William Lloyd Garrison and the Negro Franchise
Author(s): Louis Ruchames
Source: The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 50, No. 1 (Jan., 1965), pp. 37-49
Published by: Association for the Study of African American Life and History
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2716407
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WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON AND THE NEGRO
FRANCHISE
For decades, many historianshave portrayedWilliam
and unreasonnarrow-minded
Lloyd Garrisonas a wild-eyed,
able fanaticwhosebitterinvectivesagainstslaveryand slaveholdershelpedbringabouttheCivilWar.
Morerecently,
Garrisonhas beencriticizedforhis "growconservatism"
both
ing
duringand aftertheCivilWar. After
oftheslaves and throughout
theReconstruction
emancipation
indifferent
period,Garrison,it is alleged,becameincreasingly
to the plightof the freedmen.Consequently,
he failed to understandthe importanceof the one rightvital to theirwelfare, the suffrage.Indeed, so insensitivewas he to Negro
needs at the end of the war that he opposed grantingthe
franchiseto theSouthernNegro. Apparently,
we have in Garrison anotherexampleof the impassionedradical,who having achievedhis one greataim,the end of slavery,becamean
arch-conservative.
In a sense,thisevaluationof Garrison'slateryears dovetails neatlywitha prevalenttheoryof theante-bellum
radical
as one motivatedprimarilyby theneed to findexpressionfor
ratherthanby a love of humanityor a
his ownfrustrations,
to
sensitivity injusticeand the sufferingsof others.Garriwith
son's achievementof success,honorand respectability
theend of slavery,presumablyfullysatisfiedthefrustrations
thatunderlayhis turnto Abolitionmanyyears earlier,and
accountsfor his alleged callousnesstowardthe very people
whomhe had previouslysoughtto help.
The view of Garrisonas opposedto Negro suffrageduring
thewar and in the post-warperiodis presentedat lengthby
John L. Thomas in a recentbiography.'Thomas emphasizes thatGarrison"ignoredthequestionofthefranchise:in
his mindemancipationdid not includethe rightto vote." In
fact,he "opposed givingthe Negro the franchise,"and his
"views on thequestionof Negrosuffragehad grownsteadily
moreconservative.Personal freedomwas one thing,he now
1 The Liberator, William Lloyd Garrison;: A Biography, by John L. Thomas.
Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1963.
37
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38
JOURNALOF NEGROHISTROY
felt,the vote another."2 Nowheredoes Thomas suggestthat
of the freed
Garrison'sattitudetowardthe enfranchisement
of
was
ever
other
than
completeopposition.
Negro
any
in
This impressionof Garrisonhas receivedwidecurrency
a reviewof Thomas'sbiographyby C. Vann Woodwardin the
New York Times Book Review, on June 30, 1963, and in
Woodward'sletterto theeditoron July28,1963.In thelatter,
especially,Woodwardmaintainsthat Garrison"was against
therightto vote."
givingthefreedmen
The factof thematteris thatGarrison'sallegedlygrowto Negrorightsis simplyuntrue.It is plausing indifference
durto his efforts
ible onlyif onechoosesto ignorereferences
of
on
behalf
war
the
and
equality,
Negro
ing
post-waryears
includingthe franchise,and if one fails to understandfully
certaineventsof1864and 1865.
The issue ofthefreedmen'srightto votearose in December,1863,withLincoln's Proclamationof Amnestyand Reconstruction.The proclamationgrantedpardon,withcertain
to participantsin theRebellionwhowouldtake a
exceptions,
of allegianceto the Union,to the Constituoath
prescribed
NorthernCivil War enactmentsregarding
the
tion,and to
of thevotersqualislavery.It providedthatwhereone-tenth
fied to vote in 1860 took the oath of allegiance and reit wouldbe recognizedby the
establisheda stategovernment,
were to
Federal Government.The new state governments
be permitted
to maintainthecodes of law and constitutionsfor
except
provisionsregardingslavery-whichhad existed
beforethewar.
Garrison'sinitial reactionto the proclamationwas one
whichhe expressedin an editorialin the
of condemnation,
is his displeasLiberatoron December18, 1863. Noteworthy
thefreedman:
ure at Lincoln'sfailureto enfranchise
We havebarelyspaceto say,thatwe regardthisamnestyas
and perilousin someof its
uncalledfor,and anti-republican
features.It puts the freedom,
safety,and happinessof the
of thenamberof
liberatedbondmenat themercyof one-tenth
voterswhowereat the polls in any rebelState in 1860,and
to constitute
recognizethatfraction(one-tenth)as competent
a bonafideState; and whileit allowsthosewhohave beenin
2 Ibid., pp. 415, 421, 433-4.
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WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISONANDTHE NEGROFRANCHISE
39
the wholebody of
bloodyrebellionto vote,it disfranchises
loyal freedmen!It opensthe way for duplicityand perfidy
act of
to any extent,and virtuallynullifiesthe confiscation
is weakness,and his
Congress. . Mr. Lincoln'smagnanimity
methodof disposingof thosewho have been emancipatedby
his proclamation
that of givingover the sheep to the guardianshipofwolves.Thismustnotbe tolerated.
At this point,the paths of Garrison and Wendell Phillips
began to diverge. The root of the matter was the over-all
attitude to be taken toward Lincoln. Phillips came to regard
Lincoln as a drag upon the anti-slaverymovement,ready to
betray the slave and the freed Negro, even the Emancipation
Proclamation itself for the sake of the Union. To Phillips,
the Amnesty Proclamation was one more step toward that
betrayal. Garrison, on the other hand, saw Lincoln as a
great progressive figure,the key to the anti-slaverystruggle,
a symbol of its unity and progress, who had done much,
especially through the Emancipation Proclamation and the
enlistmentof Negroes in the Northernarmy,to destroy slavery and to achieve equal rightsfor the freedmen. Lincoln, in
Garrison's opinion,was the only politician capable of rallying
Northernsupport for the war and of leading the countryto
victory; even more,the only anti-slaveryman capable of winning the approaching election in November,1864, and of preventinga Democratic-Copperheadvictory. Yet Lincoln would
be certain of winning only if he had a united anti-slavery
movementbehind him. Thus, Lincoln might be criticized but
not condemned and even then criticismhad to convey sympathy and understandingforthe problemsthe President faced.
It is in terms of this conflictbetween Phillips and Garrison,
and especially in terms of Garrison's attitude toward Lincoln's role as a leader of the anti-slaverycause, that his statements concerning Negro enfranchisementare to be understood.
The question came to the fore at the annual meeting of
the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, on January 28,
1864, when Phillips, with the President's Amnesty Proclamation in mind,offereda resolutionwhich affirmedthat "the
Government,in its haste, is ready to sacrificethe interestand
honor of the North to secure a sham peace; thereby risking
the introductioninto Congress of a strong confederate miThis content downloaded from 64.71.89.15 on Wed, 03 Feb 2016 15:39:55 UTC
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40
JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTROY
norityto embarrasslegislation,and leavingthefreedmenand
the SouthernStates under the control of the late slave-
holders...
2
Garrisonimmediately
tookissue withthe resolutionand
afterexplainingthat"I am notpreparedto bringthischarge,
nor to cast this imputation.I believethat thereis onlyone
partyat theNorththatis readyto make such a sacrificefor
such an object,and thatis the partyof Copperheads,"proposed an amendment:" 'Resolved,That,in our opinion,the
in its haste, is in danger of sacrificing,'etc."
Government,
Garrison'sexplanationof his oppositionto Phillip's resolutionwas as follows:
The resolution,
of motives,
is an impeachment
as offered,
not of abilityor vigilance. It commitsus to the assertion,
Mr. Lincolnin parthatwe believetheGovernment-meaning
ticular-is readyto do a mostinfamousact, namely,'to sacrificethe interestand honorof the Northto securea sham
peace,' wherebythe President'sEmancipationProclamation
shall be renderednull and void,and the slave oligarchyrestoredto theiroriginalsupremacy.Now,sir, I do not believe
a word of it . . . it amounts to perfidy. . . That is a very
of thepeople,nor of
gravecharge.Such is nottheconviction
him.
whowouldliketo destroy
therebelsthemselves
Garrisonthenalluded to the issue whichwas alreadyagitat-
ing him deeply:
and gatheringsare nominatinghim
Popular conventions
to thePresidency...
forre-election
[Lincoln]by acclamation
Taking all things into consideration. . . in my judgment the
of theUnited
of AbrahamLincolnto thePresidency
re-election
Stateswouldbe the safestand wisestcourse,in the present
state of our nationalaffairs,on the part of thosewho are
No othercandidatewould
friendlyto his Administration.
probably carry so strong a vote in opposition to Copperhead
Such,at least,is myconviction.3
democracy.
During the next few months, the most important task of
Abolitionists,in Garrison's opinion,4 was to assure the election of Lincoln in November,and all other issues were to be
judged in the light of that task. On March 18, 1864, in an editorial in the Liberator, entitled "The Presidency," Garrison
emphasized the need for the anti-slaverymen to unite behind
one candidate. That candidate, he wrote, had to be Abra3 The Liberator, February 5, 1864.
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ANDTHE NEGROFRANCHISE 41
WILLIAMLLOYDGARRISON
menin his
hamLincoln,who surpassedall otheranti-slavery
the
his
to
secure
with
and
masses
votes.
ability
popularity
That Garrisonhad chosena difficult
task in defendingPresidentLincolnwas shownby thevote at the anti-slaverymeeting of January28,whichhad rejectedGarrison'samendment
and thenacceptedthatofPhillips.4
The oppositionto Lincoln among abolitionistswas further intensifiedwhen it was reportedthat Major General
N. P. Banks, commandingthe Departmentof the Gulf,had
decidedto proceedunderPresidentLincoln's plan of Reconstruction.He had called fora stateconstitutional
convention
in Louisiana,but in doingso
and the electionof state officers
had barred Negroes fromparticipationboth as voters and
delegates.5
Abolitionist opposition to Lincoln was noticed by Garri-
son in an editorialon June3, in whichhe remarkedthat the
of May 26 and 27 was
New England Anti-SlaveryConvention
about equallydividedover supportof LincolnforPresident;
and thatsuchAbolitioniststalwartsas Parker Pillsburyand
StephenS. Foster had attendedtheRadical Political Conventionat Cleveland,Ohio,whichhad nominatedFremont,while
Wendell Phillips had sent a letterto the same convention,
Fremontas his firstchoice.
supporting
relaIt was in themidstof thisapparentlydeteriorating
Libthat
Lincoln
the
the
and
between
Abolitionists,
tionship
erator, on July 1, reprinteda letter dated June 7, 1864, from
an Englishreader,ProfessorFrancis W. Newman,of London
moveUniversity-whohad been a friendof the anti-slavery
Lincoln
criticized
of
North-which
the
a
mentand supporter
mostseverelyforhis supportof GeneralN. P. Banks's discriminatory
policyin New Orleans,and his insistencethatthe
Emancipation Proclamation and other measures for the elimination of slavery were based on military necessity rather
than moralityor a beliefin equal rights. The letterended
withthe warningthat"if you let the nextPresidentialelecon thecandidatesa total
tionspass, withoutsternlyenforcing
4 It maybe notedthatwithSouthernsecessionand thebeginningof the Civil
anti-Constitution
War Garrisonabandonedhis anti-government,
pointof view.
5 Liberator,February5, 1864.
6 Ibid., April 1, 1864.
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42
JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTROY
of yourcardinaland ruinousnationalinsanity,
abandonment
-prejudice against color-your nationalfuturemay be lost
forever."The oppositionto Lincoln'scandidacywas obvious.
Garrison's answer to Professor Newman consisted of
commentsin threeissues of the Liberator. His first,an editorialcomment
in theveryissue in whichtheletterappeared,
ProfessorNewmanhad failed to realize the
that
emphasized
great advances that had been made since the Emancipation
Proclamation,and that
thecauseoftheoppressed
in ourlandhasbeensteadily
growmore
and brighter-theactionof thegovernment
ing brighter
and moredecisivein opposition
to slavery,and in favorof the
equal rightsofthecoloredpopulation. . . Thatthereare grievances still to be redressed,and outragesto be protested
against,is true; but is it rationallyto be expectedthat,where
have ruled the country
slaveryand its poisonousinfluences
forcenturies,
fulljusticeforthe oppressedcan be obtainedat
of
a singlebound-especiallyin the midstof the convulsions
an unparalleledcivilwar.
Garrison'semphasisupontheprogressbeingmade under
his confidence
Lincoln'sadministration,
in Lincoln'sintegrity
as an anti-slaveryman, and his sympatheticevaluation of
the Presidentwere even more evidentin two later issues of
the Liberator,in whichhe continuedhis replyto Professor
Newman.
On July 15, he stressedthat the Presidentwas not a
dictatorwho could set any policyhe pleased, but an elected
that
official
whohad to takepublicopinionintoconsideration,
the rightto abolish slaverywas trulybased upon "military
necessity,"thatno Presidenthad "more honestlyendeavored
to dischargeall its [the Presidency's] duties with a single
eye to the welfareof the country,than Mr. Lincoln," that
althoughhe had come into officeunder great handicapsabolitioniststrength,
insignificant
prejudiceagainsttheNegro
... to avoid the
"a
and
disposition
universal,
general
strong
issuewithslavery"and to restoretheUnion"withall its proslavery compromises"-he had nevertheless"magnificent"
to his credit,bothin the eliminationof slavery
achievements
of equal rightsforthe Negro. These
and in the achievement
included the EmancipationProclamation,emancipationin
Missouri,WesternVirginia,Maryland,and the District of
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WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON AND THE NEGRO FRANCHISE
43
Columbia,the abolition of slavery in Louisiana and Arkansas,its "virtual abolitionin Tennessee," the treatywith
GreatBritainforthe suppressionof the foreignslave-trade,
the "consecration" of the Territoriesto freelabor and free
therecognition
of theindependenceof Haiti and
institutions,
Liberia,the abolitionof all fugitiveslave laws and the interstate slave trade,the enlistmentof 130,000coloredsoldiers,
and the admissionof Negroes to equal rightsin the United
States courts.7
On July22, withthe electiondrawingcloser,and many
menalienatedbyLincoln'sfailureto grantvoting
anti-slavery
rightsto the Negroin Louisiana, Garrisonwroteyetanother
lengthlyletterto ProfessorNewmanin whichhe discussed
theissue ofNegrovotingrightsin thenewlyconqueredSouth.
It was in this letter,as well as in a later editorial,that he
made the remarksupon whichthe conclusionhas been based
thathe opposedgrantingthevoteto thefreedmen.
In actuality,neitherin this letter nor elsewheredid
Garrisonoppose givingthe freedmenthe rightto vote. His
purpose in writingthe letterwas to defendLincoln from
those criticswho,in effect,were reducingLincoln's chances
of re-electionthroughtheircondemnationof the failure to
grantthe freedmenin Louisiana the rightto vote and their
refusalto recognizeall that Lincoln had already done and
was doingon behalfof the slave and the freeNegro. "The
abolitionofslavery,"Garrisonstressed,"is firstin order,and
of paramountimportance,
beforewe beginto determinethe
exact politicalstatus of those set free." Arguingthat "the
not a naturalright,"he
electivefranchiseis a conventional,
added that "yet, the more it is enjoyedin any community,
the betterfor public safetyand adas a general statement,
ministrativejustice." But the failure to achieve the vote,
he insisted,oughtnot to involvea denial of the value of the
endof slavery.
of Prof.Newman'sattitude
Alludingto theinconsistency
of
Lincoln's
in denouncing
freeing the slaves as a sham bewhile
cause of thePresident'sfailureto grantthemsuffrage,
of
his
own
denial
about
the
country's
suffrage
sayingnothing
7 bid., July15, 1864.
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44
JOURNALOF NEGRO HISTROY
to thousandsof laborers who were freemen,Garrisonproceededto defendLincoln'sfailureto granttheslave the right
to voteat themomentof emancipation.
He used a numberof
of
the
arguments.
First,
which,he claimed,
experience history,
had neverknownof liberatedslaves being grantedpolitical
equalityat themomentof theirliberation.Second,the existenceofdoubtas to thePresident'sconstitutional
rightto grant
the freedmenthe rightto vote,sincevotinghad always been
"a State,nevera nationalmatter."GarrisonarguedthatLincoln,having freed the slaves and having insisted that any
the death of slavery,could no
affirm
plan of Reconstruction
thanhe could "safely
moreabolishracial votingdistinctions
or advantageouslydecreethatall women(whosetitleis equally good) shouldenjoy the electoralright,and help formthe
State." Third,if thefreedmenof a statewereto receivethe
voteby Presidentialdecree,againstthewill of thewhitepopulation,and "withouta general preparationof feelingand
sentiment,"theywould mostlikelylose it again as soon as
that state regainedthe rightto manage its own affairswith
its readmissionintotheUnion.
would ultimately
Universal suffrage,Garrisonaffirmed,
be achieved.
But it will come,bothat the Southand withyou . . . only
and a growing
by a struggleon thepart of the disfranchised,
Withthe
conviction
of itsjustice,'in thegoodtimecoming.'
of slaveryin theSouth,prejudiceor 'colorphobia',
abolition
the naturalproductof the system,
will graduallysdisappear-as in thecaseofyourWestIndia Colonies-andblack
and
menwillwintheirwayto wealth,
distinction,
eminence,
forPresident
official
station.I askonlya charitable
judgment
in Louisianaor any
thismatter,
whether
Lincolnrespecting
otherstate.9
Garrison'ssupportofLincoln'spolicyand thatofGeneral
Banks in Louisiana, was not based upon blind admiration
or oppositionto Negro voting,but
of the Administration
of
situationin that state,and of the
an
evaluation
the
upon
progressalreadymade there.Thus,in his repliesto Professor Newman,he refersto two of GeneralBank's ordinances:
8 Thomas,in reproducing
substitutes
thisstatement,
inadvertently
"naturally"
for "gradually."See op. cit., p. 434.
9 Liberator,July22, 1864.
10Ibid, July22, 1864.
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WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISONAND THE NEGROFRANCHISE
45
of commonschoolsforall Negroesunone,theestablishment
der Bank's rule; the other,the total abolition of slavery
throughouthis department,even "where it was expressly
exemptedby the President'sEmancipationProclamationof
January1, 1863-thus makingit completethroughoutthe
State. Of course,thiswas donewiththesanctionof thePresident,and is an additionalplumeforhimself[Banks] and the
President,of the tallestkind."10
Some monthslater,withthe electionout of the way,but
the war not yet won and the need for anti-slaveryunitybehindthe Presidentstill important,Garrisonagain discussed
the questionof the vote for the freedmenin the Liberator,
that Lincoln was sympaon January13, 1865. He affirmed
theticto the needs of the freedmen,and that the failureto
was nevertheless
give themthevote,whilenot praiseworthy,
understandable,perhaps even excusable. Referringto the
conflictamong abolitionistsover this issue, he denied that
anyabolitionistapprovedofdiscrimination.
Norhastherebeen,noris therenow,amongtheabolitionists
in thiscountry,
as to thewrongfulness
ordivision
anyconflict
or elsewhether
at theballot-box
ofcomplexional
proscription,
where. If no whiteman loses his vote on accountof his ignorance,then,theymaintain,no blackmanshouldbe deprived
of his vote,forthe same reason. Whateveris made requisite
to constitutea voterin the one case, should also be in the
other.But, becausethewhiteman is allowedto vote,and the
to treatthe overblackman is not,is it for any abolitionist
throwofslaveryas in itselfa smallmatter
?11
It was in this editorialthathe pointedto the contradiction involvedin demandingthe vote for the Negro in the
Southwhiledenyingitto himin theNorth.
as puts the word
But, it is said, "such a reconstruction
on the
whiteinto the Constitution,
and bases government
whiterace,is neithersafefortheNegronorforus, and of consequenceis not safe for the nation." That, assuredly,is a
soundpoliticalaxiom; but is no moretrueof Louisianathan
of any otherState. Yet of all otherStates,loyal and rebel,
and
only Maine, New Hampshire,Vermont,Massachusetts,
at the
Rhode Island make no complexionaldiscrimination
11 Thomas'sbias towardGarrisonleads him into strangebyways. He misreads these sentencesand thus attributesto Garrisonthe thoughtthat "simply
because ignorantwhitemen wereallowedto vote therewas no reasonto enfranchisemillionsof ignorantblacks." (op. cit.,p. 434).
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46
JOURNALOF NEGRO HISTROY
polls. Is the Southto be held to a higherstandardthan the
and morally,whereare the conditions
North? Intellectually
to warrantthis? With what face can those States which
place theirown coloredcitizensunder politicalban demand
of Louisiana,or of any otherreconstructed
rebelState, that
she shall at oncegivethe electivefranchiseto her freedpopulation? "Thou thatsayest,a man shouldnot steal,dost thou
steal?" "Physician, heal thyself."12
The evidence suggests that in this editorial, as well as
in his replyto Professor Newman, Garrison,far fromshowing
unconcernfor Negro equality,displayed unusual political perceptiveness and statesmanship. In this respect he was far in
advance of many otherAbolitionists.
The question of reconstruction, of the admission of
Louisiana to the Union and Negro rights in the South, arose
again at the thirty-secondannual meeting of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society in Boston, on Thursday and Friday, January 26 and 27, 1865.13 After Wendell Phillips
had introduced several resolutions, one of which demanded
a repudiation of reconstructionin Louisiana because it had
not granted its Negroes equal voting rights, and another
called for constitutionalamendmentsprohibitingslavery and
forbiddingthe States to discriminate between their citizens
because of color, Garrison introduced two additional resolutions. The firstresolved that
Louisiana oughtnot to be admitted
If, as reconstructed,
to theUnionbecauseshe excludeshercoloredpopulationfrom
and all
New Jersey,Pennsylvania,
thepolls,thenConnecticut,
theWesternStatesoughtnotto be in theUnionforthesame
it is not
reason;and whiletheyare guiltyof thisproscription,
forthemto demandof Louisianaa broaderscope of republican liberalitythantheyare willingto take in theirown case.
The second noted that since each state claimed "the right
to determineon what conditions any of its inhabitants shall
wield the ballot," since no state would "consent to have this
established prerogativewrestedfromit,and a whollydifferent
rule forcibly prescribed . . . without an amendment of the
national Constitution,"and that
of the severalStates
laws or constitutions
by the conflicting
in thematterofvoting,coloredcitizenswhoare electorsin one
12Ibid, Jan. 13, 1865.
13 Ibid, Feb. 3, 1865.
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WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISONANDTHE NEGROFRANCHISE
47
in another,and thusthis usage is atState are disfranchised
tendedwithinvidiousand oppressivefeatures,and oughtnot
longerto prevailamonga peopleclaimingto be onein nationalityofspirit,purposeand destiny...
It thenresolved that
to the people an
Congressshouldlose no timein submitting
amendment
of the Constitution,
makingthe electorallaw uniformin all theStates,withoutregardto complexional
distinctions.14
As a result of his defense of Lincoln, Garrison was led
into defending the view that the South ought not to be required, as a price of its returnto the Union, to confervoting
rights upon the freedmen which were not being granted to
Negroes in the North or West. Phillips argued, however,that
those Southern states which had seceded were in a unique
position. They had no rights which the North was bound to
respect,and the Federal Governmentcould rightlyask the seceded states to accede to conditions which were not being
demanded of the North.
With Lincoln's death, and as the passing monthsrevealed
the recalcitranceof the South and Southern persecution of the
freedmen,Garrison adopted the policy of Phillips and demanded the vote for the Southern freedmenas one means of
helping them defend themselves. On July 14, 1865, in an
editorial in the Liberator, while cautioning against any hasty
condemnationof President Andrew Johnson,he concluded as
follows:
We are as anxiousthatthefreedman
shouldhave theballot
to protecthim fromunjust class legislationas any one can
reasonablybe; we denouncehis deprivationof it, on account
of his complexion,as an act of injustice, which,if prolonged,
will surely bring with it trouble and retribution;we regard
the question of reconstructionas one of momentousimportance; and we watch with eagerness and the closest scrutiny
whateverhas a bearing upon the freedom,safety and happiness of our colored countrymen.We only counsel against unfounded accusations,unreasonableimpeachments,unwarranted
exaggerations. With fidelityto principle, let there be a rational view taken of the state of the country, and of the
difficultiesand perplexities surrounding the government;so
thatfull justice may be done to all concerned.
14 This is one of the earliestdemandsfor what later became the Fifteenth
Amendment.
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48
JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTROY
A monthlater,as it became evidentthat the Negro in
theSouthwas beingsubjectedto a reignof terror,Garrison's
attitudehardenedand theneedfortheNegrofranchisein the
Southbecameforhimurgentand vital. He wrote,in an editorial on August 25, that "we shall confidently
look to the
nextCongressto be impregnableas Gibraltaragainstmaking
any concessions,on theapplicationof anylate rebelState for
admissioninto the Union,whichshall leave the loyal black
populationhelplesslydeprived of the elective franchise."
Duringtheremainingmonthsof 1865,theLiberatorgave
strongsupportto the cause of Negro suffragein the South,
both in Garrison'sstatementsand in publicitywhichit extendedto speechesand writingsof otheranti-slaverymen.
In an editorialon December15, Garrisonwroteabout a six
weeks' lecturingtourthathe had just completed."He [Garrison about himself]was most happy to findbut one sentimentprevailingamongloyal men,respectingwhat shouldbe
done withthe so-calledreconstructed
States; and that was,
thattheyshouldnot be admittedinto the Union at the present session of Congress, no matter what parchments they
maypresentor promisesmake;buttheUnitedStates Governmentis underthe most solemnobligationto keep themon
are accepted
probationuntilequal rightsand freeinstitutions
and enjoyedon theirsoil, withoutregard to complexionor
race."
As one reviewsGarrison's opinionson the questionof
in thelightof his lifeNegrosuffrageduringReconstruction,
the
conclusion
and
emergesthat at no
actions,
longthoughts
of Negro equalityin
timedid he departfromhis affirmation
all areas involvingpolitical,social and economicrights,including the suffrage.During a limited period, however,
fromJanuary,1864,to Lincoln's death,he feltit necessary,
for the sake of the broader anti-slaveryand Negro rights
lack of progressin excause,to defendtheAdministration's
to
the
the
suffrage
freedmen,and to seek out reatending
sons which would explain it.1?As the political situation
15 JamesMcPherson,
in his verydetailedand generallyexcellentstudy,The
Strugglefor Equality: Abolitionistsand theNegro in the Civil War and Reconstructiondoes not explicitlyrelate Garrison'sposition on this issue to the
questionof supportfor Lincoln and thus fails to deal withit adequately.(See
pp. 294 ff.)
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WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON AND THE NEGRO FRANCHISE
49
changed,as the conditionof the Negro in the South deterioratedand the over-allpolicy of the new administration
grew more indifferentto the plight of the Negro, the need for
Negro suffragein the South grew ever more vital. At that
pointGarrisonagain put forththis demandin the strongest
termsin thecolumnsoftheLiberator.
Mlass.
Northampton,
Louis RUCHAMES
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions