The Influence of Competition and Lack of
Emotional Expression in Perpetuating Steroid
Abuse and Dependence Among Male
Weightlifters
SAM KHORRAMI
Alliant International University
The California School of
Professional Psychology
AND
JOHN T. FRANKLIN
Addiction Studies Department
The University of Detroit Mercy
Addiction to anabolic-androgenic steroids among male
weightlifters has historically been conceptualized and treated
from a substance abuse-recovery model. This study, in contrast, examined steroid abuse and dependence through a men’s
issues model. Specifically, this qualitative investigation examined several themes related to competition, lack of emotional
expression, body image, aggression, and the endorsement of
the traditional male sex-role in perpetuating steroid abuse and
dependence. Using a case study methodology, two male
weightlifters in their mid-20s (who had discontinued steroid
abuse for several years) served as participants (informants).
Each informant was interviewed twice. Three risk factors of
steroid abuse that stemmed from a men’s issues model were
identified and discussed. Clinicians who work with male athletes (at risk for steroid abuse) are encouraged to be cognizant
of such risk factors.
Key Words: male weightlifters, steroid abuse, competition,
lack of emotional expression, body image, aggression, traditional male sex-role, addiction
The authors wish to thank Gerald Wehmer, Christine M. Panyard, Richard C. Baker, David H. Peterzell,
Michael Monroe, Tracy L. Colsen, and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful suggestions and comments on earlier drafts of this paper.
Correspondence concerning this article should be sent to Sam Khorrami, 5225 Fiore Terrace, Suite #413,
San Diego, CA 92122 or [email protected].
International Journal of Men’s Health, Vol. 1, No. 1, January 2002, pp. 119-133.
© 2002 by the Men’s Studies Press, LLC. All rights reserved.
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SAM KHORRAMI AND JOHN T. FRANKLIN
W
ithin the past two decades, researchers have examined the so-called “masculinity
crisis” among many American men (e.g., Levant, 1992, 1997). The crisis for these
men involves society’s devaluing of the traditional masculine roles that men have
been trained to value and uphold. Such roles, for instance, include being a family’s
sole financial provider while delegating domestic chores to one’s wife, fathering
children in a detached and disinterested manner, and competing with other men in
competitive work environments.
Society now pressures men to adopt new, often contradictory roles involving
more emotional expression, more expression of vulnerabilities, less competition with
other men, less violence and aggressiveness, and stronger partnership with their
wives. These newer roles include, namely, to commit to relationships, to communicate one’s innermost feelings, to nurture children, to share in housework, to integrate
sexuality with love, and to curb aggression and violence. Indeed, these new roles,
which are in stark contrast to the roles of the traditional male sex-role, have left
many men feeling disoriented, baffled, bewildered, and unsure of their masculinity,
prompting some researchers to call for a re-examination of the psychology of men
and masculinity (Levant & Pollack, 1995).
Consequently, researchers have recently begun to question the psychological
value of men’s traditional masculinity (Levant & Pollack, 1995; Nardi, 1992; Pleck,
1981). Beginning with Pleck (1981), they have challenged the belief that men need
to identify with a traditional masculine gender role in order to facilitate proper personality development. They have even challenged the psychological utility of attitudes, values, and behaviors of men socialized in the traditional male sex-role
(Nardi, 1992; Pleck, 1995).
Although researchers have questioned various aspects of the traditional male sexrole, relatively few have examined which components of the traditional male sex-role
perpetuate substance abuse and substance dependence among men. Even fewer have
examined which aspects of the traditional male sex-role contribute to the abuse and
dependence of performance-enhancing drugs within competitive athletic environments.
The purpose of this investigation was to understand how steroid abuse and
steroid dependence were perpetuated by two components of the traditional male sexrole: an emphasis on competition and a lack of emotional expression. More specifically, the study examines men’s need to be competitive with one another in various
athletic environments (e.g., on the football field, in the weight room). The influence
of men’s emotional inexpressiveness on the initiation of steroid use was also examined. Finally, this study explored why men of relatively small stature sought to prove
to themselves and to society that a significant increase in their body size translated to
a feeling of being “more manly.”
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Here we will review the relevant literature that underlies our present study, which
includes 1) how men create friendships, 2) the barriers to intimacy among men, 3)
the relationship between weightlifting and masculinity, 4) the medical and psychological side effects of steroid-assisted weightlifting, and, last, 5) the motives underlying steroid-assisted weightlifting. The first two areas are especially relevant because
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the traditional male sex-role has been found to relate to a decrease in personal intimacy, an increase in competition, and a shunning of or minimalizing of emotional
expression among men. The latter three research areas illustrate how athletics
(including steroid-assisted weightlifting) represent environments where masculinity
can be socially constructed, often with harmful medical and psychological effects.
Taken together, these five areas point to an intriguing new possibility, which we
investigate herein. Focusing exclusively on substance abuse and dependence issues
may have limited utility when trying to understand men’s steroid use. Instead, there
may be value in understanding the steroid abuse and dependence in terms of competition and lack of emotional expression (i.e., two components of the traditional male
sex-role) in men.
FRIENDSHIPS AMONG MEN
Researchers have examined the lack of intimacy or interpersonal closeness among
men’s friendship patterns, especially among those men who endorse a traditional
male sex-role (Bergman, 1995; Brooks, 1998; Franklin, 1992; Hansen, 1992; Nardi,
1992; Seidler, 1992; Sherrod, 1989; Williams, 1992). By studying men’s friendship
patterns, many researchers believed that obstacles to emotional intimacy can be
uncovered and subsequently changed. As a result, a more authentic communication
(i.e., more personal sharing and revealing) could occur between men where their
emotions, feelings, and vulnerabilities could be shared and discussed. Communication among male friendship dyads, based on understanding the relationship between
the men, can serve to debunk the traditional male role, thereby increasing the quality
of friendships and life.
Researchers have examined male-male friendships through developmental models of gender identity formation. For instance, Brooks (1998) discussed how men
from European-American backgrounds have been socialized to believe that their
masculinity must be continually proven both to themselves and others. Starting at a
very early age, competition, challenges, and victory are avenues in which men interact with other men in the hope of winning and thereby proving their masculinity.
Indeed, by age two or three, young boys start a disconnection process from relationships, beginning with the separation from their mothers.
As boys enter adolescence and then mature into adults, the perception of competing to win (at games, in relationships, at work) with other men continues to define
their masculinity. By admitting to personal weakness and vulnerability to others,
especially other men, a man fears losing his “competitive edge,” thus resulting or
creating difficulties in intimacy among men (Brooks, 1998, p. 20).
Bergman (1995) suggested that the study of men’s friendships could be reconceptualized from a perspective that focuses on the relationships between men. This
process of disconnection results in a double bind for males; they have been pressured
to continue disconnecting from relationships while they still desire connection.
Young boys observe how their fathers continually disconnect from the relationship
with themselves and with their mothers. Therefore, young boys imitate their father
role models by minimizing interest in other people and by becoming less motivated
to be attuned to others’ feeling states, emotions, and difficulties.
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BARRIERS TO MALE-MALE INTIMACY FORMATION
Researchers have attempted to isolate the specific variables that impede intimacy
and interpersonal closeness among men. Early on, Lewis (1978) defined intimacy
among heterosexual men as “mutual self-disclosure and other kinds of verbal sharing, as declarations of liking or loving the other, and as demonstrations of affection
such as hugging ...” (p. 108). In particular, the variables that retard intimacy and trust
formation among men include a lack of self-disclosure, competition between men,
homophobia, aversion to vulnerability/openness, a lack of role models, men’s dependence on women, and the concern over violating the male stereotype that men are
(should be) less intimate (Fasteau, 1974; Jourard & Lasakow, 1958; Lewis, 1978;
Pleck, 1975; Tognoli, 1980).
A significant difficulty that some men have in expressing emotional intimacy
with other men can be observed in several ways. For instance, some men have considerable difficulty seeking help from mental health professionals because of the former’s difficulty in establishing intimacy and trust with the latter. This may be especially true if a mental health professional is a male. Indeed, considerable evidence
suggests that heterosexual men who live in the United States struggle to establish
intimacy and trust with other heterosexual men (Caldwell & Peplau, 1982; Fasteau,
1974; Lewis, 1978; Pleck, 1975; Tognoli, 1980; Williams, 1985), resulting in few
close or intimate male friends (Balswick & Peek, 1971; Lewis, 1978).
RESEARCH ON WEIGHTLIFTING
As men are socialized to believe that their masculinity needs to be continually
proven, athletic events represent a forum where men can compete with each other in
the attempt to define their masculinity, express little-to-no same-sex intimacy, avoid
interpersonal closeness, and focus exclusively on winning. Harvey (1996) showed
how men on a collegiate volleyball team used their roles in sport to construct and
define their masculinity. Sports reinforce the traditional male sex-role, which emphasizes aggression, competition, victory, and avoidance of certain (e.g., soft or feminine-linked) emotions or vulnerabilities. Weightlifting is a specific athletic activity
men pursue for either recreational or competitive purposes, and which clearly exemplifies sex-role issues. Weightlifting produces increased strength that can assist in
contact sports (e.g., football, ice hockey), creates a larger, leaner body that is
required in bodybuilding competitions, and fulfills the current cultural stereotype of
masculinity.
Much of the weightlifting literature has evaluated the motives behind weightlifting. For instance, Thune’s (1949) classic study revealed that men lift weights in
order to “build up their bodies” (p. 301). Other researchers, for instance, Tucker
(1982, 1983), believe that a man’s perception of his somatotype (i.e., the ratio of
bone size, body fat, and muscularity) significantly influences his self-concept; which
in turn affects the degree of weightlifting. Tucker (1983) noted that,
[S]elf-perceived mesomorphs (large boned and highly muscular)
reported feelings of confidence, acceptance, satisfaction, and self122
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worth [and they] tended to be significantly more positive than did
more ectomorphic (small boned with little fat) or endomorphic
(round and soft with high fat percentages) males. (p. 130)
Tucker’s research suggests that body size is associated with several components
of self-esteem (e.g., self-image, self-worth). Therefore, the larger and more muscular
the research participant perceived himself to be, the greater his level of self-image
and self-worth. The research participant’s degree of self-concept subsequently influenced his amount of weightlifting. In other words, self-concept mediates the relationship between body type and degree of weightlifting.
Tucker (1984) also investigated the relationship between self-perceived somatotype and psychopathology. For instance, self-perceived mesomorphs showed lower
anxiety than self-perceived ectomorphs and endomorphs. In addition, self-perceived
ectomorphs and endomorphs demonstrated lower self-esteem, higher dissatisfaction,
higher levels of anxiety, and greater antisocial behavior than self-perceived mesomorphs.
However, the utility of Tucker’s methodology is limited to some extent. In all
three studies, Tucker did not screen for psychopathology in the research participants
(i.e., history of psychopathology was not one of the exclusion criteria). Psychopathology (instead of self-perceived body-type) could account for anxiety, antisocial behavior, and lower self-esteem in the sample. Perhaps a selection bias
occurred where the endomorph and ectomorph participants had more psychopathology than the mesomorph participants. Therefore, psychopathology could have confounded the results.
Although not addressed in Tucker’s investigations, American culture seems to
value the mesomorph somatotype (muscular) over the ectomorph (lean) and endomorph (rotund) somatotypes. This message, internalized by many male children
early in their socialization process, pairs a particular body type with what is considered masculine. As such, ectomorphs or endomorphs may attempt to change their
body types toward a more mesomorph physique through weightlifting. To aid in this
process, various bodybuilding supplements (e.g., protein shakes, fat burners, etc.)
can be obtained for the purpose of burning fat and increasing lean muscle mass.
STEROID-ASSISTED WEIGHTLIFTING
“Steroids” is a word that may seem insignificant, unthreatening, and benign to most.
But, to many male athletes who abuse steroids, they are seen very differently.
Steroids come to mean “grandiosity,” “supremacy,” “Herculean strength,” and an
“invincible” narcissistic attitude that fuels their abuse among male weightlifters.
Several studies suggest that use of anabolic-androgenic steroids (i.e., chemicals
that mimic the sex hormone, testosterone) do assist male weightlifters in achieving
and maintaining an increase in strength, a leaner body mass, and an increase in
weight (Crist, Stackpole, & Peake, 1983; Freed, Banks, & Longson, 1976; Hervey,
1975). However, steroid use often leads to abuse, dependence, and addiction
(Brower, 1992; Brower, Blow, Beresford, & Fuelling, 1989), produces deleterious
medical side effects (Yesalis, 1995), and yields negative psychological side effects
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(Freinhar & Alvarez, 1985; Pope & Katz, 1987). “Roid rages” (e.g., angry and violent outburst due to difficulty modulating affective discharges) is a common psychological side effect of steroid abuse. Such “rages” have been responsible for lethal
behavior resulting in two separate homicides (Pope & Katz, 1990) and a double
homicide committed by Bertil Fox, a former Mr. Universe.
The vast majority of steroid abusers, who are men, significantly exhibit higher
levels of aggression, hostility, and antisocial behavior than non-users (Lefavi, Reeve,
& Newland, 1990; Perry, Yates, & Andersen, 1990). Despite these findings, overuse
or abuse of steroids has significantly increased among adult athletes (Wade, 1972)
and is higher than a decade ago among adolescents (Yesalis, 1995). Goldberg-Goff
(1999) reported that there are one million past or current steroid (ab)users.
MOTIVES UNDERLYING STEROID-ASSISTED WEIGHTLIFTING
It is important to note that non-steroid assisted weightlifting can be highly adaptive.
Researchers have documented that men who regularly lift weights exhibit personal
pride, confidence, and self-worth and experience less stress than men who do not lift
weights (Kiely & Hodgson, 1990; Tucker, 1982). However, when male weightlifters
are not satisfied with increases in their lean body weight as a result of regular
weightlifting, they may turn to artificial means, such as steroids, to obtain their internalized body-size goals. One motive behind steroid-assisted weightlifting in men,
then, is a dissatisfaction with body size. For these men, body size and body weight
are associated with self-concept and self-esteem. Indeed, researchers have demonstrated that men’s dissatisfaction with their body image can serve as a risk factor for
excessive weightlifting and possible steroid abuse (Brower, Blow, & Hill, 1994;
Tucker, 1985, 1987). Men who are obsessed about their perceived small body type
may suffer from a psychological condition called Body Dysmorphic Disorder (BDD)
(American Psychiatric Association, 1994).
Further, there is some evidence that men who suffer from BDD may eschew
drawing attention to their perceived body defect, for fear of being ridiculed (Phillips,
1991). Castelnuovo-Tedesco (1992) argued that men who do struggle with BDD
issues rarely bring their concerns to mental health professionals in a direct manner.
Contributing to men’s lack of communication is their difficulty disclosing personal
information about themselves (Jourard & Lasakow, 1958; Lewis, 1978), especially
to other men (Monroe, Baker, & Roll, 1997).
METHOD
PARTICIPANTS
Using a case-study methodology, two men volunteered to participate in the present
investigation. Both participants were in their mid-twenties, had discontinued steroid
abuse for several years, and did not report a history of psychiatric illness. Neither
man was paid for volunteering. Participants were treated in accordance with the
“Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct” (American Psychological
Association, 1992).
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DESIGN AND PROCEDURE
As this area is relatively new within the field of men’s studies, the case-study
method was selected. Case studies are recommended to study rare phenomena,
where novel ideas and hypotheses are generated, which can be more empirically
(quantitatively) tested in the future (Kazdin, 1998). The present investigation examined several themes related to competition, lack of emotional expression, aggression,
body image, and steroid abuse within athletic environments. The first author (S.K.)
interviewed each informant twice. The purpose of the first interview was to establish
rapport and trust between the examiner and informant, and allow for an opportunity
for the informant to tell his story and the examiner to ask specific questions. Transcripts of this interview were subjected to a theme analysis, where core themes were
identified. During the second interview, these core themes were clarified after the
informant read the theme analysis.
The theme analysis is composed of a series of analyses. The first analysis sought
to identify the informant’s narrated experiences and personal reflections. The most
meaningful elements of these experiences and reflections were then identified and
renamed “forms.” Once all forms were identified, the second analysis began. During
this phase, forms were grouped into unique categories based upon the similarity and
commonality among the forms. These categories were called “themes.” The final
analysis grouped themes into unique categories based upon the similarity and commonality among the themes. These categories were called “core themes.” Barritt,
Bleeker, Beekman, & Mulderij (1985) discuss how core themes capture the central
essence of the narrative.
In the interest of minimizing researcher bias, the first author kept an ongoing
journal (called an Epoche) of personal reactions, feelings, attitudes, and opinions
before and during the investigation. This enabled him to trace the development of his
thoughts, issues, and beliefs throughout the investigation. After each meeting with an
informant, the first author shared his theme analysis and his Epoche with the second
author (J.T.F) to further guarantee that the findings were rooted in the data and not in
his preconceptions.
During the early part of the investigation, there was considerable difficulty
locating and interviewing informants. It is likely that the illegal behavior of potential
informants (using steroids) influenced their decision not to participate in the study.
Ultimately, two informants decided to participate in the investigation. At first, both
men were defensive and somewhat reluctant to participate. However, as the interviews progressed the informants seemed gradually to develop a degree of trust and
then actively participated in the investigation.
CASE REPORT #1
Tim, a 24-year-old, married, Caucasian male is a weightlifter who had discontinued
steroid use for approximately three years before he participated in the investigation.
He spoke to the primary investigator on four separate occasions by phone. He
seemed very guarded and suspicious of the investigation. However, by the fourth
phone conversation he agreed to participate in the study. Before the first interview
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began, Tim asked the primary investigator “are you an FBI agent or a cop?” Tim was
5’5”, weighing approximately 165 pounds.
Tim began the interview by discussing how his perceived body-image distortion
of having a small body perpetuated steroid use.
Steroids, the addiction end of it, is comparable to anorexia. It’s a
feeling, and I remember getting the feeling, of standing there looking in the mirror and thinking that you are not gaining [lean muscle mass], you are getting smaller. But, then you step on the scale
and the scale shows that you have gained a couple of pounds. And
then [you] just take more [steroids].
Interestingly, Tim suggested that steroid abuse helped alleviate the “small body
image” that he subjectively experienced and felt.
There were times when I would stand in front of a mirror and think
that I was getting smaller, not bigger. I told myself that if I stack
[combine different steroids into a “cocktail”] better roids
[steroids], I would get bigger.… I use to stack hard core, I tried
every steroid possible ... and I got bigger.
During the interview, Tim mentioned that steroid abuse allowed him to lift significant amounts of weight in the gym, where other male weightlifters would watch.
Tim was competing with other men in the gym by testing his strength and power
through how much weight he could lift.
There were times when I would go in there and feel that there was
no weight on my back when I was squatting, no weight on the bar
when I was bench pressing.… I had a crazy lifestyle, I was inhuman. I was bench-pressing 180 to 185 pounds. At the end of my
workout I put up 455 pounds, for two presses.
Furthermore, there was evidence that Tim’s competitiveness with other men
generalized from athletic/sport environments to other areas of his life.
Yeah, being the smaller guy, I was continually being tested. I had
a college roommate who would wake up and think he was the shit
because he was 6’0,” 195 lbs. I would get his ass outside and see
what he had. He thought he was a badass, I proved him wrong in
ten minutes.
Tim sought to continually prove his masculinity to himself and others through
physical acts of violence. He went on to say,
When I was in college, I got into a fight at least once a week.… A
lot of it was that with me being the shorter, stocky guy, the bigger
I got the more people wanted to test me. And the smaller I was, no
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one would screw around.… My nickname in college was “BamBam.” I don’t say anything to you, I just go for you.
He described how other male weightlifters who were abusing steroids boasted of
their newfound strength, “... you go into the gym and you see the guys who are taking their first steroid cycle and they are fucking screaming and flexing and walking
around with their chest pumped out, shit like that.”
There was considerable evidence of impaired interpersonal relationships
between himself and other important people in his life when Tim exhibited “roid
rages” (e.g., antisocial behavior). “I got pissed at one of my girlfriends, and I picked
up a living room Lazy-Boy and threw it across the room. [And], I yelled at my mom,
which I don’t [normally] do.” Tim went on to describe how he experienced “roid
rages” in college,
I was extremely aggressive. That was probably the biggest sideeffect I ever had, my temper was just unbelievable.… I couldn’t
take Anadrol because I would kill someone. If I had taken a halftablet of those I couldn’t drive down the road, I would literally
want to take somebody’s head off. The thing about me that I had to
be careful of was given my background and my training I was able
to do it. I had been known for going to the bars with my buddies,
and all my buddies were bodybuilders, they all took steroids. If I
got into a fight, no one could stop me. So I mean it got pretty
crazy.... I did all sorts of crazy shit. I mean especially driving. Left
class, did shitty on a test, some lady pulled in front of me in my
truck, I rammed her.
When asked about steroid abuse treatment, Tim took a considerable amount of
time formulating an answer. Although he never received any formal substance abuse
treatment or any form of psychotherapy, he felt that he did not need help for his
addiction and the subsequent problems that resulted:
I mean, I’m a grown man. I did whatever I did. You know, when I
came home [from college], my mom and dad expressed concern.
They would ask, “Are you still doing this, are you still doing
that?” Sure, at times, I probably denied it, and there were times
where I didn’t answer them.
CASE REPORT #2
Joe, a 29-year-old, single, Caucasian male, also participated in the study. Before he
agreed to participate, he asked the first author several questions regarding weightlifting and bodybuilding, apparently trying to establish whether the researcher was credible (i.e., had knowledge or experience with weightlifting and bodybuilding). Once
Joe understood what the study entailed, he agreed to participate in the present investigation. He was 5’11,” approximately 185 lbs. Joe had discontinued steroid abuse
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for approximately three years.
Joe revealed that his steroid use began due to his perceived small-body image,
which did not give him a competitive edge when playing high school football. His
steroid use began as a last resort to get bigger and stronger in order to successfully
compete with bigger football athletes.
I mean, you look at me and realize that I’m only 5’11”, about 180
pounds, not a particularly big guy. In order to compete, I remember thinking I had to keep pushing my body to lift more weight
than everyone else and hit harder than everyone else.... I was a
high school football player who tried everything to get bigger and
to compete on the football team. I mean, I tried weights, caloric
loading, negative resistance training, training muscles to failure.
Nothing seemed to work. I don’t mean to tell you that I didn’t gain
strength or muscle. I did. The point is I didn’t gain enough in order
to compete competitively with the other guys on the football
team.… Basically, you know, I went into the gym and couldn’t put
up the amount of weight I really wanted to. I remember that a guy
in the gym said, “Hey, use this once a week, and see what happens.” He was right. Dinnabol tablets were the best possible introduction to the world of steroids. I then began getting steroids from
some guys in the gym. I became friends with them, always complaining that I couldn’t get big enough for the football team. Guess
they must have got sick of me always complaining about my small
size because one guy said, “Hey, take this stuff for a couple of
months and you’ll get as big as you want.” The funny thing is that
I knew it was steroids I was taking, but I didn’t care. I really didn’t
care. I hungered for a stronger, bigger body. I would do anything
to get it. And that included using steroids.
During the interview, Joe mentioned how his decision to use steroids stemmed
in part from his internalized familial expectation to win in competitive situations.
You have to remember that I came from a solid family that
stressed competition and giving it 110%. So, when I didn’t see the
results in the gym, I went to steroids. They were wonderful drugs.
They allowed me, in a short period of time, to gain incredible
gains that were not only seen in the gym and by my girlfriend (participant laughs) but were felt on the football field.… I mean during
this time, you have to understand, that I was able to bench 415
pounds, squat about 625 pounds, and hit people on the field [football field] like it was nobody’s business.
Joe went on to discuss that enhanced athletic performance (i.e., which stemmed
from steroid abuse) had to be maintained so that important attachment figures (e.g.,
football coach) would not be disappointed due to Joe’s lack of aggression or
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strength. For instance, Joe answered the following question, “Did expectations from
your coach ever motivate you to continue steroid use?” this way:
Yes, it did. I didn’t want to let the coach down. I mean I was the
starting defensive end and could hit as hard as the big guys could. I
didn’t want to lose my starting job to the second string guy. Don’t
forget, I came from a type of family that stressed giving it 110%,
giving it your all. And steroids helped with that.
Joe discussed how steroid abuse negatively impacted his relationships with
important people in his life.
The most serious problems were with me, though. After football
games, I would sit alone, almost in tears, because I saw what I had
changed into. It affected my parents, sister, and girlfriend. I
thought that I could treat women like trash; they would like it better. I was wrong. I have always been close to my sister, but while I
was using steroids, she wanted nothing to do with me. I remember
that I threatened her boyfriend, called him a “fag” and a “fruit.”
It’s hard to say why I acted that way. I don’t consider myself a
“dick” or a type of guy people don’t like. Even my buddies didn’t
want anything to do with me. The more I think about it, it had to
be steroids that made me act in such weird and unusual ways.
Interestingly, here we see some evidence that steroid abuse elicited homophobic
feelings and homonegative sentiment.
Joe discussed how he experienced roid rages while using steroids,
Yeah, I experienced many roid rages. I hate to say it, but I pushed
my girlfriend onto her bed a couple of times. Ah, I remember
yelling at my parents and sister over the stupidest things. I once
chased this asshole in a Porsche along the highway, remembering
that if I caught him, I would kill him.
Joe found that a 12-step, self-help therapy group was an important first step
toward abstinence from steroid abuse. Joe noted, “The 12-steps really help provide a
framework for my addiction.”
RESULTS
Critically examining the core themes within both informants’ accounts, several common themes emerged. First, the initiation of steroid abuse was in response to a subjectively perceived small body size. By having a small body, the participants felt less
masculine than men with bigger bodies. Second, both informants used the increase in
strength and aggression due to steroid abuse to assist in enhanced athletic performance in competitive athletic environments. Third, the added aggression and diffi129
SAM KHORRAMI AND JOHN T. FRANKLIN
culty modulating affective discharges (which accompanied steroid abuse and dependence) affected interpersonal relationships. And last, the informants endorsed the
most negative aspects of the traditional male sex-role. For instance, informants acted
aggressively and violently, expressed a minimum of emotions to other men, and continuously sought to prove and define their masculinity.
DISCUSSION
Analyzing the data from a men’s issues perspective (i.e., examining the influences of
traditional male sex-role components), we found several risk factors increased the use
of steroids, leading to abuse and chemical dependence among the two male
weightlifters that constituted this study. A subjectively perceived small body image
can lead some men to feel less masculine and is a possible risk factor leading some
men to seek out steroids. For these men, the association between body size and perceived masculinity is salient in that perceived body size is closely related to selfimage, self-esteem, and a positive self-concept. Therefore, both informants attempted
to move from the ectomorph (lean and smallish) body type to the more “sociallyacceptable” mesomorph (muscular) body type through steroid abuse and dependence.
The mesomorph body type is the socially acceptable image of what a “real man”
should be (Tucker, 1982, 1983).
A second potential risk factor is the need or desire to win when competing with
other men. Competition with other men serves to reinforce the traditional male sexrole, acts as a proof of masculinity (Brooks, 1998), thwarts intimate relationships,
reinforces emotional disconnection (Bergman, 1995), and retards the development of
intimacy within athletic environments (Messner, 1992). Sports provide a forum that
fosters competition among men. For both participants in this study, masculinity was
continually being constructed by competition within athletic environments. The second informant (Joe), for instance, feared that his athletic performance would significantly decrease (i.e., lose his starting football position) if he discontinued steroid use.
Messner (1992) labeled this as antagonistic cooperation, where he describes the phenomenon as “The structure of athletic careers is such that individuals on teams are
constantly competing against each other—first for a place on the team, then for playing time, for public recognition and star status, and eventually, just to stay on the
team” (p. 219).
Male-male friendship patterns that are lacking in intimacy (a paucity of emotional expression) are a third possible risk factor that increases the risk of steroid
abuse and steroid dependence among male weightlifters. Both informants had samesex friendships that were marked by a paucity of intimacy, self-disclosure, and
expression of feelings. Clearly, these men had difficulty disclosing intimate information regarding areas of personal vulnerabilities. In addition, there was some evidence
that both men were reluctant to receive mental health services from a male provider,
as some men socialized in the traditional male sex-role have considerable difficulty
expressing weaknesses and vulnerable emotions to other men (Monroe, Baker, &
Roll, 1997).
In sum, these three risk factors epitomize the traditional male sex-role that
emphasizes competition, achievement, and victory and eschews expression of feel130
THE INFLUENCE OF COMPETITION
ings, vulnerabilities, and emotions. Mental health service providers are encouraged
to take these three risk factors (in addition to the risk factors identified in the steroid
abuse literature) into account in assessing steroid abuse and dependency potential in
high-risk clients. Future lines of research could incorporate such risk factors into a
comprehensive prevention plan targeted at particular high-risk groups (e.g., highschool football players, competitive body builders).
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