HUGHES: HORROCKS’S LAW Horrocks’s bogus law David W Hughes wonders why 17th-century astronomers, notably Jeremiah Horrocks, claimed a link between planetary size and distance from the Sun. ABSTRACT In the early 17th century it was generally accepted that the size of a planet was related to its distance from the Sun. The Lancashire astronomer Jeremiah Horrocks (1619–42) took this a stage further. For the planets known at the time he suggested that the planet–Sun distance was about 15000 times the planetary radius. This was equivalent to saying that all the planetary spheres subtended an angle of 28arcsec at the Sun. This so called “Horrocks’s Law” was confirmed by his Sunday 24 November 1639 (old style) measurement of the angular diameter of the transiting Venus. It leads to a solar parallax of 14arcsec, a value considered rather small at the time, but refreshingly close to the modern value of about 8.798arcsec. O ne strange consequence of the recent transit of Venus (8 June 2004) was that it briefly returned “Horrocks’s Law” from its rightful resting place in forgotten obscurity. Following Aughton (2004), where this law is stated, and first (to my knowledge) given its name, this can be quoted as: “All planets (with the exception of Mars) are the same angular size when seen from the Sun, this size being 28 seconds of arc.” Without this law (figure 1), Horrocks could not have used his 76 arcsec transit observation of the angular size of Venus to confirm his 15 000 RE (94 000 000 km) estimate for the astronomical unit. Here RE is the radius of the Earth, which in the early 17th century was taken to be somewhere between 5800 and 6900 km (Horrocks does not quote the value that he used for the size of the Earth but according to Chapman [1990], he might have followed Richard Norwood [1637] who had computed that a meridianal degree of latitude was 69.54 statute miles in length). In this short article I investigate how this bogus law originated, and where the figure of 28 arcsec came from. The publication of Copernicus’s De Revolutionibus Orbium Coelestrium in 1543 initiated a drastic change in the perceived spacing of the planets. Since the 12th century the old-fashioned 1.14 Sun Mercury Venus Earth Mars Jupiter Saturn 1 (above): A simplistic (not to scale) representation of Horrocks’s Law: “All planets (with the exception of Mars) are the same angular size when seen from the Sun, this size being 28arcsec.” This is equivalent to saying that the planet–Sun distance is 15000 times greater than the planetary radius. 2 (right): Johannes Kepler’s geometrical “vision” of the construction of the inner solar system. (See Tabula III in Mysterium Cosmographicum [Mystery of the Cosmos] 1597 Tübingen) geocentric cosmos had the distances between the Earth and Moon, Mercury, Venus, Sun, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn as about 64, 170, 1100, 1200, 8500, 14 000 and 20 000 RE respectively (see, for example, Van Helden 1976). The original Copernicus heliocentric system had the sizes of the orbits of Mercury, Venus, Earth, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn in the ratio of 0.3763:0.7193: 1.000:1.5198:5.2192:9.1743 (see, for example, Stephenson 1994). About 60 years later these ratio values were recalculated by Kepler, from the observations of Tycho Brahe. He obtained 0.389:0.724:1.000:1.523:5.200 and 9.510, values that are considerably closer to the modern figures (see Van Helden 1985). Mystical mind Kepler was convinced that these numbers were not random. His mystical mind imbued them with deep teleological significance, echoing an underlying divine harmony and purpose. The work of God, the ultimate mathematical creator, was beautifully exemplified by Kepler’s wellknown geometrical construction of the inner solar system (figure 2) with its nested planetcontaining spheres separated by the five regular solids, the cube, tetrahedron, dodecahedron, icosohedron and octahedron, published in Mysterium Cosmographicum (Tübingen 1597). It was, however, not just the planetary distance ratios that were non-random. Kepler was also convinced that their sizes were non-random too: “Nothing is more in concord with nature than that the order of magnitudes should be the same as the order of the spheres, so that among the six primary planets, Mercury should have the least body, because it is inmost, and should obtain the most narrow sphere; that next to Mercury should be Venus, which is larger, but still smaller than the Earth’s…” (see Kepler 1618). Unfortunately Kepler was unclear as to whether it was the diameter, surface area or volume of the planetary body that was proportional to the average heliocentric distance. Like all good theoretical astronomers, Kepler turned to observations. His friend and correspondent Johannes Remus Quietanus had noted, in 1618, that Jupiter at opposition was about 50″ across and Saturn about 30″ and Mars appeared larger than Jupiter but not by much (see Van Helden op cit. p85). Planetary volume proportional to heliocentric distance seemed to fit best. When Jeremiah Horrocks wrote Venus in Sole Visa in around 1640 he made it clear that he regarded the most important result coming from A&G • February 2005 • Vol. 46 Predictions Using the data in his newly completed Rudolphine Tables, Kepler produced an ephemerides for the years 1629 to 1639. This was published in 1630. It contained an “admonition” encouraging astronomers to look out for the two transits predicted to occur in 1631, Mercury crossing the Sun on 7 November and Venus on 6 December. This notice was also widely distributed in the form of a small tract (Bartsch 1630). Kepler stressed that the transits would provide an excellent opportunity to obtain an accurate measurement of the size of the two inferior planets. Irradiance problems and the lack of accurate micrometers meant that direct measurements of planetary diameters were extremely difficult at the time. Observations of a bright planet against a dark sky were much less easy to interpret than observations of a dark planet against the background of the solar disc. A&G • February 2005 • Vol. 46 3(a): The planetary apparent magnitude is plotted at 10-day intervals, the zero corresponding to 6 January 2004. In this three-year period Mars had a brilliant opposition on 28 August 2003. (b): The apparent magnitude of Mercury is plotted at 10-day intervals, the zero corresponding to 6 January 2004. The cyan diamonds represent Mercury’s evening apparitions and the purple squares the morning apparitions. The Earth–Mercury distance typically varies from about 0.7AU to 1.3AU and the visible phase of the planet from about 0.10 to 0.94. Both these have a considerable effect on the brightness as seen from Earth, and it is clear that the interpretation of this rapid hundredfold variation in brightness would have been very daunting to the astronomers of antiquity. 3 Mars 2 1 –600 –400 –200 Saturn 200 –1 400 Jupiter –2 –3 Venus –4 –5 day number 4 apparent magnitude of Mercury his Venus transit observations was the measurement of the apparent angular diameter of Venus at inferior conjunction. For this he obtained a value of about 76″, his friend William Crabtree in nearby Broughton, Manchester, obtaining 63″. From previous measurements Horrocks was expecting a value of about 1 arcmin, this being a great deal less than the 3′ suggested by Tycho Brahe, the 7′ by Kepler and the 11′ by Lansberg (see Chapman 1990). In fact, ever since the 12th and 13th-century translations of the works of Ptolemy and the Moslem astronomers had circulated throughout Europe, the accepted angular diameters of the Moon, Mercury, Venus, Sun, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn, as seen from Earth, had been taken to be 30′, 2′, 3′, 30′ 1.5′ 2.5′ and 1.67′ respectively (see Van Helden 1976). These values apply to planets at their mean distance from Earth. Converting to the heliocentric system, Kepler, in his Admonitio (see below) had predicted that Venus would have an angular diameter of almost a quarter that of the Sun, at the 1631 transit. In calculating the mean angle that Venus subtended at the Sun, Horrocks did not ignore the small eccentricities (0.0068 and 0.0167) of the orbits of Venus and Earth. The zero-eccentricity approximation gives Venus a heliocentric distance of 0.723 AU and a geocentric distance of 0.277 AU. So the 76″ angle that Venus subtended at Earth corresponds to a 76 × 0.277 / 0.7323 = 29.1″ angle subtended at the Sun. Horrocks showed a great interest in contemporary planetary tables. He used a more exact method. The Sky astronomy software package indicates that the heliocentric distances of Venus and Earth at the time of the Horrocks observation were 0.720367 and 0.984557 AU respectively, so the angle subtended by Venus at the Sun was really 27.873″. Horrocks used 0.72000 and 0.98409 AU (see Horrocks 1662 p123, Davis 1967 p88) giving 27.876″. apparent magnitude of planet HUGHES: HORROCKS’S LAW 3 2 1 –600 Van Helden (1976) notes that Pierre Gassendi was the only observer to produce wellpublicized, reliable contemporary observations of the 1631 Mercury transit. When he first saw Mercury on the morning of 7 November, Gassendi was extremely surprised as to how small it appeared. In fact he was only convinced that he was not seeing a sunspot after he had recorded the speed with which Mercury was moving across the disc. Gassendi obtained a rather inexact angular diameter of “the third part of a minute”, i.e. 20 arcsec, and this result was published in 1632. Horrocks would have known of this result. At the time of transit The Sky indicates that the heliocentric distances of Mercury and Earth were 0.312865 and 0.989368 respectively, so Mercury’s 20 arcsec diameter, as seen from Earth, corresponds to a 43 arcsec diameter as seen from the Sun. (Van Helden [1985 p97] notes that two other observations have subsequently come to light [see also Humbert 1936]. Johann Baptist Cysat, at Innsbruck, obtained a value of 25 arcsec, and Johannes Remus Quietanus, at Rouffach, about 18 arcsec. Neither of these would have been known to Horrocks.) Horrocks would, however, have used Kepler’s value for the contemporary Mercury–Earth/Mercury–Sun distances. This gave Mercury an angular diameter of about 28 arcsec as seen from the Sun. So Horrocks had observed that Venus subtended an angle of about 28″ at the Sun, and that calculations using Gassendi’s data and Kepler’s orbit indicated that Mercury did likewise. This was too good a coincidence to overlook. Horrocks jumped to the conclusion that all the planets, including Earth, had diameters that –400 –200 200 400 –1 –2 day number subtended the same angle at the Sun, and that this angle was around 28″. In his Astronomia Kepleriana Defensa & Promota (1673 London), a posthumous work pieced together by John Wallis (1616–1703) Savilian Professor of Geometry at Oxford, Horrocks concluded that the solar parallax was 14 arcsec (see Wallis 1672). Sometime after the death of Horrocks, the Belgian astronomer Gottfried Wendelin (1580– 1667) added his weight to the “all the planetary spheres subtended an angle of about 30 to 28 arcsec at the Sun” hypothesis. In 1647 Wendelin returned to the lunar dichotomy method of measuring the astronomical unit. After much careful observation he found that the dichotomy occurred when the Sun–Earth–Moon angle was 89° 45′. Using the established Earth–Moon distance, this leads to the astronomical unit being 13 740 RE. So the solar parallax is tan–1 (1 / 13740) = 4.17 ×10–3 degrees = 15.01″. This gives the angle mentioned above as 30arcsec. Kepler’s three laws of planetary motion relied on accurate estimations of the orbital periods of the planets. But astronomers could also estimate planetary brightnesses, which clearly interested Horrocks. In Venus in Sole Visa he wrote: “I have often compared Jupiter with Venus, which may be done with certainty, as they shine so equally. On the morning of the 25th February 1640, I thought him rather less; on the 2nd March, I thought him equal or perhaps rather larger; on the 6th, I thought him evidently larger” (see Whatton 1859 p210). Maybe Horrocks’s rather crude brightness estimates were used to bolster his faith in “Horrocks’s Law”. The brightness, b, of a planet (ignoring phase effects) is given by 1.15 log relative brightness HUGHES: HORROCKS’S LAW Table 1: Typical mean apparent magnitudes and mean Earth–planet distances for the three years 2002.00–2004.99 2 1.5 Venus 1 Jupiter Mean distance each year (AU) 2002 2003 2004 0.5 0 –0.5 –1 0.2 0.4 0.6 Mars 0.8 Saturn 1 1.2 log mean distance from Earth 4: The log of the mean relative brightness of Venus, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn (the means brightness of Saturn being taken as unity) is plotted as a function of the log of their mean distance from the Earth (in AU). If Horrocks’s Law is valid there should be a linear relationship between these two quantities of gradient –2.0. This is shown as a straight line. ALR2 b = 8πr2∆2 (1) where A is the albedo of the planet, L is the luminosity of the Sun, r is the planet–Sun distance and ∆ is the planet–Earth distance (see, for example, Cole and Woolfson 2002). Horrocks’s Law intimated that R ∝ r, so if we assume that all planets have similar albedos equation (1) gives 1 b ∝ 2 (2) ∆ Figures 3a and b show a typical three-year run of recent planetary apparent magnitudes. A similar variability would have been experienced by observers throughout history. It can be seen that Venus, the brightest planet, has a typical apparent magnitude of −4.0, followed by Jupiter at –2.1 and Saturn at −0.05. Discounting the brilliant opposition in 2003, Mars has a more typical magnitude of about +1.5. Mercury’s apparent magnitude would, historically, be very difficult both to assess and explain (see figure 3b). The typical mean planet–Earth distances and mean apparent magnitudes over the three-year test period are given in table 1. Following Horrocks’s Law and equation 2, a plot of the logarithm of the average planetary brightness as a function of the logarithm of the mean planet– Earth distance (figure 4), should be a straight line of gradient −2.0. Figure 4 indicates that this supposition is not too fanciful. The uncritical acceptance by Horrocks of what now appears to be a very strange and scientifically unjustifiable “law” might have something to do with his veneration of Kepler. On the one hand Horrocks has been pictured as a “new man”. Jeremy Shakerley (1626–1655?) referred to him as a “Noble Genius”, and praised him as the English Galileo. Here we sense the underlying revolutionary implications of a challenger of the old order of astronomy. Horrocks was an observer at heart. Accuracy was important. He strongly believed that any hypothesis not in agreement with observations was, of necessity, false. On the other hand we must note that Horrocks’s planetary orbital work and ephemeris production was firmly anchored in the past. 1.16 Venus Mars Jupiter Saturn 1.006 2.204 5.362 9.096 1.409 0.716 5.475 9.057 0.884 2.052 5.497 9.306 Chapman (op cit 1990 p345) stresses the fact that at the top of Horrocks’s personal list of scientific heroes was the mystical, religious “John Kepler, the prince of astronomers”. Kepler’s geometrical masterpiece (figure 2) might seem strange and contrived to us now. But just think how strange, inexplicable and “magical” Kepler’s third (harmonic) law would be to Horrocks and the astronomers of Horrocks’s time (see Wallis 1637 p295). In those preNewtonian days astronomers had no idea of the motive force behind the motion of the planets. Most contemporary notions assumed that the Sun was magnetized and that the spinning Sun somehow wafted the planets along. The inexplicable fact that the cube of the planet–Sun distance was proportional to the square of the planetary orbital period would have made contemporary astronomers receptive to the suggestion that the diameter of the planetary globe was proportional to its distance from the Sun. At the time there was no obvious underlying scientific reason for either statement. They could both easily be just part of God’s underlying plan behind the construction of the solar system. Red herring Horrocks’s Law, his suggestion that the radius of a planet was proportional to its distance from the Sun, might at the time be seen as a vital clue to the forces behind Kepler’s Harmonic Law. At least Horrocks also sowed the seeds for his law’s destruction. Like all good astronomers Horrocks was cautious: “I do not put forward this conjecture as a certain demonstration, but as a probability” (see Venus in Sole Visa p143). Horrocks was an assiduous observer of the heavens. For five years he used an astronomical radius and a series of occulting strings and wires in pioneering investigations of planetary angular diameters. These investigations were to continue over the following centuries and it soon became abundantly clear that the law was false. The Horrocks value of 28″ for the Earth’s mean angular diameter as seen from the Sun is fairly close to today’s value of 17.8″. Prior to Horrocks, the authoritarian status of Ptolemy’s writings and the stature of the opinions of Tycho Brahe added weight to the acceptance of an angle of 6 arcmin for this mean diameter. This acceptance was prevalent even though Kepler had re-examined the solar parallax problem and Mean app. magnitude Overall mean distance (AU) –4.0 +1.5 –2.1 –0.05 1.10 2.13 4.45 9.15 suggested that the angle was not greater than 2 arcmin and was likely to be much below this suggested upper limit. The importance of Horrocks’s 28 arcsec is that it firmly places him as the first astronomer to have a reasonably correct appreciation of the immensity of the solar system, the true size of the Sun, and the vastness of astronomical distances in general. ● David W Hughes, Dept of Physics & Astronomy, The University, Sheffield S3 7RH, UK; [email protected] Acknowledgments: I would like to thank Dr Adam Hart-Davis for initiating this enquiry and Dr Allan Chapman for his encouragement. References Aughton P 2004 The Transit of Venus: The Brief, Brilliant Life of Jeremiah Horrocks, Father of British Astronomy (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London) 127. Bartsch J 1630 Johannis Keppleri. Admonitio ad Astronomos, rerumque coelestium studiosos, de raris mirisque anni 1631 phaenomenis, Veneris puta et Mercurii in Solem incursa: excerpta ex ephemeride anni 1631, & certo authoris consilio huic praemissa, iterumque edita Jacobo Bartschio (Frankfurt). Chapman A 1990 Dividing the Circle, the development of critical angular measurement in astronomy 1500–1850 (Ellis Horwood, New York) 30. Cole G H A and Woolfson M M 2002 Planetary Science (Institute of Physics Publishing, Bristol) 381. Davis B M 1967 The Astronomical Work of Jeremiah Horrox University of London MSc thesis. Gassendi P 1632 Mercurius in sole visus et Venus invisa Parisiis mdcxxxi. Pri voto & admonition Kepleri. Epistolae duae cum observatis quibusdam Paris (see also Opera Omnia Volume IV (Lyons 1658 p500). Horrocks J 1662 Venus in Sole Visa (Danzig). Humbert P 1936 L’Oeuvre astronomique de Gassendi (Hermann et Cie, Paris) 21. Kepler J 1618 Epitome of Copernican Astronomy IV, see Great Books of the Western World, vol. 16, Ptolemy, Copernicus, Kepler trans. Charles Glenn Wallis (Encyclopaedia Britannica Inc, Chicago) 1952 p878. Norwood R 1637 The Seaman’s Practice … touching to the compasse of the Earth and Sea and the quantity of the English degree (London) 48–46. Stephenson B 1994 The Music of the Heavens, Kepler’s harmonic astronomy (Princeton University Press, New Jersey) 73. Van Helden A 1976 The Importance of the Transit of Mercury of 1631 Journal for the History of Astronomy 7 1–10. Van Helden A 1985 Measuring the Universe, Cosmic Dimensions from Aristarchus to Halley (University of Chicago Press) 81. Wallis J (ed.) 1672 Opera Posthuma of Jeremiah Horrocks (Opuscula astronomica) (London). Whatton A B 1859 The Transit of Venus across the Sun… by the Rev. Jeremiah Horrox …to which is prefixed A Memoir of his life and Labours (W. Macintosh, London). A&G • February 2005 • Vol. 46
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