on this area. Cowgill feels that it is most
likely that Teotihuacan's early polity was oligarchic in nature and centred in the
Ciudadela, which was contained within the terraces and outer platforms of the feathered
serpent pyramid (Cowgill, 1997, pg 151).
The evidence presented for this hypothesis is the pattern of refurbishment seen in the
Ciudadela itself. Cowgill states "frequent major changes are most likely when rulers
have relatively unrestricted control over a large fraction of state resources and can
command the construction of residences as much for their personal glorification as for
the state. When heads of state directly control fewer resources, and especially if their
residence cannot be viewed as family property, major changes are less likely. " Cowgill
then goes on to explain that the Ciudadela fits this second pattern better. Pasztory
{quoted in Cowgill, 1997, pg 136) has characterised Teotihuacan art as impersonal and
Cowgill (1993, pg 564-68) states that no scenes glorify specific individuals. This would
seem to suggest an absence of singular, charismatic leaders and personifications of state
power. Millon (1988, pg. 147-8) and Sugiyama (2005, pg. 4) have also leant their
support to the hypothesis of an oligarchic central government at Teotihuacan, citing the
size and number of private apartments within the Ciudadela compound in addition to
the absence of a recognised ruling class in the present burial data collected at the site.
lan Robertson {Quoted in National Geographic Presentation: Pyramids of Death) adds
that "flaunting individual power does not seem to have been a Teotihuacan 'thing'". All
of the current evidence seems to support an impersonal governing organisation within
the city.
If we accept the oligarchic nature of Teotihuacan polity it is essential to establish how
the state secured its claim to power and maintained control over the population;
particularly in the absence of evidence for a democratic system. Sugiyama's study of
the layout and construction of the city has revealed a powerful connection between
religion and polity within Teotihuacan. Sugiyama (2005, pg 50) states that all of the
major structures within the city maintained the same orientation, with coherent
astronomical significance, far more rigorously than is observed in other Mesoamerican
cities such as Tenochtitlan (See also Millon 1992, pg 387-88). From these studies, in
addition to Pasztory's 1997 work on Teotihuacan art and iconography, we are able to
surmise that the power and right to rule held by the Teotihuacan polity was derived
directly from a perceived 'divine right' or connection to the sacred. Sugiyama (2005, pg
39-53) argues that the layout of the entire city of Teotihuacan was designed based on a
sacred astronomical interpretation. It is now accepted by a majority of historians
(including Cowgill [1997], Pasztory [1997], Millon [1988] and Sugiyama [2005]) that
Teotihuacan's layout was designed to draw favour from the Gods. Linda Manzanilla
(Quoted in National Geographic Presentation: Pyramids of Death) argues that this was
a necessary reaction to the arid and unpredictable climate of the Valley of Mexico; she
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sees it as adding weight to the argument that it was agricultural collapse that lead to the
destruction of the city.
The benevolent nature of this governing body presented by Pasztory (1992, quoted in
National Geographic Presentation: Pyramids of Death) has been challenged recently
by both George Cowgill (1997) and Saburo Sugiyama (2005). Both historians present
ample evidence illustrating the militaristic nature of state symbolism within the city.
Cowgill (7997, pg 144) notes however, that recognised military symbolism increases
over time, particularly in the century before the collapse. This is significant as it points
towards increasing civic unrest and a possible loss of influence on the part of the polity
toward the end of Teotihuacan dominance. The image of Teotihuacan polity that has
been constructed by the aforementioned studies is a powerful governing council whose
power and influence over the city were derived from divine right and who utilised
militarism to enforce their dominion.
Current evidence seems to suggest that the fall of Teotihuacan was preceded by a loss
of effective governance and of public support for the ruling body of the city discussed
above. Millon (1988 pg 142) states that the evidence in the last century (the Metepec
phase) before the city's destruction gives mixed messages and could be taken to
represent decline but also what he sees as economic well-being. Cowgill (1997) also
concludes that the evidence from this period indicates economic well-being. He argues
therefore, that the rapidity of the city's decline should be seen as indicative of an
environmental cause. Cowgill's hypothesis for the collapse of Teotihuacan is that a
prolonged drought or series of crop failures stretched the resources of the city beyond
their limits. Faced with famine, he argues that the people of Teotihuacan, perhaps
influenced by the agents of rival states (he does not provide examples), rose up against
the leadership of the city. While the evidence for this theory is at first compelling,
recent studies have presented considerable challenges.
In 2003, archaeologist Emily McClung de Tapia headed an investigation into the
climate of the Valley of Mexico during the Teotihuacan period. Using pollen analysis
and isotopic studies of the paleosols in the region, the team concluded that the climate
of the valley, while semi-arid, has been stable for thousands of years. No evidence was
found to support the idea of a prolonged drought or change in environmental
conditions. Millon (1988, pg 142), writing before the results of this study were known,
argues that it is unlikely that any deterioration which may have occurred would have
been significant enough to have caused a decline and collapse. He notes that the
resources of the Valley of Mexico during this period were vastly underexploited and
concludes that if environmental factors were operative they must have acted in
combination with more serious political, economic and social degradation.
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Millon argues (1988, pg 145) that the most significant evidence from the final century
of Teotihuacan rule is the evidence suggesting serious internal problems within
Teotihuacan society. The increasing difference between simple, lower class burials
and ostentatious elite burials during the Metepec phase explored by Martha Sempowski
(Quoted in Millon 1988) would seem to suggest a widening gap in the distribution of
wealth within the city. Furthermore, Millon argues that the increase in military
symbology during the late Middle Horizon may represent a shift in power towards the
military. He states "the internal consequences of this for Teotihuacanos may have been
an increase in the repressive face of the state and in its obtrusiveness, together perhaps
with a gradual erosion of the legitimacy of its authority" (Millon, 1988pg 147). He does
however caution that the nature of the evidence is ambiguous and should merely be
taken to suggest a downward trend in the effectiveness of the polity.
Regardless of the magnitude of political decline, the evidence gathered thus far
indisputably reveals a fiery and violent end to the ruling body ofTeotihuacan. The
earliest formal excavations of the site, performed by Desire Chamay in 1880, revealed
signs of burning and looting along the Avenue of the Dead. Chamay identified this as
damage caused by an invasion of the city, but was puzzled by the lack of human
remains. Cowgill (1997 pg 156) supports this interpretation, he feels that the focused
desecration of temples and government buildings is consistent with patterns observed in
other ancient cities that have suffered foreign invasions. Cowgill rejects Millon's
hypothesis that the attack was internally led on the basis that Teotihuacanos, in his
view, would not have allowed the destruction to spread to sacred areas. He concedes
however that the destruction may have been carried out by Teotihuacanos acting under
the influence of foreign agents. The author feels that Cowgill underestimates the extent
to which religion and polity were intertwined within Teotihuacan society.
As Sugiyama has shown in his 2005 work ''Human sacrifice, Militarism and Rulership'
the entire city ofTeotihuacan was constructed in accordance with perceived divine
patterns. Sugiyama gives the example of the Pyramid of the sun, which on the spring
equinox aligns with the Pleiades star cluster. The Pleiades were established by Pasztory
in 1997 as a major feature in Teotihuacan religious iconography. Pasztory (quoted in
National Geographic Presentation: Pyramids of Death) argues that the layout of the
city was an appeal to the Gods for abundance and well-being. If this is the case, the
evidence for life in Teotihuacan during the late Xolalpan and Metepec phases supports
a new hypothesis on the nature of its collapse. Archaeologists Linda Manzanilla and
Rene Millon theorise that the collapse of Teotihuacan was a deliberate act carried out
by the priests and religious leaders of the society against its polity. The evidence
gathered during the Metepec phase suggests that this was a time of declining health and
prosperity amongst the citizens of Teotihuacan. Rebecca Storey's 1985 study of human
remains at the site proved conclusively that quality of life for the average citizen had
become quite poor by the Metepec phase. Infant mortality was high and the city itself
was rife with disease. The population decline observed in this period through
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construction records is significant as it shows that the city had ceased to attract migrant
from other areas. Combined with the level of disrepair observed in several buildings
during this stage, the evidence suggests that the city's governance had become
ineffective. Saburo Sugiyama (quoted in National Geographic Presentation: Pyramids
of Death) argues that the city, at least in the eyes of its citizens and priests, had ceased
to serve its purpose in focussing the favour of the Gods upon them. Millon believes that
the focussed nature of the destruction and the rapidity with which it was carried out
reveals a deeper purpose and leadership behind the destruction. The burning of
buildings along the Avenue of the Dead is restricted to governmental and religious
structures. Large bonfires have recently been identified by Sugiyama and lan Robertson
(quoted in National Geographic Presentation: Pyramids of Death) as the starting point
for the conflagrations that destroyed these buildings. Clearly this required significant
time and energy expenditure and suggests that the fires were premeditated. For this to
happen, the Priesthood of the city must have been complicit. The only signs of violence
associated with the fall are a group of heavily mutilated bodies discovered with the
Ciudadela itself. Sugiyama has since identified these as elite members of society based
on the jewellery and nose plates found with the remains (Sugiyama 2005, pg 200-207).
The only victims here it seems, were members of the city's ruling body (Millon 1988,
pg 151-52) Combining this with the fact that ritual burning and destruction of shrines
and temples was an established part ofTeotihuacan religious practice, he suggests that
the priests themselves may have led the revolt against those responsible for the
perceived ire of the gods, the leaders of the society.
The evidence collected thus far at the Teotihuacan site would seem to support Millon's
hypothesis that the city's destruction was the ritualised end of the sacred project that
was the city itself (Sugiyama, 2005). It must be noted though, that the evidence is by no
means conclusive. The nature of the site itself currently precludes a certain answer. The
lack of any written records for the span of the city's dominance combined with the
effective absence of 'rulers' from the archaeological record are troublesome for
historians seeking an answer to the question ofTeotihuacan polity and its fall from
power. New scientific and archaeological methods will undoubtedly shed further light
on this question. For now however, Millon's theory fits best with the evidence at hand.
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