Senses & Society VOLUME 2, ISSUE 2 PP 217–232 REPRINTS AVAILABLE DIRECTLY FROM THE PUBLISHERS. PHOTOCOPYING PERMITTED BY LICENSE ONLY © BERG 2007 PRINTED IN THE UK Sensing the Ruin Senses & Society ABSTRACT After identifying the processes that have produced an increasingly sterile urban environment in which only a restricted range of sensory experience may be experienced, this article will explore the the multiple and contrasting sensual experiences that can be provoked by moving through an industrial ruin. In derelict spaces the body is generally liberated from the usual self-conscious performative constraints of the city and may move in a non-linear, improvisatory fashion across a variety of textures, comport and weave the body in expressive ways, confront powerfully unpleasant but also pleasurable and surprising smells and sounds, and behold sights which disrupt normative urban aesthetic conventions. Acquaintance with the rich and varied affordances of all sorts of materialities in ruins, where playful, experimental and unhindered interaction with objects and matter is not prohibited, can provoke a realization that the conventional urban encounter with materiality is highly ordered and restrictive, 217 Tim Edensor is a Reader in Cultural Geography at Manchester Metropolitan University. He has written widely on spaces of tourism, national identities, mobility, materiality and industrial ruins. [email protected] DOI 10.2752/174589307X203100 Tim Edensor Tim Edensor and minimizes sensual contact with the world. It is therefore proposed that the ruin can highlight the sensory deprivation inherent in contemporary cities and act as a space from which a critical perspective towards much urban planning and design might stimulate policies which multiply urban sensual experience and open up the city to multiple interpretation. KEYWORDS: Industrial ruins, affordances, desensualized, materiality, sensation In this article I want to consider the sensual effects of marginal urban spaces by depicting the characteristics of an industrial ruin in Manchester, which, I will argue, offers a rich sensory experience at variance to the somewhat desensualized realms of much urban space. The sensual experience of the city is typically discussed along two lines. The first is that of the city as productive of sensory overload, as a realm in which the rapidity of moving bodies and vehicles, the constant cacophony, insistent visual onslaught and tactile buffetings produce what Simmel (1995) refers to as neurasthenia, a condition held at bay by the development of a blasé attitude to shield the individual from this overwhelming assault. Emerging out of the evolving conditions of the early modern city, in response to the rural rhythms that had been the dominant experience of most citizens only decades before, this awareness of the effects of urban sensory stimuli has perhaps been dulled by familiarity over time, as most of us dwell in and move through cities. The second line of argument, by contrast therefore, avers that cities, along with other spaces, have become progressively desensualized. Regulatory measures have been enacted through planning, policing and commodification of space that have minimized the early modern flux experienced by Simmel and his contemporaries, and, accordingly, present-day sensual experience is more typically conditioned by entrenched forms of urban habitus, a way of being and feeling that ensures that most of us are inured to the sensory impacts that so shocked these earlier urbanites. The resulting structure of feeling or sense of place of urban dwellers is, then, grounded in the predictable routines and in the material and sensual qualities that are repeatedly confronted in everyday experience. Large-scale, customized, themed developments, malls, urban spectacles, heritage sites, festival markets and gated housing developments constitute a host of designed realms which seem to produce familiar sensual experiences. In these spaces, harsh sensations are kept at bay by the regulation of extraneous sensory intrusions and the production of moderated soundscapes, tactilities, 218 Senses & Society + 219 smellscapes and scenes. Without echoing dystopian accounts of a postmodern condition which assert that the proliferation of empty, free-floating signs overwhelms attempts to perceive and understand the world, claims that the visual dominates urban apprehension seem apposite, with the proliferation of spectacular, themed spaces of leisure and shopping (Gottdiener 1997). These sites are characterized by design-led regeneration, uncluttered spaces, smooth surfaces and carefully placed artworks, which shut out “extraneous, chaotic elements” and reduce “visual and functional forms to a few key images” (Rojek 1995: 62). In such realms, exemplified by highly regulated tourist spaces (Edensor 2006), sensorial cooperation is suppressed (see Tuan 2005) so that the tactile, auditory and aromatic qualities of materiality experienced through vision are effaced and visitors are visually able to “take possession of objects and environments, often at a distance” (Urry, 2002: 147), while other sensory effects are minimized. It remains the case that Western modernity continues to valorize the use of scopic approaches and techniques to understanding and representing the world (Jay 1992). Olfactory regulation will only allow “ambient fragrancing” through which “scents are diffused through ventilation systems in order to optimize employee performance, subliminally influence consumers’ buying behavior, or effect a kind of mass medication in subways, schools and prisons” (Drobnick 2005: 274). Incense, coffee smells, the aroma of fresh bread may waft through shopping areas, but the everyday smells of sewage, food and industry are minimized, generating “blandscapes,” those “aseptic places, created by the modernist drive towards deodorization, that are so empty that they lead to an alienating sense of placelessness” (Drobnick 2002: 34). Strong aromas remain associated with poverty, disease, decadence and decay, the antitheses of high modernity (Bauman 1994), and continue to transgress “social conventions in regard to enjoyment, discipline, functionalism, corporeal deportment” (Drobnick 2002: 35), and so they are rigorously policed. Sound is similarly controlled, so that loud sounds are rarely permitted to disrupt soundscapes suffused with piped music. Auditory techniques and technologies serve to “marshal and discipline sound” and otherwise mediate urban space, “carving out acoustic order” (Tonkiss 2003: 304). As Tonkiss further notes (ibid.), responses to urban sounds are typified more by distraction than attention, an experience that I argue is mobilized through an attunement to habitual soundscapes. Tactility is also regulated so that smooth surfaces prevail on walls and floors, clutter and dirt are eradicated and evident routes are maintained. The seamlessness of linear movement and the even surfaces of polished floors and paving underfoot mean that the body remains undisturbed in its progress and is able to perform unhindered movement towards destinations, guided by what Boddy (1992) calls a “new urban prosthetics,” Senses & Society Sensing the Ruin 220 Senses & Society Tim Edensor a system of smooth and sealed walkways, escalators, bridges, people-conveyors and tunnels controlling the direction and partly the pace of pedestrian movement. These urban environments seem part of a “machinic episteme” (Lash 1999), through which an all-encompassing design orders meaning by placing people and things within a grid-like system, a spatialization of functional differentiation and single-purpose spaces in which specialized spaces for play, work and reproduction are assigned, contributing to “a spatially and socially segmented world – people here, traffic there; work here, homes there; rich here, poor there” (Berman 1982: 168). Yet not only do such unsensual realms emerge out of bureaucratic planning and control but inhere in dispositions towards space where repetitive, performative conventions about comportment and noise-making also sustain normative understandings about urban space. For the internalization of “good habits” is mobilized by the rationalization of the body through state education and health regimes whereby “the modernization of the body and the senses can be described as a process containing experience, discovery, as well as instruction” (Frykman 1994: 65). Together with contemporary reflexive projects of self-fashioning around appropriate nutrition, exercise and the acquisition of esteemed forms of knowledge and experience, the body is instructed to become aware of certain stimuli. Through valorizing certain forms of sensual experience, such instructive regimes create a reflexive body which “[becomes] the training ground for the double process of educating the senses and making good use of them” (ibid.: 67). In another organizing process, planners have partly ordered space to “clarify” sensory experience. In regulated space, the senses perceive and enjoy the precision of the environment. For instance, for Le Corbusier, the provision of plentiful supplies of light, clean air and space would encourage the rational development of healthy persons whose eyes, noses and ears would be uncluttered by sensory rubbish. Clear, linear sight lines would allow purposive progress and an undistracted mind. These and other values have percolated into popular social conventions about the acquisition of sensory capabilities – taking the seaside air, cultivating a nose for perfume, developing a finely tuned ear for music and a taste for good food – sustaining strategies for acquiring distinction. Such conventions exemplify Constance Classen’s assertion that “sensory values not only frame a culture’s experience, they express its ideals, its hopes and its fears” (1993: 136), its social relations, its cultural practices and its forms of practical living. The senses are thus “cumulative and accomplished, rather than given” (Stewart 1999: 18), they do not provide an unmediated access to the world as purely “natural” tools, for as Classen underlines, “we not only think about our senses, we think through them” (1993: 9). The sensing of the city is strongly influenced by modes and styles of movement. Richard Sennett (1994: 15) argues that urban space 221 has largely become “a mere function of motion,” engendering a “tactile sterility” where the city environment “pacifies the body,” notably through car travel, in which movement is typified by rapid transit without arousal. In the case of the car, the physical efforts – the “micro-movements” – used to negotiate space are minimal, producing a desensitized effect, so that ease in mobility “has triumphed over the sensory claims of the space through which the body moves.” While there is much to dispute in this account - for instance, it could be maintained that car driving re-sensualizes urban experience – sensory contact with urban materiality is undoubtedly reduced, replaced by other, more cocooned sensations. But walking through (Western) cities may also restrict a more engaged sensory experience with the aforementioned organization of pedestrian linearity through uncluttered walkways. As I have written elsewhere (Edensor 2000), this becomes profoundly apparent when walking in unfamiliar, non-Western space, such as an Indian bazaar, which may appear as wildly sensual and disordered. Different modes of social and spatial organization produce a more variegated space in which business, domestic, educational, leisure and bureaucratic activities coincide, allowing a rich stew of smells, sounds, tactilities and sights. For instance, the “smellscapes” in such spaces may be rich and varied, jumbling together pungent aromas to produce intense “olfactory geographies,” and, likewise, the combination of noises generated by numerous human activities, animals, forms of transport and performed and recorded music produces a changing symphony of diverse pitches, volumes and tones. The confrontation with numerous tactile experiences and the inability to make seamless progress towards a destination due to the cross-cutting paths of other moving (animal, vehicular and human) bodies thwart any linear movement and distanced apprehension. Such spaces can be sensually enervating as well as upsetting, for the quest for alternative, more intense sensual experience might be a response to highly regulated space. The habitual concern with epistemological and sensory security is simultaneously accompanied by a desire for its transcendence, a shaking up of the experiential order that can be partly satisfied by the sensual experience of street markets, popular music festivals, large carnivals and raves. Yet rather than comparable to medieval carnival, such spaces typically permit merely a “controlled decontrol of the emotions,” and are thus “liminoid,” only pertaining to liminality (Featherstone 1991). A sensual frisson may be experienced rather than an enveloping of the senses and emotions. For signs and spectacles of the carnivalesque are apt to be commodified, reinstating the ordered primacy of visual representation. Nevertheless, certain festive occasions mix people, food, music and sights to produce a rich sensory experience markedly different from that sensed in everyday urban settings. Similarly, sensory alternatives are sought in “white-knuckle” rides, which scramble the senses through the foregrounding of rapid movement, Senses & Society Sensing the Ruin Tim Edensor and in pop music festivals, which combine auditory and haptic stimuli. For instance, Saldanha (2002) shows how Goan beach raves are a complex amalgam of music; smells of sweat, kerosene and hashish; the sight of the moon and coconut trees; the tactilities of moving bodies, sand and humidity. A similar sensory immersion might be attributed to raves, in which, according to Reynolds, “the listener is hurled into a vortex of heightened sensation, abstract emotions and artificial energies” (1998: xix). In addition to occasional experiences, sensual order may be confounded in the course of everyday life. An intensive maintenance must be persistently mobilized to minimize the impact of strong sensations, but this is insufficient, for the smell of drains and body odor, car screeches and alarms, lurid clothing and outmoded artifacts, crumbling pavements and spilling rubbish can cause us to stop in our tracks. And so, despite the sensory regulation of Western urban space, as I will show, unbidden sights, sounds, textures and smells lurk in marginal spaces, waiting to burst out and infect regulated space and sensory experience as the “old, earthy environment persistently breaks through the cracks in the pavement” (Howes 2005: 37). 222 Senses & Society Figure 1 I now turn to a sensory depiction of a ruin in Manchester with which I am familiar. The site of an obscure industrial process, perhaps connected with automobiles, this ruin lies alongside a canal in the north of the city in an area that has not yet been subject to the widespread regeneration that pervades much of the city center and is extending into the north of the city, The ruin is typical of the diverse derelict industrial properties that continue to haunt Britain and other post-industrial nations, and, like many other such sites, it is supposedly off-limits, designated as useless yet dangerous space, but is the venue for a host of social activities and colonized Sensing the Ruin 223 Figure 2 Senses & Society by non-human forms (Edensor 2005a). Like other abandoned sites, the ruin continually changes as it decays and falls apart and so it is continually productive of changing sensual effects. I shall briefly identify some of the visual, sonic and aromatic qualities of this ruin before concentrating in greater detail on its production of haptic and tactile effects. In contrast to the urban realm of commodities, stable fixtures and classified things, in the ruin there are numerous objects and forms of matter that the eye cannot identify, that appear unclassifiable, partly because of their transformation under conditions of decay and partly because of (my) unfamiliarity with industrial processes. Objects wrought out of strange material, off-cuts and residues, parts never assembled and other enigmatic artifacts litter ruined scenes. Thus, shards of metal, things twisted into peculiar shapes, dead animals, matter and fixtures released from their usual confinement contravene the usual visual order and attune the eye to an emergent aesthetics, one that cannot be fixed through endless maintenance but is constantly becoming different. Scenes are framed by collapsing structures and decorations of yesteryear mock the ongoing production of the visually modish in commercial space. This alternative visual feast concerns the random mixing and mingling of artifacts and other kinds of stuff, so that those which were previously separated merge in new juxtapositions, striking chords through their unfamiliar accompaniments. Large machines, structural entities and other objects appear sculptural. Here, divested of a function and no longer surrounded by spatial order, their aesthetic, shapely and textural qualities may be apprehended. The jumble of matter thwarts a distanced gaze because space is not arranged to be visually apprehended and since dangers surround the moving body, you have to watch where you are going. Rather than as with the carefully considered color coding which suffuses domestic, commercial and Tim Edensor industrial space, layers of color compete with each other as paint peels, objects decay and plants colonize derelict space. Smell can justify “essentialist views of inferior or superior places” (Drobnick 2002: 37), for aroma is a key marker of cultural differences, informed by conventional values which claim to discern the respectability of place, identifying its (lack of) qualities. Ruins are typically of those realms in which strong, sometimes repulsive odors gather, but rather than confirming their official status as dirty and dangerous spaces of obsolescence, I argue that they can serve to revitalize an attention to, and sensory awareness of, materiality and place, can be an “aromatopia” (Drobnick 2005: 270). Famously, the non-visual senses are somewhat ineffable. For instance, smells “yield experiences which are inherently discontinuous, fragmentary and episodic.” In contradistinction to visuality, “intensity, complexity and affect replace considerations of perspective, scale or distance” (Drobnick 2002: 33). Moreover, “environmental and immersive” smells are “inhaled and thus become intimately bound with the body; they permeate the atmosphere and are thus inescapable” (ibid.). Powerful aromatic sensations in ruined spaces testify to the deodorization of the urban world, the banishment of strong botanical, industrial and decaying smells. Inhaling the scent of crumbling masonry and plaster, rotting wood and paper conjures up a rich sensation of forgotten memories, unidentifiable and obscure yet redolent of earlier experiences. The often overpowering aroma of certain plants, notably the buddleia which frequently colonizes derelict space, is pleasant but may be swiftly succeeded by the acrid stench of burnt wood, stagnant oil, petrol and carrion. In the ruin there are two notable effects that contrast with the normative sonic experience of the city. Firstly, the qualities of silence are amplified, because to walk through large abandoned chambers, often clothed in vegetation, foregrounds awareness of relative urban silence. As Tonkiss claims, 224 Senses & Society stumbling across silence in the city . . . can be like uncovering a secret . . . Empty space that doesn’t talk back is as evocative as the hush that falls over the crowd, the telephone that doesn’t ring, the dog that doesn’t bark. (2003: 308) The rhythms of home, work and leisure, a sense of place are constituted by soundscapes (Smith 1994) in which church bells or muezzins impose regular sonic effects and are auditory markers of space (see Corbin 2003), radios and television babble, traffic continually throbs and factories like this one, before they are abandoned, whir and chug day and night. Passage through regular sonic realms consolidates a sense of being in place and accompanies habitual routines. In the ruin, the background pulse of the city is quieter, less discernible, and the quiescence generates thoughts of a vanished, working soundscape. The second sonic effect is the existence of a Sensing the Ruin delicate soundscape which becomes discernible once you adjust to the uncanny quiet. Discrete sounds emerge and contribute to a sparser sonic backdrop in contradistinction to the thick racket of most urban noise; it becomes possible to isolate sounds and trace their source. Contributing elements include doors creaking in the wind, bushes swaying, flurries of pigeons who have taken up home in the decaying roof, and a thrush singing, Since, as Feld notes, “place is sensed and senses are placed” (2005), the sensual and practical engagement with familiar space depends upon materialities, not merely the cultural understandings that emerge out of broader discursive and representational epistemologies. It is therefore essential to reinstate the affordances of place and space, those qualities which are spatial potentialities, constraining and enabling a range of actions. For space is “a concrete and sensuous concatenation of material forces” (Wylie 2002: 251) which possesses an agency to impact upon the sensibilities of those who dwell and move within. The surfaces, textures, temperatures, atmospheres, contours, gradients and pathways of places encourage humans to follow particular courses of action, producing an everyday practical orientation dependent upon a multisensory apprehension of place and space. And, as Seremetakis asserts, the sensory is not only encapsulated within the body as an internal capacity or power but is also dispersed out there on the surface of things as the latter’s autonomous characteristics, which can then invade the body as perceptual experience. (1994: 6) 225 Figure 3 Senses & Society While such processes of spatial interaction are never merely “natural,” since all human action and apprehension is enmeshed within learnt Tim Edensor 226 Senses & Society cultural, practical techniques and conventions, particular physical phenomena impact upon people and influence their spatial practices, their sensory perception and sensual evaluations. Affordances thus inform a practical engagement that becomes part of “second nature” where they are familiar with space. In the ruin, the dissolution of sensual familiarity and the advent of sensual surprises may be initially overwhelming, repulsive or arresting, but it also has the potential to provide a stimulating experience by this distinction from the familiar. Accordingly, I particularly want to consider the effects of the texture, structure and condition of material arrangements in the ruin (see Edensor 2005b) insofar as they impact upon the experience of tactility, for the confrontation with the peculiar affordances of ruins produces a sensual experience of materiality greatly at variance with regular, ordered urban space and contemporary conventions of comfort which protect the sense of touch (Crowley 2005). It is through the haptic senses that the urban ruin is apprehended in most stark contrast to the rest of the city. The spatial recontextualization and condition of objects in ruins draws attention to their material qualities, making evident the matter out of which they are made and foregrounding the sensuous work that was involved in their manufacture and use. This encounter with the materiality of things can provoke a sudden awareness of the ways in which we are affectively and sensually alienated from the material world. In desensualized urban and domestic realms, the sheer smoothness of space, the constant maintenance of space and objects through cleaning, polishing and disposal effectively restricts and regulates sensory experience, minimizing confrontations with textures, weight and other material agencies (Howes 2005). Modes of comporting the body in the city, moving through smooth space in which the consistent removal of excess matter minimizes Figure 4 Sensing the Ruin disruption and facilitates speedy progress, are confounded among the disorganized materialities of the ruin. To walk among a clutter of multiple objects and fragments is to move within a material environment which continually engages bodies, distracting and repulsing us, attracting us to unfamiliar textures or peculiar shapes, coercing us to stoop and bend to make a path around and through stuff. As Gay Hawkins and Stephen Muecke assert, this sort of “waste,” this rejected and neglected matter, “can touch the most visceral registers of the self – it can trigger responses and affects that remind us of the body’s intensities and multiplicities” (2003: xiv). In the ruin, the transformed materiality of industrial space, its deregulation, decay and the distribution of objects and less distinguishable matter, provides a realm in which sensual experience and performance is cajoled into unfamiliar enactions that coerce encounters with unfamiliar things and their affordances. At first somewhat disturbing, this confrontation with excess matter offers opportunities to engage with the material world in a more playful, sensual fashion than is usually afforded in much smoothed-over urban space. To access the ruin, I must pick my way over a mound of rubble, brick, girders and earth piled high, and when walking inside the decaying sheds I have to sense the conditions of flooring and the stability of precarious overhead roofing. Might it be susceptible to collapse? Might the spreading film of oil be dangerously slippery? Here, the unfamiliar acquisition of a skilful apprehension of space is necessary for my own safety. The ruin feels very different to smoothed over urban space, rebukes the unsensual erasure of multiple tactilities, smells, sounds and sights. 227 Senses & Society Figure 5 Tim Edensor It is not a world of silken sheen or velvety textures, polished surfaces, ceaselessly swept flooring or plush carpeting. Instead, it contains the rough, splintery texture of a wooden workbench or floorboards, crunchy shards of glass on concrete flooring, the mulch of moldering paper, moss and saplings, decomposing clothes, corroding steel and slimy, rotting wood. In their unfamiliarity, such things invite touch. Unlike the artifacts in a store or museum (see Classen 2005), these items are available to pick up, to stroke and throw, to smash or pull apart. This tactile engagement with things usually consigned to landfill and dumps brings back some of the familiar sensations of childhood for me, when I dwelt in dens and woods and ostensibly off-limits derelict houses alone and with friends. The “thingness” of these objects, their material qualities and their potentialities for manual apprehension release a flood of neglected sense-making capacities. These pleasurable forms of matter, which assert their weight and texture and invite the body to interact with them, are joined by matter of which the sensory apprehension is less enjoyable, stuff that intimates that the body is under threat through its sensory effects. Rickety stairways and collapsed sections should be avoided, along with the viscous puddles of grease, upturned nails in boards, piles of asbestos or concrete pits filled with oil and water. Moreover, even when not dangerous, matter forces the body on the defensive by its powerful sensual intrusions: the face may suddenly become enveloped in a thick veil of cobwebs or dust, the clatter of a swinging 228 Senses & Society Figure 6 Sensing the Ruin light fitment in the wind may cause a sharp fright, and fingers may gather splinters from a shattered beam. The body recoils or opens itself out to these sensual stimuli, to the abundant textures, to both abject and pleasurable matter disposed of in more regulated space. Acting contingently in these unfamiliar surroundings, the body is not merely reactive to the effusion of sensory affordances but also actively engages with the things it beholds. In turn, the ruin is a space in which things can be engaged with, destroyed and strewn around expressively in contradistinction to interaction with things in regulated realms where, typically, vision predominates, objects are beheld at a distance, and a disposition is required whereby commodities and other forms of material property are sacrosanct and may not be meddled with. In the ruin, there is no price to pay for destroying things that have already been consigned to the category of waste and belong to nobody. In this ruin, as in most, windows are smashed, doors ripped off their hinges, piles of debris set alight. The constraints which delimit action upon the material world are here irrelevant, but also because a viscerally and sensually exciting engagement with matter is available. A further taboo, the shielding of the body from muck, is further confounded in the ruin, where dirt pervades every corner. Filth such as this is among those “culturally mandated categories to exclude and repress,” conceived of as “unassimilably other” (Cohen 2005: ix). As Hamlin remarks, its power lies in the threat it poses to the “borders between self and nonself” (Hamlin 2005: 5). Yet, unable to insulate itself against these material intrusions, the body is rendered porous, open to the impacts of matter, is a “threshold or passage” characterized by “multiple surfaces open to other surfaces” through which “strange substances” are able “to cross the subject’s own boundaries” (Fullagar 2001: 179). Provoking disquiet and abhorrence, filth is a category which, although it has 229 Senses & Society Figure 7 Tim Edensor revolted has simultaneously fascinated, and here, there remains the possibility to get pleasurably filthy in a fashion reserved for labourers and children. Senses & Society Conclusion A sensuous engagement is part of the way in which people make and inhabit space, but while an apprehension of the environment continuously emerges in response to its qualities it is constrained by environmental conditions and performative conventions, for, as Susan Stewart argues, the senses are “shaped and modified by experience and the body bears a somatic memory of its encounters with what is outside it” (1999: 19). Similarly, place thus imprints itself on the body and is carried by it through time and space (Casey 1987). I have argued that under contemporary urban conditions, sensual experience tends to be minimized by regulatory procedures, planning, cultural conventions and values, and spatial divisions. Yet the unruly effects of sensual stimuli are always liable to break through the carefully guarded city, and, in addition, more powerful sensations may be sought in places on the urban margins, in which a low level of surveillance promotes a rich and varied sensory experience. Such spaces may be sought precisely because they confound familiar forms of comfort and mundane sensual experience. Here the body is a site of “surfaces, affects and desires that perceive and connect with other planes of existence, energies and affects” (Fullagar 2001: 74) and more reign is given to the potential for multisensory experiences. The strong sensations experienced in the industrial ruin are repellent but also delightful, for they provoke unexpected pleasures, imaginings and desires. These alternative sensual realms can critically speak back to the urban environment of reduced sensation, revealing the sensual deficit that reduces the richness of urban existence and highlighting how, according to Drobnick, “the poetry of existence” is enhanced by “cultivating diverse sensory experiences and a heightened sensitivity towards the immediate physicality of the world” (2005: 273). The sensory revelations of ruins and those of other interstitial spaces could therefore be exemplars which inform approaches to urban planning and regeneration that are more attuned to the pleasures and effects of sensual diversity in the city. 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