Abraham Lincoln: How His Use of Textual Authority Undermines His Consistency Juliane Chalabi COMM 420 02 Professor Horwitz December 13, 2006 1 Throughout his career, Abraham Lincoln reveals an inconsistency with his favoritism of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States. Although he is portrayed as honest, patriotic and trustworthy, this image will now be inaccurate. Lincoln is misleading and inconsistent in his views of the founding documents of the United States. He is not the man young Americans are raised to admire, rather, a politician who applied what he saw adequate in various political circumstances, neglecting parts of American history. Not only are Americans denied the truth about this former President, they are taught a history that does not reflect the political and social atmosphere of Lincoln’s career. It is important to understand what was actually occurring in the United States during the mid-1800s. Additionally, scholars and historians disagree as to which document Lincoln favored, some claming he held the Constitution to a higher level of importance and others stating he highly valued the words of the Declaration. Although each of these people has provided evidence for his or her claims, his or her inconsistency is proof of Lincoln’s irregularity. By relying on textual authority, Lincoln was able to present successful speeches by focusing on either the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United States, or both. By going through various speeches given at different times during his career, Lincoln’s reliance on textual authority becomes evident. One by one the speeches can be understood and applied to Lincoln’s career as a whole, starting with his Young Men’s Lyceum Address and ending with his Second Inaugural Address. Analyzing Lincoln’s speeches chronologically will reveal how his inconsistency concerning the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence developed over time. It will not only expose the lack of a pattern behind Lincoln’s selection process but also, his 2 selection of a founding document based on what best suited his situation at a given point. At the time of his Young Men’s Lyceum Address, Lincoln was in the start of what would become a well-known political career. The lyceum organization was founded to provide a forum for aspiring young politicians, making Lincoln a suitable speaker. He spoke about the upholding of American politics, using the Declaration and Constitution as supporting documents. Many historians believe this speech was a revealing statement of Lincoln’s political philosophy.1 Following this address came the speech that some historians believe gave Lincoln the ability to become the President of the United States: The Cooper Union Address. In this address Lincoln reveals his dedication to his beliefs, which supported the Republican viewpoint. Additionally, he demerits his opponents claims and displays his vast knowledge of one of the nation’s founding documents, the Constitution. Following this address Lincoln gave his First Inaugural Address. When elected President, Abraham Lincoln was not respected by most Americans, civilians and politicians alike.2 However, his inaugural address worked towards bringing the nation together and lowering the overall tension in the country. He did this by applying the Constitution to his speech and explaining his limitations as President. Next, Lincoln gave one of his most famous speeches that has been researched for decades, the Gettysburg Address. In this speech Lincoln brings hope and closure to his audience. His words redefined America’s interpretation of the Declaration of Independence and took a step towards equality and peace. The last major speech Lincoln gave is his Second Inaugural Address. This piece, basing its statement on the Constitution, finalizes Lincoln’s thoughts on slavery and the 1 Douglas L. Wilson, Honor’s Voice: the Transformation of Abraham Lincoln (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1998) 195. 2 Donald T. Phillips, Lincoln on Leadership: Executive Strategies for Tough Times (New York: Warner Books, Inc., 1992) 8. 3 war. It unites the nation after years of battle and provides optimism for the nation’s recovery. Throughout these speeches, Lincoln’s rhetoric is consistent, but his favoritism of the Declaration or the Constitution is not. There are certain rhetorical elements that historians and critics have seen repeated in Lincoln’s speeches throughout his career. Richard Carwardine explains that Lincoln possessed a natural gift for new politics and understood the role and responsibilities of a Republican citizen.3 Lincoln had the ability to achieve power over his audience, which was derived from his clarity and directness that he provided for his audience’s understanding. Regardless of his education, he devoted much attention to making himself understood by all. His skills as an orator are seen repeatedly throughout his career. Garry Wills explains the style in which Lincoln presents his speeches as geared towards Lincoln’s audience. Lincoln paid close attention to the way a particular word sounded, writing his speeches based on how they would be heard over how they would read.4 Lincoln also pays close attention to his pronoun use, allowing the grammar of his speeches to do much of the arguing.5 In his speeches, Lincoln generally did not defend himself, but presented information in a manner that required no defending. He took effort to understand the audience for which his speeches were intended and wrote them accordingly.6 Modern audiences view many of Lincoln’s speeches as persuasive, especially since they are able to see the results of this President’s words. Many of these features are reflected in The Rhetorical Situation by Lloyd F. Bitzer. In this text, Bitzer explains that rhetoric is situational and generally cannot be 3 Richard Carwardine, Lincoln: A Life of Purpose and Power (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2003) 47. Garry Wills, Lincoln at Gettysburg: the Words that Remade America (New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 1992) 167. 5 Carwardine, 78. 6 Carwardine, 87. 4 4 understood without the appropriate context. A rhetorical discourse occurs as a response to a situation.7 This can be seen in the speeches given by Lincoln since the situation is what determines which founding document of the nation he will use as textual authority. Furthermore, the situation is what provides the speech with rhetorical significance. 8 If a specific situation had not come about, there would not be any need for a speech. The speeches of Lincoln’s career that will be examined in this study all contain situations that required his attention, providing rhetorical significance for each occasion. Every speech was appropriate for the time it was given and provided some form of an answer to each situation that surfaced. Bitzer continues by explaining that rhetorical situations exist “as a necessary condition of rhetorical discourse.” 9 Additionally, Bitzer points out that many rhetorical situations are looked over and do not develop into significant situations.10 However, Lincoln seemed to take on any situation to give an address and provided words that applied to the context. Lastly, Bitzer explains that the situation controls the rhetorical response; therefore, the speech given is directly affected by the circumstance surrounding it.11 These means of understanding rhetoric can all be applied to the various addresses presented throughout Lincoln’s lifetime. Since Lincoln’s speeches fit into Bitzer’s definition of successful rhetoric, his accomplishments as an orator are once again suggested. His success can be seen over many years, revealing his inherent rhetorical talent. 7 Carl R. Burgchardt, Readings in Rhetorical Criticism, 3rd ed. (State College, PA: Strata Publishing, Inc., 2000) 59-60. 8 Burgchardt, 64. 9 Burgchardt, 61. 10 Burgchardt, 65. 11 Burgchardt, 61. 5 At the start of his career, Lincoln gave his Young Men’s Lyceum Address shortly after moving to Springfield, Illinois. He presented this address to the students of the lyceum activity, ensuring that the speech was “carefully crafted to impress his peers.”12 Rumor has it that in the months preceding this address, Lincoln had been involved with James Adams in what became a public controversy.13 To avoid any further hostility, Lincoln selected a neutral topic that appealed to his audience and simultaneously allowed him to reveal his oratory skills. However, this also meant selecting a topic that was familiar among Lincoln and his audience: “the perpetuation of our political institutions.”14 Being a political speech, Lincoln’s Young Men’s Lyceum Address is “often cited as the foundation of his political philosophy.”15 Critics argue about the basis of the speech and the message Lincoln was sending to his audience. Douglas L. Wilson explains that Lincoln used the speech as an opportunity to demonstrate his powerful speaking skills.16 Despite the various views on this speech’s claim, Lincoln was using both of the founding documents of the United States to prove his argument. In this speech, Lincoln directly refers to the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States. In his introduction, Lincoln explains that the founding fathers created a government based on liberty more “than any of which the history of former tells us.”17 By mentioning the founding fathers and their progress as a whole, Lincoln is indirectly referring to the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. In 12 Wilson, 195. Wilson, 195. 14 Paul M. Angle and Earl Schenck Miers, The Living Lincoln (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1955) 20. 15 David Zarefsky, The Continuing Fascination With Lincoln (Rhetoric & Public Affairs - Volume 6, Number 2, Summer 2003) 342. 16 Douglas L. Wilson, Herndon's Informants: Letters, Interviews, and Statements about Abraham Lincoln (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1997) 198. 17 Angle, 20. 13 6 one sentence, Lincoln uses the terms Declaration of Independence, Constitution, American and liberty.18 He presents these documents equally, using them both as textual authority. Since these texts are presented together, Lincoln implies that as a unit, the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution are the ruling documents of the United States. He further declares that every man must remember “that to violate the law is to trample on the blood of his father, and to tear the charter of his own and his children’s liberty.”19 This bold claim reveals how importantly, and equally, these documents were viewed. If one were lacking, Lincoln’s claim would be incomplete, along with the foundation of the United States. This is the only time Lincoln mentions the Declaration of Independence, and the other time the Constitution is mentioned is in the closing paragraph. In this context, Lincoln comments on “the Constitution and laws; … we improved to the last.”20 There is not need to mention the Declaration of Independence at this point since the document has been alluded to, especially by the use of the term “liberty” earlier in the same closing paragraph. Since Lincoln is discussing America’s political structure as a whole, he needs to utilize the founding documents of the country. To make his statement valid, he must rely on the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution together. If he only mentioned one of the documents, he could not make such bold claims concerning the country. In order to cover all of the facts he needs for his claim, Lincoln uses the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence as textual authority throughout his Young Men’s Lyceum Address. 18 Angle, 23. Angle, 23. 20 Angle, 26. 19 7 By 1860, twenty-two years after giving his Young Men’s Lyceum Address, Lincoln was invited to speak on the East coast, where he gave his Cooper Union Address. The text for the discourse was taken from Senator Douglas’s statement on slavery: “Our fathers, when they framed the Government under which we live, understood this question just as well, and even better, than we do now.”21 Lincoln endorsed this statement, but interpreted it in a different manner than Douglas. He researched the views of the framers of the Constitution and came to the conclusion that “none denied the federal government’s power over slavery in the territories, which they ‘marked… as an evil not to be extended.’”22 Lincoln effectively voided Douglas’ claim by using historical facts as the basis of his argument. Since Douglas’ claim concerned the founding fathers and the document they created, Lincoln relied on the Constitution as textual authority during this speech. He used the same text as Douglas to disprove Douglas’ statement by claiming a vast majority of founders would not have supported the expansion of slavery due to the fact that they “understood the question” of slavery. At the start of the Lyceum address, Lincoln confronted himself with the question: “What is the frame of government under which we live?”23 His response was, the Constitution of the United States. Not once in this speech was the Declaration of Independence mentioned, even though this document was written before the Constitution and has just as much importance in the history of America. Had Lincoln opted to include the Declaration of Independence, he would have had a less successful claim and 21 Harold Holzer, Lincoln and Cooper Union: The Speech that Made Abraham Lincoln President (New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 2004) 252. 22 Carwardine, 98. 23 Holzer, 252. 8 conclusion.24 Therefore, Lincoln chose to mention only the Constitution since it best suited his argument concerning the contradiction of Douglas. It is the Constitution’s words and framers that create the foundation of his claim, making it logical to use this document as textual authority. Harold Holzer explains that “freedom and equal opportunity were not only guaranteed by the Declaration, but attainable under the Constitution - which… never gave Americans the right, as Stephen Douglas insisted, to vote to deny freedom to other men.”25 Thus by relying on the Constitution, Lincoln would be one step closer to preventing the spread of slavery into the territories. It is the document that will help prove that the men who helped craft the country were against the political and social circumstances taking place in the mid 1800s. The question the resonates throughout Lincoln’s Lyceum address is: “Does the proper division of local from federal authority, or anything in the Constitution, forbid our Federal Government to control as to slavery in our Federal Territories?”26 Lincoln provides factual responses pertaining to the framers of the Constitution and interprets the text in a manner that corresponds with the views of most Republicans. Through his extensive research he proved that twenty-one of the thirty-nine signers of the Constitution had at one time or another voted to prohibit slavery in America.27 To make his claim unbiased, Lincoln “purposely omitted whatever understanding may have been manifested by any person, however distinguished, other than the thirty-nine fathers who framed the original Constitution.”28 This makes Lincoln’s argument stronger since he had proven his dedication to the facts of the situation, not preconceived opinions. Additionally, it reveals 24 Holzer, 123. Holzer, 123. 26 Holzer, 253. 27 Phillips, 148-149. 28 Holzer, 262. 25 9 his consistency with referencing the Constitution as the foundation of his argument. However, the lingering problem within America, slavery, could not be resolved quickly. Lincoln pointed out the largest obstacle that needs to be conquered, the fact that Democrats believe “their thinking it right, and [Republican] thinking it wrong,” and explains the difficulties that arise with these mixed opinions.29 Lincoln speaks directly to the South in his Cooper Union Address, even though there were almost certainly no Southerners present at this event. He hoped to reason with the Democrats and help them understand that the Republicans only desired a return to the traditional foundation of America. By implementing the “peace of the old times,” the Republicans were holding true to the nation’s ideals and wanted to “readopt the precepts and policy of the old times.”30 This policy is referring to the Constitution and its amendments. Since there is much disagreement within the country about which political actions can and cannot be implemented, going back to this document is strengthening Lincoln’s claim. Furthermore, Lincoln explains that Republicans were the true conservatives. Since Lincoln researched the views of the framers of the Constitution and concluded that these views match those of the Republicans, the Republicans were ultimately supporting “the old and tried,” while the Democrats supported the “new and untried.”31 Once again, this is referring to the Constitution, which is the old and tried. Lincoln is clarifying that the Constitution has been used in the past, and has generally been successful, unlike the new views of the Democrats. To keep the country progressing 29 Holzer, 283. Holzer, 270. 31 Doris Kearns Goodwin, Team of Rivals: the Political Genius of Abraham Lincoln (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005) 231. 30 10 as it had in the past, the entire nation must follow the guidelines presented in the “old and tried,” and not deter from its initial intent. In his argument, Lincoln places the burden of proof on the Democrats by showing “reasonable doubt.” Lincoln explains to his audience that “no line dividing local from federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, properly forbade Congress to prohibit slavery in the federal territory.”32 In this indirect manner, Lincoln reveals that the Constitution does not forbid Congress to legislate on the expansion of slavery into the territories. What he does do throughout the address, however, is prove how the framers of the Constitution would have opposed this expansion. By sticking to the framers of the Constitution and using that document as textual authority, Lincoln reveals how the Democrats have a skewed notion of the framers’ intentions. He now leaves it up to the Democrats to prove the truth behind their views, which will be a difficult task after hearing Lincoln’s Cooper Union Address. By the time Lincoln was elected President, clashing opinions and anxiety overwhelmed the nation. The South thought Lincoln was completely against them and misinterpreted most comments made by the soon to be President.33 Many aristocratic southerners connected Lincoln’s election with the reason for secession. In order to be a successful leader, Lincoln needed to disprove these negative views and increase his confidence as the President. He claimed that his inaugural address must be his “certificate of moral character.”34 To best accomplish this task, Lincoln presented an inaugural address that heavily focused on the President’s limitation of power. According to Cambell and Jameson, a President’s inaugural speech typically consists of four main focuses, but Lincoln limited 32 Holzer, 258. Lois J. Einhorn, Abraham Lincoln the Orator (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1952) 61. 34 Ward H. Lamon, Recollections of Abraham Lincoln 1847-1865 (Chicago, 1895) 30. 33 11 his speech to this one point.35 He used this method in effort to receive support from the South while keeping support in the North. He did not want to alienate the South any further, so he showed how far his position allowed him to go as a form of reassurance. To help present his limitations of power, Lincoln relies on the Constitution as textual authority throughout his inaugural address. There are four main documents Lincoln refers to in this inaugural address, one of which is the U.S. Constitution. Lincoln did not make any mention of the Declaration of Independence and does not base any part of his claim on that document. In fact, the Declaration of Independence is only mentioned once to briefly explain its purpose. This pattern is consistent with his Cooper Union Address, but contradicts the claim Lincoln made at his Young Men’s Lyceum Address, where he stated the Declaration of Independence and Constitution are equally important documents. However, basing his inaugural address on the Constitution best fits the country’s needs at the time. What needs to be understood is why Lincoln based his speech and validity as President on the Constitution. In his inaugural address Lincoln attempted to create unity within the country and keep all sides calm. This is done by the repetition of the President’s rights as explained in the United States Constitution. Article II of the Constitution focuses on the executive branch of government and explains the role and power of the President. To ease the South’s fear that slavery will be abolished, Lincoln continually emphasized the limits of his power to prove that he could not suddenly change everything about America that had lasted for over seventy years. He proved he would not treat the North and South as separate institutions by explaining how “all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will 35 Carl R. Burgchardt, Readings in Rhetorical Criticism, 2nd ed. (State College, PA: Strata Publishing, Inc., 2000) 443-445. 12 cheerfully be given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever clause – as cheerfully to one section as to another.”36 He was not choosing or creating sides, staying true to his support of the Union. Lincoln was trying to keep the South loyal to the Union by revealing his desire for equality among all states. Since Lincoln does not differentiate between the two sides and makes it clear he will treat them equally, he is trying to gain support from the South. However, the South could view his use of the term “cheerfully” as a form of mockery and a joke. From Lincoln’s standpoint, it is obvious he would not “cheerfully” do everything the South requests, even if it were legal. If anything potentially threatened the union of the United States, even if it were written in the Constitution, Lincoln would not be cheerful. However, at this point in his career he will fully support and uphold the words of the Constitution. Lincoln did not want the South to believe that he was suddenly going to change everything about America. He explains that while he may not personally agree with a part of the Constitution, “all members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution.”37 Lincoln cannot select sections of the Constitution to support and others to ignore. He will stand by what the country is founded on, even if it conflicts with his moral character. In his overall goal, the success of our country, Lincoln is not different of that from any other President. He describes how he will “enter upon the same task” as the preceding fifteen Presidents. Just because Lincoln is from a different party does not mean he is against the United States. One of the main points of the Constitution was “to form a more perfect Union,” and Lincoln would stand by this, regardless of his political beliefs.38 He explains that he will uphold the values of America unless the people force him to do otherwise. He spends three paragraphs providing details of what he cannot do, unless the people’s actions force him to do otherwise. Lincoln will 36 Einhorn, 170. Einhorn, 170. Emphasis added. 38 Einhorn, 171. 37 13 not go against the Constitution, but he will take appropriate actions if a situation arises. Lincoln explains that an alternative to radical actions, such as secession, is creating amendments to the Constitution. He encourages his audience to exercise this “constitutional” right, but states that he will “make no recommendation of amendments,” once again leaving the decision to make changes up to the people.39 Towards the closing of his speech, Lincoln reminds his audience that even those who are “now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired.”40 By emphasizing Americans’ ability to rely on the Constitution, Lincoln is repeating his main claim one last time. He does not want any American citizen to feel as though he will take over the country and change everything. Using the term “Constitution” twenty-four times throughout the speech reveals how important that document was to Lincoln’s First Inaugural Address. He wants to make sure that the audience is aware of what a President can and cannot do, as well as inform the audience of their rights during times of discontent. He encourages the application of one’s right over revolutionary actions. The Constitution is the only document that Lincoln could have quoted at the time to ease the anxiety and anger in the audience. It is a document most men are familiar with and the source that explicitly defines the powers of the President. By reviewing Lincoln’s use of the Constitution throughout his Inaugural Address, it is clear why he opted to emphasize this document. Going through some of the more relevant segments of this address and seeing their individual goals helps to clarify Lincoln’s argument. Using any other document as the textual authority of this address would not have been sufficient at the time. The Constitution is the only document that lays out the President’s rights, 39 40 Einhorn, 174. Einhorn, 175. 14 and reminding his nation of these rights creates the feeling of temporary relief. Americans now know that their President cannot make any radical actions and that they have a voice. This hope to calm the nation soon proved to be unsuccessful as the Civil War broke out shortly after this inaugural address. Following Lincoln’s First Inaugural Address, the President gave one of his most well know speeches: The Gettysburg Address. This speech has been seen as Lincoln’s national vision and goal for the future.41 Lincoln was asked to consecrate the battlefield, which had been turned into a cemetery, to provide a proper burial for the soldiers lost in the Civil War. The nation had been through battles with the highest death rate seen in the country, and this address worked as a form of closure for the Americans. This event had attracted a vast audience, approximately 9,000 people, from across the nation. The New York Times reported, “People from all parts of the country seem to have taken this opportunity to pay a visit to the battle-fields which are hereafter to make the name Gettysburgh immortal.”42 To best address this diverse and vulnerable audience, Lincoln chose to speak about “the far reaching promises contained in the Declaration of Independence,” a theme seen earlier in the Lincoln Douglas Debates.43 By using the Declaration of Independence rather than the Constitution, Lincoln is able to argue the issue of equality more powerfully. Since issues of equality sparked the Civil War, it is appropriate to use the founding document that focuses on this topic. It is the Declaration of Independence that proclaims, “all men are created equal,” a line which Lincoln includes in his first paragraph of the Gettysburg Address. Garry Wills argues that Lincoln viewed the Declaration of Independence “as the statement of a permanent ideal.” At the same time Wills maintains that Lincoln viewed the Constitution “as and early and provisional; embodiment of 41 Frank J. Williams, Judging Lincoln (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 2002) 128. Goodwin, 583, sic. 43 Goodwin, 585. 42 15 that ideal, to be tested against it, kept in motion towards it.”44 Although this is the view of one man, it is the manner in which Lincoln presents himself at Gettysburg. Lincoln supported the Declaration of Independence as textual authority during this speech because it laid out the same line of reasoning that he presents to the nation. Lincoln explains that the Civil War was testing whether a nation “conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are create equal” could endure. The object of the war was to ensure that the “government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth.”45 Lincoln opposed the South’s secession from the North and would take large risks to prevent this drastic action from occurring. The Union was so important to Lincoln because it was the necessary means for preserving the belief of equality.46 Another reason for Lincoln’s support of the Union is that the Declaration of Independence was about keeping the new nation thriving as a whole. Breaking apart what America’s forefathers created went against traditional American government.47 The Declaration of Independence states, “these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be, Free and Independent States.”48 Although it says that states are independent, they are still held together as “United Colonies.” Lincoln wants to hold true to this vision and keep his country together as one, as stated by the men who signed the Declaration of Independence. According to the Declaration of Independence, Americans follow its principles because these values are true. It appeals only to the “laws of Nature and of Nature’s God.” Therefore, all Americans ought to follow its words, not go against them. For the South to desire secession is the same as going against the laws of nature. 44 Wills, 101. Goodwin, 586. 46 Gabor S. Boritt, The Historian’s Lincoln (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1988) 131. 47 K.C. Wheare, Abraham Lincoln and the United States (London: Hodder & Stoughton Limited, 1948) 171. 48 Goodwin, 167. 45 16 By adhering to the beliefs laid out in the Declaration of Independence, Lincoln can prove a coherent and logical point. Siding with such a powerful document presents Lincoln as a genuine American, holding true to the ideals put forth by his forefathers. Lincoln declares that Americans must continue to strive for a united, free, and equal nation. When the forefathers of America were creating the country, they created “a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.”49 To uphold these values as laid out in the Declaration, Americans must continue to strive for change. It would be disrespectful to lose hope after hundreds of thousands of soldiers scarified their lives to help achieve a nation as described in the Declaration of Independence. To inspire the audience, Lincoln asserts that it is for “the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here, have, thus far, so nobly advanced.”50 Lincoln admires the soldiers and their dedication to their beliefs, but urges the audience to continue their fight. Furthermore, he represents the soldiers equally, regardless of race, and in a positive manner. This would have appealed to the diverse audience Lincoln was faced with, which included soldiers of different races and Americans of all ages.51 In this same manner, the Declaration of Independence, which was written “Four score and seven years” before the Gettysburg Address, regards all men as equal. In Lincoln’s interpretation of the Declaration of Independence, the term “all men” literally refers to men of any race. Lincoln wants this interpretation of the Declaration to be adopted by the nation. He does not mention the term slavery during his address in effort to “lift his ideal of America as the Declaration’s nation above divisive particulars.”52 His goal to achieve a nation of equality 49 Goodwin, 586. Goodwin, 586. 51 Goodwin, 583. 52 Wills, 177. 50 17 as defined by the Declaration of Independence can be seen is the careful word choices made by Lincoln. To push towards the idea of equality, Lincoln addresses his audience with a neutral document. He wants to move beyond the difficult reality the nation is faced with and achieve the goal of our forefathers. By relying on the facts expressed in the Declaration of Independence, Lincoln takes a step towards his ideal nation. This is the document that expresses each individual’s rights and Lincoln chose to apply those rights to all men of any race, altering the way in which the Declaration of Independence is interpreted to date. It has often been said that the only speech in Lincoln’s career that can compete with the Gettysburg Address is Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address.53 In this address, Lincoln chooses the Constitution as his textual authority. Since his last address concerning the Civil War and its results revolved around the words of the Declaration, Lincoln completes his argument on the topic by applying the other founding document of America. He had already reinterpreted the manner in which Americans view the Declaration of Independence and found it beneficial to round off his argument by explaining the purpose of the Constitution. Although he could have used both documents to make his claim, Lincoln chose the Constitution because it applied to the governmental actions made during his presidency. It is the Constitution that prohibited Lincoln from taking more drastic actions regarding slavery. To successfully display his views, Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address contains an underlying reliance on the words of the Constitution. Although he never specifically cites either the Constitution or the Declaration of Independence, the “nature and meaning of the Constitution are present throughout” Lincoln’s inaugural address.54 It is the document best suited to approach a nation being reunited. 53 Wills, 189. Ronald C. White Jr., Lincoln’s Greatest Speech: The Second Inaugural (New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 2002) 94. 54 18 In this address, Lincoln identifies slavery as a sin while welcoming the South back to the Union with open arms. Attempting to regain the unity of the nation, Lincoln urges the North and South to accept each other amiably. This is especially apparent in his closing lines where he asks all Americans to “achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves.”55 He presents some of the similarities between the North and South in efforts to decrease the tension among the two sides. Lincoln urged a sympathetic understanding of the citizens of the South and insisted that there were no vast differences between the two sides. He refers to the divided country when he states, “both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God; and each invokes His aid against the other.” However, Lincoln explains that “The prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully.” 56 Lincoln believed that God has “His own purposes” and will do as He sees fit. This also makes the North and South more similar since they both desire, yet lack, specific changes. Since Lincoln never directly references the Constitution, it becomes necessary to find the areas that allude to the document. Ronald C. White Jr. explains that the “closest the Constitution came to breaking through the text of the address is when Lincoln said, ‘The government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of’ slavery.”57 It is the Constitution that prohibited Lincoln from making all the changes he wished to see in the nation. Given that his power as President was limited by the Constitution, he was not able to abolish and prohibit slavery in all regions of America; instead he was only able to outlaw slavery in the territories.58 The Southerners feared Lincoln would take these drastic measures concerning slavery, not recognizing his limitations as President. However, Lincoln 55 Angle, 640. Angle, 639. 57 White, 94-95. 58 Goodwin, 123. 56 19 had already explained his rights and restrictions as President in his First Inaugural Address and was repeating this message in his Second Inaugural Address. Ronald C. White Jr. explains that Lincoln repeated this claim in both inaugural addresses “to indicate that he had always been restricted by the Constitution, not that he was now announcing some new strategy aimed at assuaging recent Southern complaints.”59 By reminding his audience, specifically Southerners, that he was never able to and will never be able to make any sudden changes, Lincoln attempts to calm his audience. This is similar to the calming effect applied in his First Inaugural Address since it had been necessary to ease the fears of the South in 1861 and 1865. Lincoln creates a memory of the past during his address, referring to the day he gave his First Inaugural Address. He has his audience recall the sentiment of the North and South regarding the war. This recollection of the past will help the audience see the benefit of the Civil War, even though it cost so many lives. He indirectly refers to his pledge to the Constitution made four years earlier when he states, “the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war.”60 This pledge to the Union is what the framers of the Constitution helped created and what Lincoln stood for throughout his career. This statement could reflect the Constitution and the Declaration, but since he chooses to reference the First Inaugural Address, it becomes directly connected with the Constitution. The changes over time in Lincoln’s perception of American’s founding documents leaves an impression of ambiguity. There is no distinct pattern that explains why Lincoln selected a specific document other than it supported his claim and the political circumstance of the time. His career began with his favoring both documents equally and ended with the 59 60 White, 95. Angle, 639. 20 Constitution being held in a higher light. But the speeches given between these two events contain various documents used as textual authority. These speeches are some of the most well known of Lincoln’s lifetime, yet reflect different opinions. The President was continually inconsistent, leaving behind the mystery of which document, or both, Lincoln felt was more important for America. For a President so well known for his political beliefs regarding slavery and the Union, it is ironic that his view on the founding documents of America is lacking. By using the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution as textual authority throughout his speeches, Lincoln neglects to provide Americans his personal beliefs. Bibliography 21 Angle, Paul M. and Schenck Miers, Earl, The Living Lincoln (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1955) Boritt, Gabor S., The Historian’s Lincoln (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1988) Burgchardt, Carl R., Readings in Rhetorical Criticism, 2nd ed. (State College, PA: Strata Publishing, Inc., 2000) Burgchardt, Carl R., Readings in Rhetorical Criticism, 3rd ed. (State College, PA: Strata Publishing, Inc., 2000) Carwardine, Richard, Lincoln: A Life of Purpose and Power (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2003) Einhorn, Lois J., Abraham Lincoln the Orator (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1952) Goodwin, Doris Kearns, Team of Rivals: the Political Genius of Abraham Lincoln (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005) Holzer, Harold, Lincoln and Cooper Union: The Speech that Made Abraham Lincoln President (New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 2004) Lamon, Ward H., Recollections of Abraham Lincoln 1847-1865 (Chicago, 1895) Phillips, Donald T., Lincoln on Leadership: Executive Strategies for Tough Times (New York: Warner Books, Inc., 1992) Wheare, K.C., Abraham Lincoln and the United States (London: Hodder & Stoughton Limited, 1948) White Jr., Ronald C., Lincoln’s Greatest Speech: The Second Inaugural (New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 2002) Williams, Frank J., Judging Lincoln (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 2002) 22 Wills, Garry, Lincoln at Gettysburg: the Words that Remade America (New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 1992) Wilson, Douglas L., Herndon's Informants: Letters, Interviews, and Statements about Abraham Lincoln (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1997) Wilson, Douglas, L., Honor’s Voice: the Transformation of Abraham Lincoln (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1998) Zarefsky, David, The Continuing Fascination With Lincoln (Rhetoric & Public Affairs Volume 6, Number 2, Summer 2003) 23
© Copyright 2026 Paperzz