International Journal of Obesity (1999) 23, 221±230 ß 1999 Stockton Press All rights reserved 0307±0565/99 $12.00 http://www.stockton-press.co.uk/ijo Obesity stigmatization and coping: Relation to mental health symptoms, body image, and selfesteem A Myers and JC Rosen Department of Psychology, University of Vermont, Burlington, VT, USA OBJECTIVE: To create inventories of stigmatizing situations faced by obese people and ways of coping with stigmatization, and to examine how stigma and coping are related to psychological distress in an obese patient population. DESIGN: Study 1: Items were generated by asking obese people to list stigmatizing situations they had encountered and their ways of coping. Study 2: Obese patients were surveyed about the frequency with which they encountered each form of stigmatization and employed each form of coping. Cross-sectional data on current psychological adjustment were obtained. SUBJECTS: Study 1: 63 obese patients (body mass index, BMI > 40 kg=m2); 38 obese non-patients, seven professionals who work with obese patients and 32 obese female authors from the print media. Study 2: 112 gastric bypass patients (BMI 33.9 ± 80.9 kg=m2) and 34 less obese patients (BMI 27.1 ± 57.2 kg=m2). MEASUREMENT: Study 1: Collection of stigmatizing situations and coping responses. Study 2: Frequency of stigmatizing experiences and coping responses, psychological symptoms, body image, and self esteem measures. RESULTS: Study 1 resulted in two objective questionnaires, consisting of 50 situations and 99 responses. Study 2 found that stigmatization is a common experience, and that obese subjects frequently engage in some effort to cope with stigma. More frequent exposure to stigmatization was associated with greater psychological distress, more attempts to cope, and more severe obesity. Certain coping strategies are associated with greater distress. Keywords: obesity stigma; coping; gastric bypass Introduction Individuals who share the stigma of obesity quickly ®nd that stigmatization affects nearly every aspect of their lives. Obese people report job discrimination, social exclusion, exploitation by the diet and ®tness industry, denial of health bene®ts, trouble ®nding clothing, mistreatment by doctors, and public ridicule.1 ± 3 Additionally, obese people are less likely to be admitted to college4 or to have their education funded.5 Obese people are more likely to be of lower socioeconomic status6 and to decrease in socioeconomic status over time.7 Unlike racial prejudice, society freely expresses prejudicial attitudes towards obese people, justifying these attitudes on the grounds that weight is controllable.5 Thus, obese people may be more likely than other minority groups to encounter overt hostility and discrimination. Negative stereotypes of obese people include the views that they are ugly, morally and emotionally impaired, asexual, discontented, weakwilled and unlikable.5 Ironically, obese people are just as likely as non-obese people to hold these prejudiced attitudes.5 Correspondence: James Rosen, Department of Psychology, University of Vermont, Burlington, VT 0545, USA Received 22 July 1997; revised 3 April 1998; accepted 24 July 1998 Some recent studies have attempted to quantify different types of stigmatizing experiences faced by obese people. For example, a survey of 445 members of the National Association to Advance Fat Acceptance (NAAFA) found that 98% reported verbal harassment, criticism, or teasing from family and friends.3 On the job, 75% reported criticism or teasing in general, and 50% reported criticism or teasing from supervisors. Of this sample, 33% reported being called negative names by health professionals, and about half felt that they had not been hired for a job due to size discrimination. In a study of 492 readers of Weight Watchers magazine, Rothblum8 found that 40% reported receiving nasty comments from co-workers about their weight, 29% reported being made less visible to clients while at work, 27% of female respondents reported being ®red or denied choice assignments because of their weight, 22% reported having their work denigrated because of their weight, and 25% said that they were self-employed or wanted to be self-employed in order to avoid these situations.8 Reports of negative weight-related incidents increased as respondents' degree of overweight increased. In a study of 57 consecutive gastric bypass surgery patients, Rand and MacGregor2 also found that their severely obese patients reported several types of stigmatizing encounters. For example, 91% said that people at work had a negative attitude about them Obesity stigmatization A Myers and JC Rosen 222 because of their weight, while 87% felt that their weight had affected potential employers' decision to hire them. Additionally, 84% said they did not like to be seen in public, and 81% said that they avoided fast food restaurants in order to avoid stigma. The authors demonstrated dramatic decreases in the number of stigmatizing situations reported by these patients after they lost weight as the result of gastric bypass surgery. A limitation of these studies is that in all of them, stigmatizing situations were de®ned by the researchers rather than by obese persons themselves. Although discrimination in the workplace appears to be a major problem, there may be many other experiences of stigmatization that affect the well-being of obese persons. To date, no study has identi®ed a comprehensive list of common stigmatizing experiences faced by obese persons. Creating such a list was one objective of the present study. Basic information about the type and frequency of stigmatization is important for understanding and modifying the psychosocial problems faced by obese people. Although the prevalence of psychopathology is no greater in obese than non-obese samples,9 obesity stigmatization is a challenging experience that spoils quality of life, triggers psychological distress, and requires substantial coping efforts. To date, however, no study has empirically demonstrated a relation between stigmatizing experiences and mental health symptoms. Exploring this relation was a second objective of this study. A third objective of this study was to identify the common strategies that obese persons use to cope with stigma and to evaluate the relation between their coping strategies and mental health adjustment. Generally, people believe that the best way to eliminate unwanted experiences of stigmatization is to lose weight. However, because weight reduction is not a permanent, effective solution for most obese persons,10 they must rely on psychosocial strategies to cope with stigmatization. Little research has been done on psychosocial strategies for combating stigmatization. Several educational and psychotherapeutic approaches have been described for obese patients with negative self-esteem or anger in connection with stigmatization and body weight dissatisfaction.11 ± 15 More positive body image, more positive self-esteem, and less negative attitudes toward their own obesity are among the results in people who undergo some of these programs.13,14 It is unknown, however, if patients are better able to cope with stigmatization encounters after such counseling. Moreover, the recommendations given for coping with stigmatization in these programs are not derived from any empirical study of coping among obese persons. Some recommendations are simply extrapolations from the literature on how people cope with other forms of stigma (for example, physical disability). In the popular literature as well, there is a dearth of information available about how obese people can combat their stigmatization. In preparation for this study, the authors examined current self-help books (written by health professionals about weight loss, eating disorders, or body image and available at a national book retailer) for advice on coping with obesity stigmatization. Only four of the 32 books included strategies for combating stigmatization.16 ± 19 The authors recommended being assertive with critics, joining size-acceptance organizations such as NAAFA, surrounding oneself with positive images of fat people, practicing self-acceptance, and doing cognitive restructuring. Another source of advice about coping with obesity stigmatization is `size positive' consumer magazines, such as Radiance and Dimensions. How frequent and how representative the coping techniques recommended by such authors are, among obese persons, is unknown. Moreover, other than testimonials, there is no information about the effectiveness of different coping techniques on psychosocial functioning. In summary, there appears to be no systematic study of the strategies used by obese persons to cope with stigmatization. More basic information about this topic could be useful in psychosocial interventions for obesity, and exploring this area was thus the third objective of this research. A fourth, and ®nal, purpose of this research was to explore the relation between forms for coping with obesity stigmatization and psychological adjustment. Psychological research on coping ®nds that coping strategies differ according to whether a person attempts to engage or disengage from a problem, with engaged coping strategies generally being related to better psychological outcomes.20 Tobin et al20 have identi®ed either primary dimensions of coping, including four `engaged' coping strategies (problemsolving, cognitive restructuring, emotional expression, and social support) and four `disengaged' coping strategies (problem avoidance, wishful thinking, selfcriticism, and social withdrawal). While no attempt has been made to apply these dimensions of coping to the problem of obesity stigma, we hoped to examine the relation between coping attempts reported by our respondents and their psychological adjustment, in order to see if particular forms of coping appeared relatively more adaptive or maladaptive and to see whether our ®ndings were consistent with previous research. Study 1: Development of obesity stigmatization and coping inventories Method and results The purpose of this study was to generate two inventories, one of stigmatizing encounters experienced by obese people and the second of their ways of coping. Obesity stigmatization A Myers and JC Rosen We performed content analyses on a large set of these experiences in order to develop a more concise, representative and reliable set of items for closeended stigmatization and coping questionnaires. Subjects Subjects included clinical and non-clinical samples of obese persons, a small sample of professionals who work with obese persons, and obese authors from the print media. Clinical subjects. There were 63 consecutive severely obese patients (42 female, 21 male) in a gastric bypass surgery program. Some subjects had already undergone gastric bypass surgery and lost weight, while others were pre-operative candidates. All subjects were, or had been pre-operatively, at a body mass index (BMI) 40 kg=m2. Non-clinical subjects. These included 38 members (32 female, 6 male) of an electronic mail list service known as `[email protected].' The `welcome' message for new subscribers to this e-mail list describes it as `a list for fat people, their allies, and friends. It provides a supportive space to talk about issues affecting fat people. It is explicitly in favor of size acceptance and living well as a fat person.' The 38 respondents consisted of subscribers who responded to a request for people's experiences of stigmatization and discrimination. All respondents were informed that their responses would be used for research, and the researcher requested that respondents be fat themselves, rather than `allies and friends' of fat people. These two samples of obese persons were asked to complete an open-ended questionnaire on stigmatizing situations and coping responses: Being overweight can cause problems for people, not only medically, but in social situations as well. 1) Please describe a negative experience related to your weight that has occurred with another person within the last four weeks. 2) Please describe in detail how you coped with the situation. 3) What do you think is the best way to cope with other people's negative reactions to your weight? 4) What coping strategies or supports would you recommend to another overweight person facing the same situation you described in 1 above? By asking for experiences within the past month, we hoped to identify common experiences in addition to more dramatic events, as well as to facilitate participants' recall of these events. Professional respondents. These were seven out of 69 members of the Association for the Advancement of Behavior Therapy special interest group on eating disorders and obesity, who responded to an openended questionnaire. These doctoral psychologists with experience helping obese patients were asked to describe how they assisted or recommended that their clients cope with stigmatizing situations. Print media. These data were obtained from 32 female authors of articles or vignettes in Journeys to Self-Acceptance: Fat Women Speak Out,21 and Radiance: A Magazine for Large Women (v. 8±12, 1991± 1995), two sources that provide ®rsthand accounts of obese persons' stigmatizing experiences and responses. Responses from the questionnaires sent to professionals and relevant passages from the 32 vignettes=articles were compiled verbatim into sentences and phrases that described distinct stigmatizing and coping experiences. Content analysis and derivation of items A total of 185 stigmatizing experiences and 382 coping responses were reported. Six raters, including one psychologist and ®ve psychology graduate students with clinical or research experience in body image and obesity, read the lists of stigmatizing and coping experiences and independently de®ned themes. Themes that were identi®ed by at least four out of six raters were retained for the next step. Eleven stigma and 21 coping categories were reliably identi®ed (see Table 1 and Table 2). All stigmatizing situations and coping responses were then sorted into these categories by three graduate student raters. Items that were reliably sorted by at least two of the three raters were retained. Two raters, a doctoral psychologist and a graduate student in clinical psychology, eliminated redundant responses and combined speci®c instances of the same event into more general terms. Responses were reworded concisely and in a consistent format that would be appropriate for a close-ended questionnaire. The ®nal questionnaires, named `Stigmatizing Situations' and `Coping Responses,' consisted of 50 and 99 items, respectively, with each category being represented by 1±11 items. For Stigmatizing Situations, the instructions to the respondent read: `Below is a list of situations that some people encounter because of their weight. Indicate whether, and how often, each of these situations happens to you.' For Coping Responses, the instructions read: `The following are some strategies people use in order to deal with negative situations related to their weight. For example, someone who hears an insult about her appearance may make herself feel better by insulting the person back. Using the scale below, please indicate whether, and how often, you have used each of the following strategies to cope with the sorts of situations listed [in the previous inventory].' A tenpoint ordinal scale with descriptive anchor points was 223 Obesity stigmatization A Myers and JC Rosen 224 Table 1 Stigmatizing situations in descending order of frequency Category and sample items Item mean (s.d.) Alpha 1. Comments from children (four items) ``As an adult, having a child make fun of you.'' ``A child coming up to you and saying something like, `You're fat!' '' 2.88 (2.0) 0.81 2. Others making negative assumptions about you. . . (three items) ``Other people having low expectations of you because of your weight.'' ``Having people assume you have emotional problems because you are overweight.'' 2.49 (1.8) 0.60 3. Physical barriers (seven items) ``Not being able to ®t into seats at restaurants, theaters, and other public places.'' ``Not being able to ®nd clothes that ®t.'' 2.14 (1.7) 0.83 4. Being stared at (®ve items) ``Being stared at in public.'' ``Groups of people pointing and laughing at you in public.'' 1.90 (1.2) 0.71 5. Inappropriate comments from doctors (four items) ``Having a doctor make cruel remarks, ridicule you, or call you names.'' ``A doctor blaming unrelated physical problems on your weight.'' 1.88 (1.4) 0.86 6. Nasty comments from family (seven items) ``A spouse/partner calling you names because of your weight.'' ``A parent or other relative nagging you to lose weight.'' 1.88 (2.2) 0.77 7. Nasty comments from others (11 items) ``Having strangers suggest diets to you.'' ``Being offered fashion advice from strangers.'' 1.83 (1.3) 0.87 8. Being avoided, excluded, ignored (two items) ``Being unable to get a date because of your size.'' ``Being singled out as a child by a teacher, school nurse, etc. because of your size.'' 1.78 (1.4) 0.58 9. Loved ones embarrassed by your size (three items) ``Having a spouse or partner be ashamed to admit being with you.'' ``Having family members feel embarrassed by you or ashamed of you.'' 1.53 (1.4) 0.48 10. Job discrimination (three items) ``Losing a job because of your size.'' ``Not being hired because of your weight, shape, or size.'' 11. Being physically attacked (one item) ``Being hit, beaten up, or physically attacked because of your weight.'' 0.88 (1.3) 0.63 0.47 (1.5) ± TOTAL 1.90 (2.0) 0.95 used (0 `never', 1 `once in your life', 2 `several times in your life', 3 `about once=year', 4 `several times=year', 5 `about once a month', 6 `several times=month', 7 `about once=week', 8 `several times=week', 9 `daily'). Sample items are listed with the categories in Table 1 and Table 2. The questionnaires are available from the authors. Study 2: Descriptive and validity study of obesity stigmatization and coping Method The purpose of this study was to examine the frequency of different types of stigmatizing situations faced by obese people, their ways of coping, and the relation of these variables to psychological adjustment. In addition, the validity of the stigma questionnaires was tested by comparing groups of subjects with different levels of obesity. Subjects A total of 394 people were invited to participate. Of these, 277 were severely obese patients at two gastric bypass surgery clinics in Vermont and Florida, USA. Additionally, 117 were mild to moderately obese patients who had participated in weight loss studies involving drug treatment and nutritional counseling. Therefore, both were clinical samples of people seeking treatment for obesity. Of the surveys distributed, 112 were returned by gastric bypass patients and 34 by weight-loss study patients, for a total response rate of 37%. The full sample included 112 women and 34 men (age: mean 42.13 y, s.d. 9.8, range 16±70 y; race: 91.1% Caucasian, 3.4% African-American, 2.1% Native American, 3.4% Other; pre-treatment weight (lbs): mean 307.8, s.d. 92.3, range 153±630; pre-treatment BMI: mean 49.55 kg=m2, s.d. 12.8, range 27.1±80.9 kg=m2). Measures Participants completed questionnaires individually and returned them in postage-paid envelopes. All were invited to include their names and addresses, which were then entered into a lottery for two $50 Obesity stigmatization A Myers and JC Rosen 225 Table 2 Coping responses in descending order of frequency Category and sample items Item mean (s.d.) Alpha 1. Positive self-talk (10 items) ``I think, `It's who I am on the inside that matters.' '' ``I think that no one has the right to judge me.'' 4.52 (2.2) 0.86 2. ``Heading off'' negative remarks (three items) ``I make eye contact and say `hi' to people who might be staring.'' ``I act happy, sociable, and self-con®dent so that no one thinks to bother me.'' 4.49 (2.4) 0.51 3. Using faith, religion, prayer (three items) ``I think to myself, `God is on my side.' '' ``I think to myself, `I am simply not meant to be thin.' '' 4. Self-love, self-acceptance (three items) ``I do something nice for myself to make me feel better.'' ``I put myself and my needs before other people's.'' 4.25 (2.7) 0.66 3.71 (2.2) 0.59 5. Negative self-talk (four items) ``I think that no one will ever love me because of my weight.'' ``I feel really bad about myself.'' 3.71 (2.6) 0.79 6. Eating (one item) ``If people make me feel badly about my weight, I just eat more.'' 3.65 (3.1) ± 7. Social support from not-fat people (®ve items) ``I get support from my spouse/partner.'' ``I talk to supportive, understanding friends.'' 3.52 (2.0) 0.63 8. Refuse to diet (four items) ``I think to myself that I will not diet in order to please other people.'' ``I think to myself, `I can't lose weight, and so I will not try.' '' 3.47 (1.8) 0.36 9. See the situation as the other person's problem (four items) ``If people do not like me because of my size, I see it as their loss.'' ``I regard people who have problems with overweight as small-minded and childish.'' 10. Humor, witty comebacks or joking (three items) ``I laugh it off or joke about it.'' ``I try to think of a witty comeback.'' 3.46 (2.5) 0.71 3.42 (2.6) 0.75 11. Refuse to hide, be visible (six items) ``I make a point of not hiding my body.'' ``I shock people by doing things `fat people shouldn't do.' '' 3.22 (1.7) 0.61 12. Ignoring situation, making no response (six items) ``I ignore them and try not to let them get to me.'' ``I pretend I did not hear the remark and walk away.'' 3.05 (2.0) 0.78 13. Cry, isolate myself (two items) ``I cry about it, then get over it.'' ``I get depressed and isolate myself.'' 3.03 (2.6) 0.67 14. Responding positively, being `nice' (eight items) ``I just say hello and am friendly.'' ``I remind these people that I am a human being.'' 2.72 (1.7) 0.76 15. Social support from other fat people (seven items) ``I attend a size-acceptance support group.'' ``I talk to other overweight people.'' 2.00 (1.3) 0.65 16. Avoid or leave situation (eight items) ``I quit jobs where I encounter stigma or discrimination.'' ``I avoid looking in the mirror so that I don't have to think about my weight.'' 1.77 (1.4) 0.70 17. Diet (three items) ``I go on a diet to reduce or avoid discrimination/stigma based on weight.'' ``I receive weight-loss surgery (for example, gastric bypass, liposuction, etc.).'' 1.72 (1.7) 0.56 18. Educate self or others about fat stigma (eight items) ``I wear buttons, T-shirts, etc. with size-positive messages.'' ``I educate other people about fat acceptance and weight control.'' 1.43 (1.2) 0.68 19. Responding negatively, insulting back (seven items) ``I tell the other person off.'' ``If someone is staring at me, I stare back.'' 1.35 (1.4) 0.77 20. Seeking therapy (two items) ``I talk to a counselor or social worker.'' ``I go to therapy to get help dealing with these situations.'' 21. Physical violence (two items) ``I ®ght back physically.'' ``I use my size to intimidate people.'' 1.22 (2.0) 0.87 0.98 (1.7) 0.33 2.83 (1.2) 0.95 TOTAL Obesity stigmatization A Myers and JC Rosen 226 cash prizes. Names and addresses of respondents were separated from survey data, so that all responses remained con®dential. The measures included the 50-item Stigmatizing Situations inventory and 99-item Coping Responses inventory described above. In addition, respondents were asked to complete measures of mental health symptoms, body-image, and self-esteem. The Brief Symptom Inventory (BSI)22 is a self-report measure of mental health symptoms. We used the Global Severity Index, which is the average severity of 53 symptoms experienced over the past week.22 The Body Shape Questionnaire (BSQ)23 is a 34-item scale which measures desire to lose weight, body dissatisfaction, feelings of low self-worth in connection to weight and shape, and self-consciousness about weight and shape. We used the total score on this measure as an index of overall body image distress.23 The Rosenberg SelfEsteem (RSE) Scale24 is a 10-item questionnaire measuring attitudes of general self-worth and global self-esteem. The RSE has been demonstrated to have acceptable reliability and validity.25 Results Frequency of stigmatizing situations and coping responses The overall mean score for each of the ®fty stigmatizing situation items was 1.90 (s.d. 2.0). This score corresponds to a reported frequency of `several times in my life.' The overall mean score for each of the 99 coping responses items was 2.83 (s.d. 1.2), which corresponds to a reported frequency of `about once a year.' In Table 1 and Table 2, the mean score for each category of stigmatization and coping are presented in descending order for the full sample of 146 respondents. In order to account for the unequal number of items per category, we calculated these scores as the mean of the category items. The most frequent stigmatizing situations faced were hurtful comments from children, other people making un¯attering assumptions about the obese person, and encountering physical barriers (such as chairs that are too small). Respondents reported facing these situations between `once a year' and `several times in my life.' Being stared at and being subjected to unsolicited negative comments were also frequent. Infrequent experiences were job discrimination and physical assault, which occurred on average less than `once in my life.' The most frequent coping responses employed by obese persons were the use of positive self-statements, attempts to `head off' negative remarks by socially disarming people who might otherwise be critical, and using faith, religion and prayer for self-consolation. Respondents reported that they used these strategies from `once a month' to `several times a year.' Infrequently used coping strategies included educating oneself and others about obesity and obesity stigmatization, being insulting and rude to the stigmatizer, seeking therapy because of stigma, and resorting to physical violence. These strategies were reportedly used an average of `once in my life.' Results were analyzed separately by gender, including data from 34 men and 112 women, in order to examine whether stigma is experienced more frequently by one gender or the other. The resulting means for Stigmatizing Situations were 2.05 (s.d. 1.1) for men and 1.86 (s.d. 1.1) for women and were not signi®cantly different. Likewise, number of coping attempts made by men (mean 2.64, s.d. 1.1) and women (mean 2.89, s.d. 1.2) were not signi®cantly different. Internal consistency In order to assess internal consistency of the stigma and coping inventories, Chronbach's alphas were calculated for each measure and for each category. For Stigmatizing Situations, the overall alpha was 0.95, and for Coping Responses it was also 0.95, indicating that the content within each inventory is reliably consistent. The alpha coef®cients by category (see Table 1 and Table 2) varied greatly. Although most were in the acceptable range, some categories showed low consistency of content. Therefore, although the categorization of items by our expert raters was reliable, the content of some categories was not very homogenous. A small number of items in some categories also accounted for some of the low alphas. Validity In order to test the validity of these inventories, we hypothesized that the stigma and coping inventories would discriminate between severely obese subjects with a BMI 40 kg=m2 from subjects with a BMI < 40 kg=m2, since we expect that persons who are more obviously obese are subjected to more stigmatizing situations and are forced to engage in more coping efforts than persons who are only mild to moderately obese. Dividing the sample in this way resulted in 110 severely obese subjects (BMI 40) and 36 mild to moderately obese subjects (BMI < 40). The mean of their pre-treatment BMIs were signi®cantly different: 54.5 (s.d. 10.6; range 40.4±80.9) vs 34.2 (s.d. 3.7, range 27.1±39.3): t 16.97 (df 141), P < 0.0001. This division of subjects corresponded closely to the two clinical samples. Only nine bariatric surgery candidates had a BMI < 40 kg=m2, and seven dieting subjects were above that level. The groups did not Obesity stigmatization A Myers and JC Rosen differ on gender, race, or marital status, but did differ in age and socioeconomic status, with the severely obese being younger and lower in socioeconomic status. According to univariate analyses of covariance controlling for age and socioeconomic status, severely obese subjects reported signi®cantly more stigmatizing situations (F(1,135) 20.47, P < 0.0001) and coping responses (F(1,135) 10.48, P < 0.005). Item means for Stigmatizing Situations were 1.05 (s.d. 0.83) for less obese patients and 2.16 (s.d. 1.08) for more obese patients. On Coping Responses, the item mean was 2.24 (s.d. 0.91) for less obese patients, as opposed to 2.99 (s.d. 1.10) for more obese patients. For another test of validity and of the relation between weight and stigmatization, we computed the correlation (r) between Stigmatizing Situations and pre-treatment BMI, which was 0.40 (P < 0.001) for all subjects, 0.44 (P < 0.001) in the mild to moderately obese group, and 0.14 (not statistically signi®cant), in the severely obese group. Thus, beyond a cut-off of BMI 40 kg=m2, stigmatizing situations no longer increased in direct proportion to body mass. There was also a signi®cant correlation between Coping Responses and pre-treatment BMI (r 0.22, P < 0.01), indicating that more obese subjects reported more coping efforts. However, once we controlled for the number of stigmatizing situations respondents' reported, the resulting partial correlation between Coping Responses and pre-treatment BMI was not signi®cant (r 70.02), indicating that more coping effort in the severely obese is merely a function of being exposed to more stigmatizing experiences. In fact, the correlation (r 0.61, P < 0.001) between Stigmatizing Situations and Coping Responses also indicates that coping responses increase in direct proportion to stigmatizing experiences. Relation of stigma, coping, and psychological distress Stigmatizing Situations was signi®cantly correlated with each measure of psychological adjustment (see Table 3). A greater number of stigmatizing situations Table 3 was associated with more mental health symptoms, more negative body image, and more negative selfesteem. Even after accounting for the correlation of weight and number of stigmatizing situations encountered, the resulting partial correlations between Stigmatizing Situations and psychological distress measures were statistically signi®cant, indicating that worse adjustment is not merely a function of weight, but is related directly to stigmatization. Coping Responses was also signi®cantly correlated with scores on the Brief Symptom Inventory and Body Shape Questionnaire, indicating that more coping attempts were associated with more symptoms and more negative body image (see Table 3). However, after controlling for both weight and the frequency of stigmatizing situations, the resulting partial correlation of Coping Responses with psychological adjustment measures were not signi®cant. Thus, the apparent relation of coping and psychological distress is more a function of exposure to stigma than of the type or amount of coping used. We wanted to identify some coping responses that appeared maladaptive or adaptive in relation to psychological adjustment. Using partial correlations that controlled for the frequency of stigmatization experiences and weight, three categories of `maladaptive' coping were associated with more mental health symptoms, negative body image, and negative selfesteem. These were: `Negative self-talk,' and `Cry, isolate myself' and `Avoid or leave situation' (see Table 4). Due to the high number of correlations performed, we used a Bonferroni correction to control for correlations signi®cant due to chance. After applying this correction, `Avoid or leave situation' was signi®cantly related with negative body image and negative self-esteem, but the relation with mental health symptoms was only marginally signi®cant. Initially, we also expected to ®nd some types of `adaptive coping' which would be associated with lower scores on the BSI (mental health symptoms), lower scores on the BSQ (body image), and higher scores on the RSE (self-esteem). No coping categories met this description. However, four coping categories had signi®cant partial correlations with the RSE, as well as correlations with the BSI and BSQ that, while Correlations of stigmatizing situations and coping with psychological distress Stigmatizing situations Scale Brief symptom inventory Body shape questionnaire Rosenberg self-esteem Coping responses Correlation (r) Partial Correlationa Correlation (r) Partial Correlation b 0.33*** 0.29*** 70.24** 0.31*** 0.30*** 70.21** 0.32*** 0.29*** 70.14 0.12 0.13 70.01 ** P < 0.01 *** P < 0.001 a Controls for effects of pre-treatment body mass index (BMI) b Controls for effects of pre-treatment BMI and number of stigmatizing situations 227 Obesity stigmatization A Myers and JC Rosen 228 Table 4 Relation between form of coping and psychological distress Partial Correlationa (r) with: Category Negative self-talk Cry, isolate myself Avoid or leave situation Eat Fight back physically Seek therapy Respond negatively Seek support of fat people Diet Educate others/self Use faith, religion, prayer Respond positively Seek social support Ignore situation Head off negative remarks Use humor Refuse to diet Positive self-talk See situation as others' problem Refuse to hide body, be visible Self-love, self acceptance BSI BSQ RSE 0.41*** 0.38*** 0.22* 0.06 0.33*** 0.21 0.21 0.17 70.03 0.19 0.11 0.02 0.10 70.01 70.12 70.01 70.10 70.06 70.01 70.04 70.12 0.49*** 0.43*** 0.33*** 0.32*** 0.13 0.11 0.01 0.05 0.18 70.02 0.11 0.01 0.08 0.08 0.01 70.01 70.13 70.01 70.03 70.05 70.14 70.61*** 70.57*** 70.37*** 70.29*** 70.09 70.22* 70.05 70.19 70.10 0.10 70.10 0.02 0.00 0.04 0.13 0.07 0.10 0.17 0.24** 0.28*** 0.37*** * P < 0.01 (not signi®cant after Bonferroni correction) ** P < 0.005 *** P < 0.001 a Controls for effects of pre-treatment BMI and number of stigmatizing situations BSI brief symptom inventory; BSQ body shape questionnaire; RSE Rosenberg self esteem scale not statistically signi®cant, were in the predicted direction. These categories, shown in Table 4, included `Positive self-talk,' `See situation as the other person's problem,' `Refuse to hide body, be visible' and `Self-love, self-acceptance.' Discussion The main purpose of this project was to generate a set of stigmatization experiences and coping responses that occur with some frequency among obese persons. Other studies of obesity stigmatization have relied on experiences that were predetermined by the investigators. In this study, however, respondents reported their own experiences with stigmatization in an openended format, resulting in what we believe is a more representative set of stigmatization and coping experiences. A total of 50 stigmatization experiences and 99 coping responses were identi®ed, including experiences reported previously as well as others that have not received much attention. According to the mean ratings found in Study 2, we conclude that stigmatization is a common experience for obese people, because on average each experience occurred `several times' in respondents' lives. Furthermore, respondents reported that they used each of the coping responses an average of `once a year,' which leads to the conclusion that they were making some attempt to cope with obesity stigma every few days. Not surprisingly, frequency of stigmatization experiences varies with weight. Obesity is a visible stigma, and the more deviant the body size, the more stigmatization experiences the individual would be expected to suffer. Nonetheless, beyond a cutoff weight indicative of severe obesity, weight and stigmatization were not strongly related. Therefore, for example, an extra 50 kg in persons weighing 130 kg or more appears to have little additional effect on their total experience with social prejudice. Total amount of stigmatization is associated with psychological adjustment. Although obese persons in general report more than average body dissatisfaction, not all possess a truly negative body image.26 According to the present study, exposure to stigmatization is related to negative body image. Negative social feedback about physical appearance in certainly likely to increase body dissatisfaction, feelings of embarrassment about weight, and physical self-consciousness. People who are exposed to less discrimination in their environment may be at less risk for body image problems. Stigmatization affects more than simply body image, though. Self-esteem and mental health symptoms, in general, were also associated with exposure to stigmatization. Because this study used a cross-sectional, correlational design, interpreting these ®ndings as evidence that stigmatization leads to less optimal psychological adjustment can only be speculative at this point. Clearly, the relation could be the reverse as well, with overweight persons who are less well adjusted psychologically perceiving or reporting more discri- Obesity stigmatization A Myers and JC Rosen mination. Longitudinal studies of stigmatization in obesity would help to address this issue. No such study has been conducted to date, although a prospective study of teasing did show that at least this type of stigmatizing experience predicted negative body image in normal and overweight adolescent girls.27 Strategies for coping with stigmatizing experiences were wide ranging, including problem solving efforts, confrontation, venting of emotions, social support, cognitive modi®cation, wishful thinking, and avoidance. Coping efforts were more frequent in persons with more stigmatizing experiences and consequently, the relation of coping to psychological adjustment was largely a function of the degree of stigmatization. Coping strategies that appeared maladaptive, in that they were associated with higher distress, involved selfcriticism and avoidance of distressing situations. These ®ndings are partially consistent with previous research on coping, in that both self-criticism and avoidance are forms of `disengaged' coping. However, other forms of disengaged coping, such as ignoring negative comments, were not associated with worse adjustment. Moreover, more positive coping strategies (including self-acceptance, reduction of self-blame, and not hiding oneself) were associated with more positive adjustment on only one of the mental health indicators. Clearly, effective coping with obesity stigmatization is an area needing further exploration. Overall, it seems that stigmatization triggers a great deal of coping effort, and although no coping style is especially positive, the absence of certain coping responses is associated with better psychological adjustment. It is important to note again that due to the crosssectional, correlational method of this study, no ®rm conclusions can be made about the direction of the relation among these variables. For instance, certain coping styles might provoke more or less stigmatization. Also, more distressed persons might be more likely to report certain coping responses. Another major limitation of this study is that stigmatization was measured with a self-report inventory without any corroboration or objective evidence of the reported experiences. In addition, although many of the stigmatization experiences are fairly concrete (for example, `not ®tting into seats in public') others are merely subjective (for example, `people having low expectations of you'). Clearly, some of the reported stigmatizing experiences are a function of subjective social perception in addition to factual circumstances. Our research is further limited by the fact that, although mild to moderately obese persons endorsed stigmatization experiences, the initial pool of items was generated mainly by severely obese subjects. It is possible that different types of experiences might have emerged from a study of mildly obese persons in the item generation phase of the project. Moreover, the participants in this study were mainly clinical subjects who were seeking help for weight management. Nonclinical obesity subjects typically show less psycho- logical distress and might report different stigmatization experiences and coping responses. Furthermore, participants in this research were overwhelmingly female, and thus meaningful comparisons of stigmatisation and coping employed by men as opposed to women could not be made. Soliciting more male participants in a future study might shed some light on how the experience of obesity stigmatization differs by gender. Finally, it is not clear how our use of the internet sample may have affected the item generation phase of this research. A literature review yielded no controlled studies comparing respondents to an internet questionnaire with respondents to mailed questionnaires, although there is some evidence that internet respondents are more frequent computer users and more knowledgeable about computers.28 Clearly, the item generation phase of our research could have been enhanced by the use of a more random sampling procedure. A ®nal limitation of this research is that the categories or themes of stigmatization and coping did not all possess good internal consistency statistically, even though they were categorized reliably by independent raters. Some of the low tests of internal consistency were due to having only a couple of items in the category. Eventually, it would be worthwhile to perform a factor analysis on the inventories in order to yield a statistically reliable set of subscales. Although more research is needed on the measurement of obesity stigmatization, at this point we would reiterate some features of our inventory that support its validity. First, the items were nominated by obese persons themselves and were reliable according to independent ratings, supporting the inventory's content validity. Second, the inventory discriminated between different levels of obesity, supporting its construct validity as a measure of the consequences of possessing a stigma. Conclusion Obesity stigmatization is a frequent and distressing experience that requires considerable coping effort. We have developed inventories of these two variables that hopefully will be useful for the study of stigmatization in future research. 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