US History 1 Honors/AP Prep
Mr. Mulry
George Washington: A Reluctant Leader
Washington, after serving as Commander of the Continental Army and President of the Federal
Convention, expressed a great reluctance to again enter public service when the nation called
upon him to serve as chief executive under the newly adopted Constitution. In a letter to Henry
Knox, April 1, 1789, Washington clearly expressed his views.
During his first term in office, Washington was aware that virtually every action he took
established precedence. Mindful of the importance of his decisions, he enlisted highly qualified
men to form his cabinet and often called upon them for advice. Washington's first term in office
generally focused on pressing economic issues. Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton's
fiscal program aroused considerable public outcry and factions began to develop around the two
prominent members of the president's cabinet, Treasury Secretary Hamilton and Secretary of
State Thomas Jefferson. Washington supported most of Hamilton's recommendations, including
the assumption of state debts, a national bank, and an excise tax on whiskey. Following a tour
of the South, one of the sections of the country that had voiced major opposition to the
Assumption Bill, Washington expressed his great satisfaction with the positive effects of
Hamilton's fiscal program in a letter to Gov. Morris, July 28, 1791.
Near the termination of his term of office in 1792, Washington wrote to Representative James
Madison requesting that he assist in preparing a farewell address to the nation. Although a draft
was prepared, Madison and other prominent leaders in government convinced Washington to
accept a second term.
During the second administration, Washington confronted a variety of domestic problems,
including the refusal of western farmers to accept the excise tax on whiskey. Foreign affairs and
Indian wars, however, consumed much of Washington's energy during the second term. Public
criticism rarely expressed during the first term became more pronounced. Republic newspapers
attacked the President's decision to use force to put down the Whiskey Rebellion. Gazettes
labeled the Neutrality Proclamation as anti-French. The Jay Treaty with Britain (1795) also
marshaled public sentiment against Washington in the south and west.
Determined to resist pressure to continue in office beyond a second term, Washington asked his
confidant and former Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton to review Madison's draft of the
proposed 1792 farewell address and suggest revisions and the inclusion of other comments
regarding the state of the nation. Hamilton reluctantly complied and on September 19, 1796,
Washington's Farewell Address was published in the American Daily Advertiser, a Philadelphia
newspaper.
US History 1 Honors/AP Prep
Mr. Mulry
Integrity and Firmness is All I Can Promise: The Washington Presidency
Group 1: Federal Union
Reading #1
Letter from George Washington to Congress, April 30, 1789, First
Inaugural Address
NOTE: This is an excerpt. The full text version of Letter from George Washington to
Congress, April 30, 1789, First Inaugural Address is in George Washington Papers,
1741-1799.
{excerpt begins}
The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799.
John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.--vol. 30
[April 30, 1789.]
... I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station; it would
be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official Act, my fervent supplications to that
Almighty Being who rules over the Universe, who presides in the Councils of Nations,
and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may
consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the People of the United States, a
Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes: and may enable
every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success, the functions
allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and
private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own;
nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No People can be bound to
acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the Affairs of men more than
the People of the United States. Every step, by which they have advanced to the
character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token
of providential agency. And in the important revolution just accomplished in the system
of their United Government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many
distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the
means by which most Governments have been established, without some return of
pious gratitude along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past
seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced
themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me I trust in
thinking, that there are none under the influence of which, the proceedings of a new and
free Government can more auspiciously commence....
... I behold the surest pledges, that as on one side, no local prejudices, or attachments;
no seperate views, nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal
eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests: so,
on another, that the foundations of our National policy will be laid in the pure and
immutable principles of private morality; and the pre-eminence of a free Government, be
exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its Citizens, and
command the respect of the world.
I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my Country can
inspire: since there is no truth more thoroughly established, than that there exists in the
economy and course of nature, an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness,
between duty and advantage, between the genuine maxims of an honest and
magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity: Since we
ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven, can never be
expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right, which Heaven
itself has ordained: And since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the
destiny of the Republican model of Government, are justly considered as deeply ,
perhaps as finally staked, on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American
people....
Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been awakened by the
occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without
resorting once more to the benign parent of the human race, in humble supplication that
since he has been pleased to favour the American people, with opportunities for
deliberating in perfect tranquility, and dispositions for deciding with unparellelled
unanimity on a form of Government, for the security of their Union, and the
advancement of their happiness; so his divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in
the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the
success of this Government must depend. 50
[Note 50: From the original in the files of the United States Senate, in the National
Archives, Washington, D. C. ( See Washington's letter to James Madison, May 5, 1789,
post.)]
... {excerpt ends}
Reading #2
Letter from George Washington to David Humphreys, July 20, 1791
NOTE: This is an excerpt. The full text version of Letter from George Washington to
David Humphreys, July 20, 1791 is in George Washington Papers, 1741-1799.
{excerpt begins}
The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799.
John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.--vol. 31
Philadelphia, July 20, 1791.
...I am much pleased that I have taken this journey as it has enabled me to see with my
own eyes the situation of the country thro' which we travelled, and to learn more
accurately the disposition of the people than I could have done by any information.
The country appears to be in a very improving state, and industry and frugality are
becoming much more fashionable than they have hitherto been there. Tranquillity reigns
among the people, with that disposition towards the general government which is likely
to preserve it. They begin to feel the good effects of equal laws and equal protection.
The farmer finds a ready market for his produce, and the merchant calculates with more
certainty on his payments. Manufacturers have as yet made but little progress in that
part of the country, and it will probably be a long time before they are brought to that
state to which they have already arrived in the middle and eastern parts of the Union.
Each days experience of the Government of the United States seems to confirm its
establishment, and to render it more popular. A ready acquiescence in the laws made
under it shews in a strong light the confidence which the people have in their
representatives, and in the upright views of those who administer the government. At
the time of passing a law imposing a duty on home made spirits, it was vehemently
affirmed by many, that such a law could never be executed in the southern States,
particularly in Virginia and North Carolina. As this law came in force only on the first of
this month little can be said of its effects from experience; but from the best information I
could get on my journey respecting its operation on the minds of the people (and I took
some pains to obtain information on this point) there remains no doubt but it will be
carried into effect not only without opposition, but with very general approbation in those
very parts where it was foretold that it would never be submitted to by any one. It is
possible, however, and perhaps not improbable that some Demagogue may start up,
and produce and get signed some resolutions declaratory of their disapprobation of the
measure.
... {excerpt ends}
Questions:
1. How is the American nation guided by divine providence?
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2. According to Washington, why is the United States unique among nations of the
world?
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3. How does government best serve the interests of the people?
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4. What are the feelings of Southerners toward the national government? According to
Washington, what factors are responsible for these attitudes?
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5. What concerns does Washington express regarding future adherence to the excise
tax on whiskey?
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US History 1 Honors/AP Prep
Mr. Mulry
Integrity and Firmness is All I Can Promise: The Washington Presidency
Group 2: Political Factions
Reading #1
Letter from George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, August 26,
1792
NOTE: This is an excerpt. The full text version of Letter from George Washington to
Alexander Hamilton, August 26, 1792 is in George Washington Papers, 1741-1799.
{excerpt begins}
The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799.
John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.--vol. 32
Mount Vernon, August 26, 1792.
...Differences in political opinions are as unavoidable as, to a certain point, they may,
perhaps, be necessary; but it is exceedingly to be regretted that subjects cannot be
discussed with temper on the one hand, or decisions submitted to without having the
motives which led to them improperly implicated on the other: and this regret borders on
chagrin when we find that men of abilities, zealous patriots, having the same general
objects in view, and the same upright intentions to prosecute them, will not exercise
more charity in deciding on the opinions and actions of one another. When matters get
to such lengths, the natural inference is, that both sides have strained the Cords beyond
their bearing, and, that a middle course would be found the best, until experience shall
have decided on the right way, or, which is not to be expected, because it is denied to
mortals, there shall be some infallible rule by which we could fore-judge events.
Having premised these things, I would fain hope that liberal allowances will be made for
the political opinions of each other; and instead of those wounding suspicions, and
irritating charges, with which some of our Gazettes are so strongly impregnated, and
cannot fail if persevered in, of pushing matters to extremity, and thereby to tare the
Machine asunder, that there might be mutual forbearances and temporizing yieldings on
all sides . Without these I do not see how the Reins of government are to be managed,
or how the Union of the States can be much longer preserved.
How unfortunate would it be if a fabric so goodly, erected under so many Providential
circumstances, and in its first stages, having acquired such respectability, should from
diversity of sentiments or internal obstructions to some of the acts of Government (for I
cannot prevail on myself to believe that these measures are as yet the deliberate acts of
a determined party) should be harrowing our vitals in such a manner as to have brought
us to the verge of dissolution. Melancholy thought! But one at the same time that it
shows the consequences of diversified opinions, when pushed with too much tenacity, it
exhibits evidence also of the necessity of accommodation, and of the propriety of
adopting such healing measures as may restore harmony to the discordant members of
the Union, and the Governing powers of it.
I do not mean to apply this advice to any measures which are passed or to any
particular character; I have given it in the same general terms to other Officers of the
Government. My earnest wish is, that balsam may be poured into all the wounds which
have been given, to prevent them from gangrening and from those fatal consequences
which the community may sustain if it is with held. The friends of the Union must wish
this; those who are not, but wish to see it rended, will be disappointed, and all things I
hope will go well.
Reading #2
Letter from George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, July 6, 1796
NOTE: This is an excerpt. The full text version of Letter from George Washington to
Thomas Jefferson, July 6, 1796 is in George Washington Papers, 1741-1799.
{excerpt begins}
The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799.
John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.--vol. 35
Mount Vernon, July 6, 1796.
...Perceiving, and probably, hearing, that no abuse in the Gazettes would induce me to
take notice of anonymous publications, against me; those who were disposed to do me
such friendly Offices , have embraced without restraint every opportunity to weaken the
confidence of the People; and, by having the whole game in their hands, they have
scrupled not to publish things that do not, as well as those which do exist; and to
mutilate the latter, so as to make them subserve the purposes which they have in view.
As you have mentioned the subject yourself, it would not be frank, candid, or friendly to
conceal, that your conduct has been represented as derogatory from that opinion I had
conceived you entertained of me. That to your particular friends and connextions you
have described, and they have denounced me, as a person under a dangerous
influence; and that, if I would listen more to some other opinions, all would be well. My
answer invariably has been, that I had never discovered any thing in the conduct of Mr.
Jefferson to raise suspicions, in my mind, of his insincerity; that if he would retrace my
public conduct while he was in the Administration, abundant proofs would occur to him,
that truth and right decisions, were the sole objects of my pursuit; that there were as
many instances within his own knowledge of my having decided against , as in favor of
the opinions of the person42 evidently alluded to; and moreover, that I was no believer
in the infallibility of the politics, or measures of any man living . In short, that I was no
party man myself, and the first wish of my heart was, if parties did exist, to reconcile
them.
[Note 42: Alexander Hamilton.]
To this I may add, and very truly, that, until within the last year or two ago, I had no
conception that Parties would, or even could go, the length I have been witness to; nor
did I believe until lately, that it was within the bonds of probability; hardly within those of
possibility, that, while I was using my utmost exertions to establish a national character
of our own, independent, as far as our obligations, and justice would permit, of every
nation of the earth; and wished, by steering a steady course, to preserve this Country
from the horrors of a desolating war, that I should be accused of being the enemy of one
Nation, and subject to the influence of another; and to prove it, that every act of my
administration would be tortured, and the grossest, and most insidious misrepresentations of them be made (by giving one side only of a subject, and that too in
such exaggerated and indecent terms as could scarcely be applied to a Nero; a
notorious defaulter; or even to a common pick-pocket). But enough of this; I have
already gone farther in the expression of my feelings, than I intended.
Questions:
1.
According to Washington, should differences of opinion he put aside in the interest
of unity?
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2.
How do political factors obstruct the functions of government?
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3.
Why does Washington feel that the nation will be torn asunder by political factions?
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4.
According to Washington, what role have gazettes (newspapers) played in
promoting discord?
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5.
What is the tone of Washington’s letter to Jefferson?
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US History 1 Honors/AP Prep
Mr. Mulry
Integrity and Firmness is All I Can Promise: The Washington Presidency
Group 3: Whiskey Rebellion
Reading #1
Letter from George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, September 7,
1792
NOTE: This is an excerpt. The full text version of Letter from George Washington to
Alexander Hamilton, Septemeber 7, 1792 is in George Washington Papers, 1741-1799.
{excerpt begins}
The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799.
John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.--vol. 32
Mount Vernon, September 7, 1792.
Sir: The last post brought me your letter of the 1st instant, with the enclosures
respecting the disorderly conduct of the Inhabitants of the Western Survey of the District
of Pennsylvania, in opposing the execution of what is called the Excise Law; and of the
insults which have been offered by some of them to the Officers who have been
appointed to collect the duties on distilled spirits agreeably thereto.
Such conduct in any of the Citizens of the United States, under any circumstances that
can well be conceived, would be exceedingly reprehensible; but when it comes from a
part of the Community for whose protection the money arising from the Tax was
principally designed, it is truly unaccountable, and the spirit of it much to be regretted.
The preliminary steps taken by you in ordering the Supervisor of the District to repair to
the Survey where these disorders prevail, with a view to ascertain in person "the true
state of the Survey; to collect evidences respecting the violences that have been
committed, in order to a prosecution of the offenders; to ascertain the particulars as to
the Meeting which appears to have been held at Pittsburg; to encourage the
perseverance of the officers in their duty, and the well disposed inhabitants in
discountenancing such violent proceedings &c. &c."46 are prudent and proper, and I
earnestly wish they may have the desired effect. But if, notwithstanding, opposition is
still given to the due execution of the Law, I have no hesitation in declaring, if the
evidence of it is clear and unequivocal, that I shall, however reluctantly I exercise them,
exert all the legal powers with which the Executive is invested, to check so daring and
unwarrantable a spirit. It is my duty to see the Laws executed: to permit them to be
trampled upon with impunity would be repugnant to it; nor can the Government longer
remain a passive spectator of the contempt with which they are treated. Forbearance,
under a hope that the Inhabitants of that Survey would recover from the delirium and
folly into which they were plunged, seems to have had no other effect than to encrease
the disorder.
[Note 46: As shown by Hamilton's letter of September 1, as printed in Hamilton's Works
(J. C. Hamilton edition, New York: 1851), vol. 4, P. 285, the quotation properly ends with
the word "officers," a line above. The original letter is not now found either in the
Washington Papers or the Hamilton Papers in the Library of Congress.]
Reading #2
Letter from George Washington to Daniel Morgan, October 8, 1794
NOTE: This is an excerpt. The full text version of Letter from George Washington to
Daniel Morgan, October 8, 1794 is in George Washington Papers, 1741-1799.
The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799.
John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.--vol. 33
Carlisle, October 8, 1794.
Dear Sir: In the moment I was leaving the City of Philadelphia for this place, your letter
of the 24th Ulto. was put into my hands. Although I regret the occasion which has called
you into the field, I rejoice to hear you are there; and because it is probable I may meet
you at Fort Cumberland, whither I shall proceed, so soon as I see the Troops at this
rendezvous in condition to advance. At that place, or at Bedford, my ulterior resolution
must be taken, either to advance with the Troops into the Insurgent Counties of this
State, or to return to Philadelphia for the purpose of meeting Congress the 3d. of next
month.
Imperious circumstances alone can justify my absence from the Seat of Government
whilst Congress are in Session; but if these, from the disposition of the People in the
refractory Counties, and the state of the information I expect to receive at the advanced
Posts, should appear to exist the lesser must yield to the greater duties of my office and
I shall cross the mountains with the Troops; if not, I shall place the command of the
combined force under the orders of Governor Lee of Virginia and repair to the Seat of
Government.
I am perfectly in sentiment with you, that the business we are drawn out upon, should
be effectually executed; and that the daring and factious spirit which has arisen (to
overturn the laws, and to subvert the Constitution,) ought to be subdued. If this is not
done, there is, an end of and we may bid adieu to all government in this Country, except
Mob and Club Govt. from whence nothing but anarchy and confusion can ensue; for if
the minority, and a small one too, are suffered to dictate to the majority, after measures
have undergone the most solemn discussions by the Representatives of the people,
and their Will through this medium is enacted into a law; there can be no security for life,
liberty or property; nor if the laws are not to govern, can any man know how to conduct
himself with safety for there never was a law yet made , I conceive, that hit the taste
exactly of every man, or every part of the community; of course, if this be a reason for
opposition no law can be execd. at all witht. force and every man or set of men will in
that case cut and carve for themselves; the consequences of which must be deprecated
by all classes of men who are friends to order, and to the peace and happiness of the
Country; but how can things be otherwise than they are when clubs and Societies have
been instituted for the express purpose though clothed in another garb by their
diabolical leader Gt29 whose object was to sow sedition, to poison the minds of the
people of this Country, and to make them discond. with the Government of it, and who
have labored indefatigably to effect these purposes.
Reading #3
Letter from George Washington to Henry Lee, August 26, 1794
NOTE: This is an excerpt. The full text version of Letter from George Washington to
Henry Lee, August 26, 1794 is in George Washington Papers, 1741-1799.
The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799.
John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.--vol. 33
German Town, August 26, 1794.
...
I consider this insurrection as the first formidable fruit of the Democratic Societies;
brought forth I believe too prematurely for their own views, which may contribute to the
annihilation of them.
That these societies were instituted by the artful and designing members (many of their
body I have no doubt mean well, but know little of the real plan,) primarily to sow the
seeds of jealousy and distrust among the people, of the government, by destroying all
confidence in the Administration of it; and that these doctrines have been budding and
blowing ever since, is not new to any one, who is acquainted with the characters of their
leaders, and has been attentive to their manoeuvres. I early gave it as my opinion to the
confidential characters around me, that, if these Societies were not counteracted (not by
prosecutions, the ready way to make them grow stronger) or did not fall into disesteem
from the knowledge of their origin, and the views with which they had been instituted by
their father, Genet, for purposes well known to the Government; that they would shake
the government to its foundation. Time and circumstances have confirmed me in this
opinion, and I deeply regret the probable consequences, not as they will affect me
personally, (for I have not long to act on this theatre, and sure I am that not a man
amongst them can be more anxious to put me aside, than I am to sink into the
profoundest retirement) but because I see, under a display of popular and fascinating
guises, the most diabolical attempts to destroy the best fabric of human government
and happiness, that has ever been presented for the acceptance of mankind.
Questions:
1.
Why does Washington believe it is important for the government to act?
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2.
According to Washington, what are the consequences of taking no action?
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3.
What is Washington referring to when he says “we may bid adieu to all government
in this Country, except Mob and Club Govt.”?
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4.
In Washington’s view, once a law is passed by the Congress what is the
responsibility of citizens?
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5.
According to Washington, to what extent was Citizen Edmund Genet, the French
ambassador, responsible for the discontent in western Pennsylvania?
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US History 1 Honors/AP Prep
Mr. Mulry
Integrity and Firmness is All I Can Promise: The Washington Presidency
Group 4: Permanent Alliances
Reading #1
Letter from George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, April 12, 1793,
photostat
NOTE: This is an excerpt. The full text version of Letter from George Washington to
Thomas Jefferson, April 12, 1793, photostat is in George Washington Papers,
1741-1799.
The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799.
John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.--vol. 32
Mount Vernon, April 12, 1793.
Dear Sir: Your letter of the 7 instant was brought to me by the last post. War having
actually commenced between France and Great Britain, it behoves the Government of
this Country to use every means in its power to prevent the citizens thereof from
embroiling us with either of those powers, by endeavouring to maintain a strict
neutrality. I therefore require that you will give the subject mature consideration, that
such measures as shall be deemed most likely to effect this desirable purpose may be
adopted without delay; for I have understood that vessels are already designated
privateers, and are preparing accordingly.
Such other measures as may be necessary for us to pursue against events which it may
not be in our power to avoid or controul, you will also think of, and lay them before me at
my arrival in Philadelphia.
Reading #2
Letter from George Washington to Lafayette, December 25, 1798
NOTE: This is an excerpt. The full text version of Letter from George Washington to
Lafayette, December 25, 1798 is in George Washington Papers, 1741-1799.
The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799.
John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.--vol. 37
Mount Vernon, December 25, 1798.
You have expressed a wish, worthy [of] that benevolence of your heart, that I would
exert all my endeavors to avert the Calamitous effects of a rupture between our
Countries. Believe me my dear friend that no man can deprecate an event of this sort
with more horror than I should and that no one, during the whole of my Administration
laboured more incessantly and with more sincerity and zeal than I did to avoid this, and
to render every justice, nay favor to France, consistently with the neutrality which had
been proclaimed to these sanctioned by Congress and approved by the State
legislatures, and the people at large in their Town and County meetings. But neutrality
was not the point at which France was aiming. for whilst it was crying peace, Peace,
and pretending that they did not wish us to be embroiled in their quarrel with great
Britain they were pursuing measures in this Country so repugnant to its Sovereignty,
and so incompatible with every principle of neutrality, as must inevitably, have produced
a war with the latter. And when they found that the Government here was resolved to
adhere steadily to its plan of neutrality, their next step was to destroy the confidence of
the people in, and to seperate them from it; for which purpose their diplomatic agents
were specially instructed; and in the attempt were aided by inimical characters among
ourselves not as I observed before because they loved France more than any other
nation, but because it was an instrument to Facilitate the destruction of their own
Government.
Hence proceeded those charges which I have already enumerated, against the friends
to peace and order. No doubt remains on this side of the water, that to the
representations of and encouragement given by these people, is to be ascribed in a
great measure, the intentions of our Treaty with France; their violation of the Laws of
nations, disregard of Justice and even of sound policy. But herein they have not only
deceived France, but were deceived themselves, as the event has proved, for no
sooner did the yeomanry of this Country come to a right understanding of the nature of
the dispute, than they rose as one man with a tender of their Services; their lives and
their fortunes, to support the Government of their choice, and to defend their country.
This has produced a declaration from them (how sincere let others judge), that, if the
French should attempt to invade this Country that they themselves would be amongst
the foremost to repel the attack.
You add in another place that the Executive Directory are disposed to accommodation
of all differences. If they are Sincere in this declaration, let them evidence it by actions,
for words unaccompanied therewith will not be much regarded now. I would pledge
myself, that the Government and people of the United States will meet them heart and
hand at fair negotiation; having no wish more ardent, than to live in peace with all the
world, provided they are suffered to remain undisturbed in their just rights. Of this their
patience, forbearance, and repeated solicitations under accumulated injuries and insults
are incontestable proofs; but it is not to be infered from hence that they will suffer any
nation under the sun (while they retain a proper sense of Virtue and Independence) to
trample upon their rights with impunity, or to direct, or influence the internal concerns of
their Country.
It has been the policy of France and that of the opposition party among ourselves, to
inculcate a belief that all those who have exerted themselves to keep this Country in
peace, did it from an overweening attachment to Great Britain. But it is a solemn truth
and you may count upon it, that it is void of foundation; and propagated for no other
pose, than to excite popular clamour against those whose aim was peace, and whom
they wished out of their way.
That there are many among us, who wish to see this Country embroiled on the side of
Great Britain, and others who are anxious that we should take part with France against
her, admits of no doubt. But it is a fact on which you may entirely and absolutely rely,
that the Governing powers of the Country, and a large part of the people are truly
Americans in principle, attached to the interest of it; And unwilling under any
circumstances whatsoever to participate in the Politics or Contests of Europe: Much
less since they have found that France, having forsaken the ground she first took, is
interfering in the internal concerns of all nations, Neutral as well as Belligerent, and
setting the world in an uproar.
After my valedictory address to the people of the United States you would no doubt be
somewhat surprised to hear, that I had again consented to Gird on the Sword. But,
having Struggled Eight or nine Years against the invasion of our rights by one power,
and to establish an Independence of it, I could not remain an unconcerned spectator of
the attempt of another Power to accomplish the same object, though in a different way,
with less pretensions indeed without any at all.
On the Politics of Europe I shall express no Opinion, nor make any inquiry who is Right
or who is Wrong. I wish well to all nations and to all men. My politics are plain and
simple. I think every nation has a Right to establish that form of Government under
which It conceives It shall live most happy; provided it infracts no Right or is not
dangerous to others. And that no Governments ought to interfere with the internal
concerns of Another, except for the security of what is due to themselves.
Questions:
1.
Why is Washington concerned over the outbreak of war in Europe?
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2.
Why does Washington believe there is a need for immediate action?
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3.
Why did Washington feel neutrality was the wisest course of action?
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4.
According to Washington, was the Proclamation of Neutrality a violation of the
Franco-American alliance?
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5.
Why would Washington advise the nation to “steer clear of permanent alliances?”
In your opinion, was this good advice in the 1790s? Would you consider it a wise
policy in today’s world? Explain.
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