Jackson Pollock's Industrial Expressionism Author(s): Barbara Jaffee Source: Art Journal, Vol. 63, No. 4 (Winter, 2004), pp. 68-79 Published by: College Art Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4134506 Accessed: 01/02/2010 11:42 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=caa. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. College Art Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Art Journal. http://www.jstor.org Thomas Hart Benton. Illustrations from "The Mechanics of Form Organization in Painting," published in The Arts, 1926-27. @T. H. Benton and R. P. Benton TestamentaryTrusts/UMB Bank Trustee/Licensed by VAGA, NewYork, N.Y. In 1957 the art historian Meyer Schapiro suggested that the significance of avantgarde art lay in its positing of an alternative to the technological extremes of corporate capitalism, observing that, within the developmental logic of modernity, the realm of the historically fine arts of painting and sculpture was the last refuge from total instrumentality. Schapiro asserted further that American avant-garde painting, i.e., Abstract Expressionism, addressed this charge more vigorously than had any avant-garde art movement before it, by formulating techniques that seemed to wed intention more closely to expression. Among these, according to Schapiro, were spontaneity and an innovative use of line, exemplified by the allover, linear "signature" of Jackson Pollock's poured canvases of the late 1940s.' But the question of the relationship between technique and intention turns out not to have been trumped by Schapiro's proximity to the artists. A generation of social historians of art, examining closely the relationship between Abstract Expressionism and power, has concluded that the movement owed its success to its usefulness to the Barbara jaffee ideological interests of the then ruling class. Even David Craven's recent recovery of a reception of Abstract Expressionism more closely in line with what he, following Schapiro, has argued were the artists' intentions, seems to fall short of the demand of Schapiro's essay.2Techniqueseven those as celebrated for their originality as Pollock's or as reviled for their repetitiveness as American industrialism's-have histories. And Schapiro's claim, that "the consciousness of the personal and spontaneous in the painting and sculpture stimulates the artist to invent devices of handling, processing, surfacing, which confer to the utmost degree the aspect of the freely made," does not preclude the possibility that the social facts of industrialism determine the limits of that invention.3 What Schapiro's essay demands is a thoroughgoing interrogation of the relationship between Abstract Expressionist technique and the techniques of industrial production. In the case of Pollock, that technique or, more precisely, its origins, presents something of a problem to the inquiring mind. Pollock's art studies were uneven at best-most famously with Regionalist realist Thomas Hart Benton in the 1930s. Much art-historical hay has been made over the question of Benton's influence. Pollock himself described it as a negative. But Pollock scholar FrancisV O'Connor argued that Benton's example was crucial to Pollock's development. His May 1967 article "The Genesis of Jackson Pollock: 1912-I 943" both rehabilitated Benton's credentials as a modernist (of admittedly complex genealogy) and offered a historically contextualized antidote to thenMoMA director William Rubin's epic formalist cycle "Jackson Pollock and the Modern Tradition" Parts I-IV (which had linked Pollock to Cubism through retinal evidence alone).4 In the March 1979 issue of Arts,Stephen Polcari and Mark Roskill revisited the question by comparing Pollock's later work to Benton's "Mechanics of Form Organization in Painting," a series of optimistically titled with diagrammatic essays on the theory of pictorial composition-complete in Benton These illustrations-published by essays outlined the major i926-27.5 tenets of a conceptual structure that the artist was by then employing to secure the formal coherence of his own figurative subjects; Benton addressed them to readers more objectively, however, as a "preliminary effort to develop a system Jackson Pollock's Industrial Expressionism I. Meyer Schapiro, "The LiberatingQuality of Avant-Garde Art," Art News 56, no. 4 (Summer 1957): 36-42. 2. David Craven, AbstractExpressionismas Cultural Critique:Dissent duringthe McCarthyPeriod (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). 3. As in Michael Baxandall'sconcept of a "period eye," the development of distinctive visual skills and habits that become identifiable elements in a painter's style. Michael Baxandall,Paintingand Experiencein Fifteenth-Century Italy:A Primerin the Social Historyof PictorialStyle (London: Oxford University Press, 1972). 4. William Rubin, "JacksonPollock and the Modern Tradition,"Parts I-IV,Artforum5 (February 1967): 14-22; (March 1967): 28-37; (April 1967): 18-3 1; (May 1967): 28-33; and FrancisV. O'Connor, "The Genesis of Jackson Pollock: 1912-1943," Artforum5 (May 1967): 16-23. Denounced by the artist Stuart Davis as fascist in 1935 and pronounced philistine by Meyer Schapiro in 1938 (Meyer Schapiro, "PopulistRealism,"PartisanReview4 [January 1938]), Benton long was considered representative of an antimodernist tendency in American art. The reconsideration that began with O'Connor's 1967 essay now includes Matthew Baigell, The AmericanScene: AmericanPaintingof the 1930s (New York: Praeger, 1974), ErikaDoss, Benton, Pollock,and the Politicsof Modernism:From Regionalismto AbstractExpressionism(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 199 I), and James M. Dennis, Renegade Regionalists:The Modern Independence of GrantWood, ThomasHart Benton, and John SteuartCurry(Madison, Wisc.: University of Wisconsin Press, 1998). 69 art journal 68 WINTER 2004 Thomas Hart Benton. Arts of the West, from The Arts of Life in America, 1932. Mural cycle, tempera with oil glaze. 8 x 13 ft. (243.8 x 396.2 cm). Harriet Russell Stanley Fund, New Britain Museum of American Art.Art ?T. H. Benton and R. P.Benton Testamentary Trusts/UMB Bank Trustee/Licensed byVAGA, NewYork, N.Y. 5. Thomas Hart Benton, "The Mechanics of Form Organization in Painting,"Parts I-V, TheArts (November 1926): 285-89; (December 1926): 340-42; (January 1927): 43-44; (February 1927): 95-96; (March 1927): 145-48. Polcaridiscussed Benton's essays and their role in the development of Pollock's style while Roskillcontributed a note crediting the initialinsightto Robert Goldwater (who, according to Roskill,had referred to the Benton diagrams in unpublished lectures many years before). Stephen Polcari,"JacksonPollock and Thomas Hart Benton," ArtsMagazine 53 (March 1979): 120-24. MarkRoskill, "Jackson Pollock, Thomas Hart Benton, and Cubism: A Note," ArtsMagazine 53 (March 1979): 144. 6. Rosalind E. Krauss,The OpticalUnconscious (Cambridge, Mass.: MITPress, 1993). 7. Pepe Karmel,"Pollockat Work: The Filmsand Photographs of Hans Namuth," inJacksonPollock, exh. cat. (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1998), 87-137. of teaching composition and comparative analysis of structure."As visual evidence, the diagrams are striking: it is as though Benton's at times luridly sentimental subjects have been "stripped bare" to reveal their modernist heart. No less a figure than Rosalind Kraussaccepted the comparison of Pollock's work and Benton's theorizing as orthodoxy when she used it as a visual aid to her 1993 argument about the "unconscious anxieties" at the core of modernism (in general) and Pollock's painted performances (in particular).6 Somewhat more cautiously, Pepe Karmel offered an elaborate demonstration of the effect, insisting in the catalogue produced by the Museum of Modern Art in conjunction with its 1998-99 Pollock retrospective (and thereby updating Rubin) that what Pollock "did" in his classic poured paintings was to transform the graphic flatness of Benton's diagrams into optical flatness through an obsessive layering.7 For my own part, I am perfectly willing to accept the comparison, not in the sense that it tells us everything we might ever want to know about Pollock's technique, but in that it does tell us something worth considering. The question, it seems to me then, is not, is there a connection, but what does the connection mean.8 To answer, Benton's essay must first be considered on its own terms, within the context of its own historical moment. The five installments of "The Mechanics of Form Organization in Painting" appeared between November 1926 and March 1927 in TheArts,a popular magazine for artists and art amateurs published in NewYork from 1920 to 1931.Their author was then a young instructor of composition at the Art Students League, some three years away from the commission that would make his reputation-his mural paintings at the New School for Social Research-and five years away from interaction with his most famous 70 WINTER 2004 8. Polcari'sessay (see n. 5) is exhaustive in its treatment of the visual aspects of the comparison. Meaning, on the other hand, clearly is Krauss'sinterest, and her provocative treatment of the Pollock/Benton case inspires my own investigation. 9. Yet as ErikaDoss has pointed out, Benton defended the style of his new pictures in 1928 in unabashedly modernist terms. See Doss, 13. 10. Arthur Wesley Dow, Composition:A Series of Exercisesin Art Structurefor the Use of Students and Teachers(Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, Page, 1920). Dow was rewarded for his efforts with a position on the faculty of Columbia University's Teachers College, and a generation of American modernists includingGeorgia O'Keeffe and Max Weber came of age under the guidance of his and similar systems. student. Benton, once an eager student of European modernism (the result of friendships formed in Paris in 1909 with such stylistic progressives as the coinventor of Synchromism, Stanton Macdonald-Wright), was on the cusp of a dramatic transition in his own work, from aspiring abstractionist to rustic realist.9 What Benton proposed in his article, pointedly in the text and vividly in the diagrams (the diagrams were commissioned originally by the collector Albert Barnes to illustrate his 1925 book TheArtin Painting,a project that fell through when Benton objected that the Impressionist painting with which Barnes was concerned was ill suited to diagrammatic treatment), was to create for an old topic-the art of composition-a new aura of scientific rationality. In Part I of his "Mechanics" Benton focused on relationships of line and mass in two dimensions. These consist of the qualities of equilibrium (in which "static" horizontal and vertical lines and "dynamic" diagonal lines are deployed across the picture in carefully calculated juxtaposition), sequence (arranging lines and shapes so that there is the appearance of paths that, to the empathetic viewer, imply movement into and around the fixed rectangle of the canvas), and rhythm (an equilibrium achieved by using measured intervals between dynamic sequences, suggestive of repeating patterns). The next three parts are concerned with techniques for suggesting depth. Benton's greatest enthusiasm was reserved for the least stable forms of construction. Regarding equilibrium, Benton recommended compositions be built asymmetrically. In terms of sequence, he emphasized that the artist should capitalize on a viewer's "natural"tendency to imagine incomplete forms (like arcs) as complete and to reconcile even the most dramatically opposed elements into singular movements. In his discussion of rhythm, Benton called particular attention to a form he described as "centrifugal." Unlike more common, "centripetal" forms, in which the intervals between opposed elements are designed to lead a viewer imaginatively into the center of a composition, centrifugal designs coerce the viewer's eye away from implied surfaces. The most demanding of these are compositions that extend horizontally, necessitating the clustering of rhythms into a series of loosely interwoven sets. PartV, the concluding section, is devoted explicitly to the analysis of paintings in which rhythmic composition appears to be acting in deep space. In their treatment of the "inspired" art of composition as an educable skill (in sharp divergence from the European academic tradition), Benton's diagrams were far from unique. The systematic teaching of composition had been popular in American art schools at least since the turn of the twentieth century, and Benton certainly was familiar with the best-known practitioners. In his hugely successful and widely disseminated 1899 book Composition, educator Arthur Dow of Pratt in Institute New York created Wesley compositional formulae based on his analyses of Japanese design and encouraged art students to explore what he called a picture's "line idea"-an intuitive division of the canvas that was to precede and make possible the subject of representation. "A picture," Dow wrote, may be said to be in its actuality a pattern of lines. Could the art student have this fact in view at the outset, it would save him much time and anxiety. Nature will not teach him composition."'' By the 1920s, illustrator Jay Hambidge's more scientistic Dynamic Symmetry had replaced Dow's in popularity. Based on a mathematical theory of proportion (the laws of which, Hambidge claimed, had been distilled by the ancient Egyptians and Greeks from their observations 71 art journal DYNAMIC SYMMETRY 135 tom of the enclosing rectangle, which proportion the details of the foot and the lip, do not need explanation, beyond mention that AB is a square in the center of CD, this area being a whirling square rectangle. The red-figuredlekythos, G. R. 589, Metropolitan Museum, New York, Fig. 16, supplies the ratio 1.528 (compare Amphora, Fig. I, page 91, Chapter VIII). This form may be subdivided into two 1.309 shapes, 1.528 divided by two PRINCIPLES OF COMPOSI. TION III Fig. 14. LekythosG. R. 540, MetropolitanMuseum,New York. (Measuredand drawnby the MuseumStaff.) Jay Hambidge. Illustration from Dynamic Symmetry:The GreekVase(New Haven:Yale University Press, 1920), 135. Arthur Wesley Dow. "Principles of Composition IIl,"from the book Composition:A Series of Exercises in Art Structure for the Use of Students and Teachers (1899; repr. Garden City, N.Y., Doubleday, Page, 1920), 25. George Wesley Bellows. Elinor, Jean and Anna and Old Lady in Black, ca. 1920. Studies for paintings; pen and black ink over graphite on tracing paper. Sheet: 1256X 18'" 6 in. (31.3 x 47.8 cm). Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Seth K. Sweeter Fund. Photograph @ 2004 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 72 WINTER 2004 Walter Smith. Pages from Teachers' Manual for Freehand 124 TEACHERS' MANUAL. PRACTICAL DESIGN. 125 and Intermediate Drawing in Primary Schools (Boston: James R. Osgood, 1875), 124-25. CARD-EXERCISEVI. HORIZONTAL REPE•TITION. Guillocho. Leaves and Berries, Conventionalized. ,,. FoRlt. Draw five squares, touching one another horizontally. Fill them with an endless band, as a, inl the last canrd-exercise, was tilled. Add the parallel side-lines. Foi:u.tb.- J)raw live squares, touclhing each other horizontally. Fill them with repeated leaves like those inllb, last cardexercise. Add the parallel side-lines. Foum c. - Draw three squares, touching horizontally. Add their vertical di:amneters,as construction lines, and then fill the squares with repeated flowers, as shown in the copy. CARD-EXERCISEVII. Simple and Compound Abstract Curves, Balanced. The curves 3 2, and 4 2, those which end nearest 1, and the spirals at the bottom, are all compound. The other two pairs are simple curves. Remenmber this when drawing the curves. Draw 1 2. and divide it into four equal parts. Make 334, 5 6, equal to three-fourths of 1 2. Draw, first, the longest curves 32, 4 2, balancing them I I. See Jay Hambidge, DynamicSymmetry:The GreekVase (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1920), The Parthenonand OtherGreekTemples: TheirDynamicSymmetry(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1924), DynamicSymmetryin Compositionas Used by Artists(New York: Brentano's, 1923), and PracticalApplicationsof DynamicSymmetry(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1932). 12. Robert Storr discusses the Pollock-Orozco connection in his essay "A Piece of the Action," inJacksonPollock:New Approaches,ed. Kirk Varnedoe and Pepe Karmel (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1999), 33-69. 13. See Isaac Edwards Clarke, Artand Industry: Educationin the Industrialand FineArtsin the UnitedStates (Washington, D.C.: Government PrintingOffice, 1885). 14. Enhancingtheir own country's competitiveness in emerging world markets had been the goal of art educators in Englandsince at least the 1830s. The practicaloutcome of this inquirycame following the Great Exhibitionof 185 1 (and concern over the poor reception of Britishapplied arts), with the development of the complex of museums and schools known in the nineteenth century as South Kensington (the core of today's Victoria and Albert Museum). In France as well, there was an increased appreciation for the goals of popular drawing instruction such as was offered at the Ecole du dessin, the Frenchgovernment's industrial-artschool. Pedagogicalreforms initiated duringthe Second Empireand directed equally on each side of the vertical line. Draw the simple curves springing from 5 and 6 to join the curves Divide 1 3 into four equal parts, also firstdran. 14. From tile central points of division, draw the simple curves to the centre of the vertical line; and, from the points of division nearest 1. draw the tulipshaped curves terminating at the lowest point of division on the vertical line. Draw the spirals, with their ends joining the ends of a horizontal line drawn two-thirds of one part of the vertical line above 2. See that all the lines run gracefully into one another. CAltD-EXEICISE VIII. Bimple and Compound Abstract Curves, Balanced. It will be seen that this is a slight variation of the last exercise, the spir:ls being d(rawn near the centre of lthe vertical linle, and the long comlpound curves, terminating near 1, being drawn from the bottom of the vertical line. Draw, first, the lines on the left, and then those on the right to ialance. TIlE SPIIRAL. There are two varieties of the conlpound curve called the spiral. In tile first variety, the distance between the different spires is the same, as shown at I. This is called the equable spiral, because its had been distilled by the ancient Egyptians and Greeks from their observations of the organic growth of shells and the sequence of leaf distribution in plants), the sequential diagonals of Dynamic Symmetry provided the abstract scaffolding secreted within such pictorial works as George Bellows's Elinor, Jean,andAnna muralist Clemente an artist Pollock admired Mexican Orozco, (1920)." Josei and mechanical forms chose the prescribed by Dynamic enormously, angular Symmetry to organize his own frescoes for the New School-a commission executed at the same time and for the same purpose as Benton's.'2 This interest in technologically sophisticated systems for composition was part of a relentless standardization and self-conscious modernization of artists' methods that began in the United States immediately following the Civil Waraimed ultimately (and with increasing urgency) at assisting industry by establishing the teaching of art on a more practical basis.'3 In Massachusetts, the Free Instruction in Drawing Act of 1870 had provided a mandate for instruction in industrial or mechanical drawing for any citizen of that state over fifteen years of age and established compulsory public-school drawing education in the British style that emphasized the flattening of natural forms based on geometric convention.'4 Educators reached a new consensus following the poor reception of American decorative and applied-arts products at the Paris Exposition in 1889, arguing that an education in broader principles would enhance a student's appreciation of and, ultimately, ability to produce objects of beauty." In order to satisfy what was essentially a pragmatic need, to provide drawing education for industry, advocates of industrial-arts education in the United States exploited 73 art journal HenryTurner Bailey. Plate X from Sixty-First 189,.] AnnualReport of the PUBLIC Board of Education ... 1896-1897. (Boston: Wright and Potter, State Printers, 1898), 346-47. strenghtt or grce. No. 2. 317 A,,t eisui,,eei 1. Both opposition andl ilow of line are, to a dciree, inevitable in every wo,rk of art; yLt ion, or the other is likely to, predominate, :ant.give to the picturo type of Cne tyle of line n te tmioen oI.- s4n)A:r,, -- n-mow. In Itnek w!k low tO,'ownon. In ,'t',N nos: n tfr .Sp!Ic:nl-.ic an,tu , e ,%!.v(ao, fonrrxmp:.a 0c:ud'," In I.,V7. "',r:YA)),-'pT' i lCTe rhyithM tf hirmoney19ipctbitbrv,t agrhyhivmIc# .;%wdiInln na.I"0.-M(tlng." no t o Intcnltlej. TLe ithitn uun ilelt andtki nluh caroi.i tlcloenint uion area. rather to thi In a Fcriel frm thr imrillest, IrOv! ntad h0. linghts mlzhotbiarrtngol lotncpal in r,,ti!:cr(jrrF.gl. 6). I , toks aO,,thnle wind,•. d StT", O•t Is frbowthe Mznc,-, te cu,fnmow PLateX. toward traininga new generation of industrial designers (both by makingfine artists responsive to industry and by educating a wider population in the basic principlesof design) resulted, according to Albert Boime, in the FrenchAcademy's adoption of abbreviated methods of instructionin 1863. See Stuart Macdonald, The Historyand Philosophy of Art Education(New York:American Elsevier Publishing,1970), 169-70, 181-82, and Albert Boime, TheAcademyand FrenchPaintingin the Nineteenth Century(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971) and "The Teaching Reforms of 1863 and the Origins of Modernism in France,"TheArt QuarterlyI, n.s. (1977): 1-39. Annual 15. Henry T. Bailey,"Report," in Sixty-First Reportof the Boardof Education... 1896-1897 (Boston: Wright and Potter, State Printers, 1898), 332-61. 16. See Framingthe Past:Essays on Art Education, ed. Donald Soucy and MaryAnn Stankiewicz (Reston, Va.: National Art EducationAssociation, 1990), especially Paul E. Bolin, "The Massachusetts Drawing Act of 1870: IndustrialMandate or Democratic Maneuver?"59-68, and PatriciaM. Amburgy, "Culturefor the Masses: Art Education and Progressive Reforms, 1880-1917," 102-14. 17. LangdonS. Thompson, "Report of the Committee of Ten on ElementaryArt Education," Proceedingsof the NationalEducationalAssociation, Minneapolis,Minnesota(1902): 594-614. 18. Professional art schools responded to the pressure to offer students more "practical"train- DoCUMENT-- Ilunt" .1I ne, Clouds," Breton's "lecoall , the GleIaners," '' The Sower" and '' The \Water ('arrier," ),y.Millet, :re good examples~ of Iharmn tlhrough contrnet.* 3. A third element in Irmonyv i. what i. kntiown amon•g i of line. The decoretive artists have artist s • ,, q an de W ,,if :ll oorts of groupei of lines to fill 01'' eg:tgreehdl', but thev are reducilnle to two tylt, which we may call, fir convenience, the fret (Fig. 5) In ,e, and the wirl ( Fig. 61 nrllMony, or repose, is ec-cured In the in theotther, throughi ,/f 'line. throug.h oppiion :t right angle ; -i ftr :as po,.ibl', fret, lines meet onea:other. in the swirl, the lines foriii, so fra poible, ta:lngentialcurve. In the firt, the vyve in arreted oi•tinually nnd tficed labout; in the second, one line passe. ttihe eeye along graceftilly to the next. The law of the fret in competitition; the law1 of the swirl, co-oper- cultivated habits of neatness and accuracy, taste, imagination, and the powers of invention.'6 In 1902, the largest educational organization in the United States, the National Education Association (comprising members from every level of education, kindergarten teachers to university presidents), adopted design, defined as the fundamental elements of color, tone, and their harmonious composition, as the goal of art education for the whole country." As a result of this conflation of the utilitarian and the ideal, the effects of modernization may be traced in the professional practices of painters and sculptors, so-called fine artists, at least as much as in the vocational contexts for which it was intended. ' Benton encountered "modernized" art education as a student at the School of the Art Institute of Chicago (SAIC) between 1907 and 19o8. According to Benton, what he learned at SAICwas his first insights into the art of designing-of consciously planning, or composing, pictures before attempting to execute them. Japanese prints were, very largely because of James McNeill Whistler's influence, much in favor at this time. Fredrick Oswald, my favorite teacher at the Institute, was enthusiastic about these and encouraged continuous study of the way they were put together. Through continued observation of the prints I learned to arrange my pictures in definite patterns and acquired a taste, from such artists as Hokusai, for flowing lines which lasted all my life...'9 Despite its reputation as a conservative, Beaux Arts academy (due in no small part to anecdotes such as Georgia O'Keeffe's disastrous encounter there with academic figure-drawing teacher John Vanderpoel in 19go, and various 74 WINTER 2004 ing in composition as well. In 1899, for example, the popular mural painter Will Low accused the traditional art academies of "glutting"the art market with too many ill-preparedyoung hopefuls (he named the School of the Art Institute of Chicago in particular).According to Low, art students needed training in composition-what he described as the art of "welding"together the raw materials of representation into articulate expression-in order to be competitive: "As at present constituted our schools serve principally to enable a student to draw and paint, more or less correctly, a figure from life .... He advances through various grades of the school, and at last steps out into the world to find that he has learned how but not what to do. . ." Low laid out his argument in practicalterms. Art schools, he claimed, were producing more artists than the market reasonably could be expected to absorb. Only a tiny proportion of these possessed the genius to operate ahead of trends and tastes. It was therefore the duty of the art school first to be more selective about admitting only students likelyto succeed at their profession, and second to provide those students with the tools to practice within the mainstream world of commercial art. The perfect school, Low argued, would be similarto the workshops of the ItalianRenaissance, where students imbibed the secrets of their art through the pragmatics of its execution. Absent this possibility, Low recommended that more significance be attached to such courses in composition as already existed in some art schools. W. H. Low, "The Education of the Artist, Here and Now," Scribner'sMagazine 25 (June 1899): 766-67. 19. Thomas Hart Benton, An Americanin Art (Lawrence, Kans.:University Press of Kansas, 1969). When his name first appears in SAIC's 1902-03 catalogue, Oswald is listed as an advanced student acting as assistant teacher in the juvenile classes held on Saturdays-this at a time when course work in Arthur Dow's methods was required of all student teachers by the School's Normal department. 20. See listings in TheArt Instituteof Chicago, SchoolCatalogue(Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago, 1886 and 1890). I discuss the earlytwentieth-century tradition of integrated fineand industrial-artseducation and the case of the Art Institute of Chicago in particularin my article "Before the New Bauhaus:From Industrial Drawing to Art and Design Education in Chicago," Design Issues 21 (Winter 2005). 21. TheArt Instituteof Chicago,School Catalogue (Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago, 190 1). 22. TheArt Instituteof ChicagoTwenty-Second AnnualReportof the Trusteesfor the YearEnding June I, 1901 (Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago, 1901). accounts of reactionary students and faculty during the 1913exhibition of the Armory Show), SAICwas from the beginning an eclectic and pragmatic institution.20 Chicago was one of the nation's largest centers for commercial printing, including binding, lithography, photoengraving, and electrotyping-industries that employed large numbers of artists and craftsmen-and SAICoffered technical training to working-class men as early as 1882. Composition courses were introduced in I897, in the context of the school's new program in the "modern arts" of illustration and advertising.2' SAIC'scatalogue for 1901 notes that academic life- and antique-drawing classes were restricted to mornings only; afternoons featured more progressive fare-including still-life painting, courses that concentrated on drawing geometric forms from solid blocks, composition, illustration, and figure classes for beginners that emphasized sketching and memory practice.22 In fact, SAICso enthusiastically embraced the latest trends in pedagogy that, upon the occasion ofVanderpoel's death in 1911,Art Institute director William M. R. French was moved to observe that, in line with the trend of the time, the school had become a "modern school of color and composition." It is no coincidence that the question of how best to train young artists had acquired its urgency at the same moment that the emphasis in America's factories was on increasing industrial output through the rationalization of the processes of production. Taylorism, the system of time management originated in the late nineteenth century in the United States by Frederick Winslow Taylor and publicized in his 1911book ThePrinciples of Scientific encouraged the Management, idea that there was a "science" for the efficient implementation of every joband art was no exception. YetTaylor not only did not eschew spontaneity in his initial formulations, his system actually depended on a certain amount of it. As Taylor observed and analyzed both the laboring body and the processes of production, breaking down tasks into their constitutive parts and assigning each an ideal time for its execution, he made no prescriptions as to how (that is, by what techniques) a worker was to satisfy the increased demands of the new schedule. Taylor simply dismissed anything less than ideal performance as "soldiering"-his term for intentional malingering or laziness. In 1957, however, Meyer Schapiro was able to offer the simple fact of Abstract Expressionist spontaneity as self-evidently critical of the culture of work. (Craven, though not Schapiro, fingers the ideology and restrictive practices of Taylorism by name.) This is because the efficiency movement in American manufacturing escalated in the increasingly competitive and profit-driven climate of the 192os, as concerned Taylorites moved to redress the absence of direct demonstration in their founder's system. For Taylor,who understood human efficiency as analogous with that of a machine, it had been enough to link the analysis of work processes with ideal times for their execution. The problem for Taylor'sfollowers and rivals, notably the contracting engineer Frank B. Gilbreth and his wife, the psychologist Lillian M. Gilbreth, was that this left the exact motion required subject to interpretation-more a matter of art than science. The Gilbreths devoted themselves to the study of motion-literally to the quest to find each task's perfect execution-by concentrating their attention on talented individuals and the specific tasks at which they excelled. Marshaling the to record ideal motion as exactly as possible, technology of the chronocyclograph the Gilbreths later "fixed" the results of their photographic motion studies in the 75 art journal Frank B. and Lillian M.Gilbreth. "MovementTranslated into Wire Models," ca. 1912, from Applied Motion Study: A Collection of Papers on the Efficient Method to Industrial Preparedness (New York:Sturgis and Watson, 1917). !"c. 23. FrankB. and LillianM. Gilbreth, Applied MotionStudy:A Collectionof Paperson the Efficient Method to IndustrialPreparedness(New York: Sturgisand Watson, 1917). While it is difficultto imagine their demonstrations worked well in actual practice, the Gilbreths achieved minor celebrity on the basis of personal efficiency-documented in the classic memoir about them (and 1950 movie of the same title), Cheaperby the Dozen (New York:Crowell, 1948), authored by two of their children, FrankB. Gilbreth,Jr.,and Ernestine Gilbreth Carey. 24. Referencing perceptual psychology, Benton criticizes its practitioners for their too willful obscurity: "What can actually be seen to work and what can be diagrammaticallyexpressed is alone valuable,"he writes, "The rest is verbal inference good for people more interested in theories than in the study of constructive facts." He rejects WilliamJames explicitly as "vague"and "sentimental,"comparingJames's work unfavorably to his own, presumably more rigorous indictment of color as of only secondary importance. 11; Fio. 17 form of three-dimensional wire models that carefully calibrated movement against axes representing time and space. In theory, these could then be studied by other workers (in this example, the model illustrates successive attempts to perform a specialized task by a retired, though once expert, worker).2" The Gilbreths' Darwinian determinism, with its codification of what was once individual ingenuity and initiative, triumphed in the 1920s over Taylor'sless obviously hierarchical or exacting methods. So did Benton's mechanics, themselves an escalation of earlier, more or less spontaneous approaches such as Dow's. Not only was Benton's compositional system more demonstrative and less technical than others, it was more directly concerned with metaphysics-with understanding the new paradigms of time and space posited in the psychological theory of empathy, for example.24 In their foray into the all-important case of deep space-for Benton, the expressive apotheosis of painting (he notes that in composition two forms of diagrammatic representation are necessary, one that fol- 76 WINTER 2004 Thomas Hart Benton. Page from "The Mechanics of Form Organization, Part IV," The Arts II (February 1927): 95.Text @ T. H. Benton and R. P.Benton Testamentary Trusts/UMB BankTrustee/Licensed by VAGA, NewYork, N.Y. MECHANICS OF FORM ORGANIZATION IN PAINTING BY? EIDiwroui NaOITE: •s this essay enters NT()ON BE, THOMAS fI. :esthetic perceptionsl as the results of changes in physiological functions which produce feelings of exhilarationi,keenness, expansion; or negatively, depression,weariness, disgust, which are automatically projected back into the object originally engaging the perceptive activitivities causing us to like or dislike it, to resptondto it or turn away from it. Like most theories which attempt to explain the (tIont- paratively newJifield int hich there is much to be ditscovered,the author iouldbe Iveryglad toIrecive suggestions or criticisms from readers. The first three parts of this essay appearedin our N'ovember, December and January issues. PRTi IV. first figures of this paper were devoted T rhythmical arrangementsof lines and masses; it H-E to will be necessarynol w to show that the same principle of mtovement and counter-movemrentholds good ior the relations of convexities and concavities. A simple demonstration of this can be found very readily in the lhuman body. Take for instance an arm stripped to the shoulder (Fig. J). There are here a series of masses which bulge and hollows which recede. These are organized around a central vertical, the bone, and are so distributed that there is no possibility of collision between the bulga when a change in the arm's position ing masses causes them to shift. This shifting takes place alongt the lines of the hollows -which are filled, emptied and refilled with the chanigingpositions of the arm. For everycmoavementof a mass there is an equilibrating counter-movement whicth finds "expression"also in a new alignment of the hollows (Fig. K). It. will be noticed that the arrangement of these hollows andtbulges forms a very clear rhythmical pattern, that is, thear are rlpetitions at alternate intervals of similar movemenfts,different in the different positions of the arim. During the Renaissance in Italy beginning withi Siginorelliiandfinding consummate expressiionin the sculptures and single figiures of Michael Angelo, this phytiiological principle was consciously appliedt in a form of direct transference to the building tup of plastic structures. Muscular shift and countershift as visible external phenomena became a specific compositional determinant. Facts of direct muscular experience were projected into the actual building process. 'his finds an interesting sort of theoretical parallel in the Einffihlung Theory of Lipps andt Groos, paraphirasedin England under the inameof Empathyivby Lee and Thompson and later in this country used tfor esthetic evaluations byWtn . H. Wright. Simply stated, the theory presents J K whole oft art on the basis of some single principle, it fails by omission. The physiological facts on which the theory is based accotmpany every perceptive activity and could hardly be sufficiently descriptive or explanatory of the special form ofatsthetic experience to be worth their isolation for the purpose. tm sthetic responses but are no They accompany our more determining factors than many other psychophysiological concomitants of such experience. In the practical field of actual construction, howetver, observation of the rich and intricate field of mutscilar action is responsible for much fine compositional work:. Engaging developments of the principle as applied to "color construction" were madeIby the neo-C'ezannists. In this country the work of S. Macdonald Wright from 1916t to 1918 grew very richly from such interests. The whole development of Renaissance form in its material aspect, blossomed one might say ftrom an interest in anatomy! The strictly mechanical values of all Renaissance compositionirom Signorelli to Rubens can be traced to an extension of muscular action patterns, Had the theories of Lipps and his followers been limited to a simple 95 lows superficialrhythmicrelationshipsand anotherthattranslatesthese patterns into their cubic equivalents)-Benton's diagramsdo more than providethe generativeframeworkof Dow's two-dimensionallyorientedline-idea or Hambidge's flexible triangles.Likethe Gilbreths'wire models, Benton'sdiagramsinsist upon the priorityof a "one best way." Line,for Benton,signaledintellectualactivity(thus his diagrammatictreatment) but also remainedrooted in the immediacyof bodily performance.In fact,Benton'smechanicsemphasizeddeep space,a spacedistortedfor maximum psychologicaland expressiveeffect.Moresignificantly,he arguedthatall compositionalorganizationis basedon a sharedexperienceof embodied movement: "Inthe 'feel' of our own bodies,"he wrote, 25. This, of course, had always been the goat of Taylor's methods; what the Gilbreths add is the means. in the sight of the bodies of others,in the bodies of animals,in the shapes of growing and moving things, in the forcesof natureand in the engines of man, the rhythmicprincipleof movementand counter-movementis made 77 art journal Jackson Pollock. Number 10, 1949. Oil, enamel, and aluminum paint on canvas mounted on board. 18Y x 107Y in. (46 x 272.4 cm). Museum of Fine Arts, Boston,Tompkins Collection and Sophie M. Friedman Fund.@ Pollock-Krasner Foundation/Artists Rights Society (ARS), NewYork. Photograph @ 2004 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 26. Benton, February 1927, 96. 27. Choreographed, to use the suggestive terms of Andy Warhol's 1962 series Dance Diagrams. 28. Howard Singermantraces the interweaving of these threads in his Art Subjects:MakingArtistsin the AmericanUniversity(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of CaliforniaPress, 1999). Lisa Fellows Andrus has argued further that all American art schools have their origin in technical educationeven when teaching art traditionally,through exclusive emphasis on figure drawing and anatomy. See Lisa Fellows Andrus, Measure and Design in AmericanPainting,1760-1860 (New York: Columbia University, 1976), especially Chapter Five, "The Development of a PracticalBasis for InstitutionalizedArt Education." 29. My book Diagrammatics:Industrialism and the Modernizingof AmericanArt (University of Chicago Press, in progress) will explore this point. manifest. But in our own bodies it can be isolated and understood. This mechanical principle which we share with all life can be abstracted and used in constructing and analyzing things which also in their way have life and reality. 6 The illusion of depth, according to Benton, whether it appeals to the visual sense (through such devices as the overlapping of flat planes) or to the tactile (through perspectival projections of cubic forms), is always a function of analogy-always, in his word, inferred. Human anatomy, he insisted, is the basis of that analogy: the characteristic action of muscular movement, with its succession of rippling bulges and recessions organized around a fixed center of bone, Benton told his readers, is "responsible for much fine compositional work." What Benton's mechanics do,in other words, is to aestheticize the country's industrial-age obsession with efficient movement. No one learned this lesson better than Jackson Pollock. To be sure, Pollock's concept of allover composition closely follows Benton's recommendations-but the connection between Pollock's technique and Benton's pedagogy is deeper than surface similarity.What Pollock did certainly lookslikeBenton's diagrams (obsessively layered or not); it is also deeply, ideologically implicated with them. What Pollock did, I suggest, was to invert his mentor's system, using it to reconceive the relationship between the schematic representation of the gesture or pose of the human figure in action and the representation of his own embodied gesture. In this sense, the image of human motion visualized in the early twentieth century by Frank and Lillian Gilbreth may serve as a model for reading Pollock. I'll remind you that the Gilbreth models represent successive attempts to recapture past performance by a once-expert worker-not simply the "one best way," but the incremental progress through which perfection was to be achieved. Under the force of the comparison, the artist's gestures appear not so much spontaneous as mechanical-repetitive marks arrayed diagrammatically within the flattening of time and space that is the (presumptive) perspectival grid of the canvas.27One imagines that as Pollock flailed somewhat awkwardly toward the elusive goal of mastery, covering his tracks (so to speak) as he went, his faith in the ideology of the "one best way" was sorely tested. The pathetic beauty of the 78 WINTER 2004 work that resulted dramatizes the uneasy relationship between movement and mechanization, the individual and the assembly line, becoming, paradoxically (or perhaps I should say, as the Gilbreths would have hoped), the model for successive generations of mannered performance. Produced under the standardizing imperative of industrialism, Pollock's work is more like work-ordinary work-than art history has been able to acknowledge. At the very least, recognizing this similarity restores to Pollock's project an aspect of its ambivalent sociability. At the same time, the recognition serves to dispel the kind of reactionary logic that has posited the "mechanical" art of the i96os as a reaction to the "manual" art of the I9gos. Celebrated for its physicality, Pollock's innovative line (to use Schapiro's term) signifies within a tradition of scientifically managed production the lossof spontaneity that such systems as Taylor'smade inevitable. The ironic substitution of terms (mechanical for spontaneous, ordinary for heroic, standardized for original) gives the case of Benton and Pollock its particular pleasures. But my argument has larger implications. The tangled trajectory of fine- and applied-arts education in the United States-the conflation of the utilitarian and the ideal in progressive-era movements such as manual training and industrial arts-ensures that most earlytwentieth-century American artists had some form of technical education.28 Pollock's own first brush with progressive education came several years before he met Benton, at, as it turns out, approximately the same moment that Benton's essays were appearing in print: between the fall of 1926 and spring 1927, when Pollock was enrolled at the ManualTraining School in Riverside, California, and immediately after, through fall 1929, when he attended Manual Arts High School in Los Angeles. If this troubles our understanding of what modernist painting was (in my own late-modernist art-school education we learned to paint as if it were a natural act), then all the better.With due apologies to Schapiro, making visible the effects of this largely invisible history on the "advent" of American modernism (and abstraction in particular) must be part of the project to reconceptualize modernism's developmental contexts in their full complexity.29 BarbaraJaffee is assistant professor of art history at Northern IllinoisUniversity, DeKalb. Her work on American modernism and design has appeared in a number of journals and anthologies. 79 art journal
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