Environmental Impact Assessment Review 39 (2013) 26–36 Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect Environmental Impact Assessment Review journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/eiar Knowledge brokerage - potential for increased capacities and shared power in impact assessment Maria Rosario Partidario a,⁎, William R. Sheate b, c a b c Instituto Superior Técnico, Lisbon, Portugal, Av. Rovisco Pais, 1049–001 LISBOA, Portugal Centre for Environmental Policy, Imperial College London, South Kensington Campus, London SW7 2AZ, UK Collingwood Environmental Planning Ltd, London, 1E, The Chandlery, 50 Westminster Bridge Road, London SE1 7QY, UK a r t i c l e i n f o Available online 28 March 2012 Keywords: SEA Sustainability Knowledge Brokerage Participation Power a b s t r a c t Constructive and collaborative planning theory has exposed the perceived limitations of public participation in impact assessment. At strategic levels of assessment the established norm can be misleading and practice is illusive. For example, debates on SEA effectiveness recognize insufficiencies, but are often based on questionable premises. The authors of this paper argue that public participation in strategic assessment requires new forms of information and engagement, consistent with the complexity of the issues at these levels and that strategic assessments can act as knowledge brokerage instruments with the potential to generate more participative environments and attitudes. The paper explores barriers and limitations, as well as the role of knowledge brokerage in stimulating the engagement of the public, through learning-oriented processes and responsibility sharing in more participative models of governance. The paper concludes with a discussion on building and inter-change of knowledge, towards creative solutions to identified problems, stimulating learning processes, largely beyond simple information transfer mechanisms through consultative processes. The paper argues fundamentally for the need to conceive strategic assessments as learning platforms and design knowledge brokerage opportunities explicitly as a means to enhance learning processes and power sharing in IA. © 2012 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. 1. Introduction In the early days Impact Assessment (IA) instruments were conceived to be analytical and technical-oriented instruments, designed to deliver information to decision-making on the potential effects of certain actions on the environment. The institutionalization of IA was needed to ensure effectiveness in implementation, and better and continued practice through the adoption of common rules and normative approaches. But this was also a form of changing practices of power sharing in development decision-making. With IA decisions on development actions were no longer the prerogative of action proponents and sector licensing authorities, but they became also dependent on environmental responsible authorities that would ensure environmental issues would be integrated at early stages. Paradoxically, in some jurisdictions, this changing practice may have led to power being shifted from one elite to another, rather than actual power sharing, in particular where the environmental authorities’ views and position became binding, making the IA process dependent on the IA decision. Generally the engagement of civil society in this ⁎ Corresponding author. Tel.: + 351 21 8418341. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (M.R. Partidario), [email protected], [email protected] (W.R. Sheate). 0195-9255/$ – see front matter © 2012 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.eiar.2012.02.002 IA power sharing versus shifting has been very limited, public participation often being limited to punctual consultation and performed as part of a legal obligation. Only in more recent years has the value of public participation to environmental decision-making been more widely recognized (Diduck 2001; Fitzpatrick 2006; Fitzpatrick and Sinclair 2003; Juntti et al. 2009; Raymond et al. 2010; Sinclair et al. 2008) and the importance of public space and capacities for engagement received greater attention (e.g. Elling, 2009; Habermas, 1989; Stirling, 2006). Over the same timescale the issue of governance has become more prominent, i.e. we talk not just of governments governing but of ‘governance’ in recognition that decision-making is undertaken by a range of actors – governments, economic actors/markets, IA consultants, lawyers, civil society, scientists increasingly working in networks and collaborations - along with norms, rights and responsibilities influencing the way decisions are made. A number of driving forces have increased the need to engage the public more in environmental governance, as a response to globalization and the increasing internationalization of decision-making e.g. through the European Union (EU), World Trade Organization (WTO), United Nations (UN) among others. It could seem strange that the public's involvement becomes more important as decision-making becomes less local and more distant; however that is justified by the risk of democratic deficit and loss of accountability without more active means of M.R. Partidario, W.R. Sheate / Environmental Impact Assessment Review 39 (2013) 26–36 engaging citizens in decision-making beyond the electoral cycle (van Kersbergen and van Waarden, 2004). This inclusion of citizens in decision-making also reflects the increasing recognition of the value of knowledge other than expert knowledge to decision-making. We refer to tacit (implicit) or lay knowledge (Polanyi, 1958), arising from concrete experience and active experimentation, especially when issues are contested as is often the case in relation to environmental and sustainability problems. Public involvement is increasingly becoming institutionalized through IA legislation such as the EIA and SEA Directives in the EU, and importantly by the UNECE Aarhus Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters (Sheate, 2012; UNECE, 1998). Notwithstanding the above developments, the perception, and practice, of IA as an informative instrument based on experts’ knowledge, and how it is verified or shown to be ‘true’, is still often dominant. Limited investment – beyond formal consultation - has tended to be made in the IA process or the consideration of societal values and perceptions. However, recent thinking (e.g. Cashmore et al., 2008; Fischer et al., 2009; Jha-Thakur et al., 2009; Owens et al., 2004; Partidario, 2009; Runhaar, 2009; Runhaar and Driessen, 2007) increasingly shows that the effective role of IA is likely to be stronger if it performs as a socio-political, rather than simply informative, knowledge-based instrument. This recognition is motivated by two fundamental reasons: i) The causes of negative impacts are often a consequence of improper communication between proponents and authorities, insufficient attention to societal values and consequently deficient understanding and implementation of IA outcomes; and ii) The engagement of stakeholders in IA processes has considerable possibilities for improvement as long as stakeholders are made part of the process and not used only as a checking mechanism. The institutionalization of IA is in part, and paradoxically (given its current weak practice), responsible for this encouraging shift in perception. This paper explores the relevance of knowledge brokerage approaches in strategic assessment as a mechanism to increase capacities and shared power in IA processes. Within the constraints of the paper it is taken as given that more participatory spaces may make for better knowledge exchange (Habermas, 1989; Stirling, 2006). We are interested specifically in knowledge brokerage, however, rather than the rationales for public participation per se. Knowledge brokerage is understood here as a mechanism for transferring research evidence into policy and practice (Ward et al., 2009), and as a way of breaking down barriers that impede interaction, healthy communication and collaboration (Sheate & Partidario, 2010). Through knowledge sharing and exchange, mutual learning processes can be stimulated, increasing the potential to build capacity among stakeholders and improve outcomes. These gain considerable relevance within learning theories and constructivist approaches, as a view of learning based on the belief that knowledge is not something that can be simply given by an expert to a group of stakeholders, as apparently advocated by some authors (Michaels, 2009; Weaver et al. 2008). Rather, knowledge is constructed by learners through an active, mental process of development; learners are the builders and creators of meaning and knowledge (Colliver, 2002). In strategic environmental assessment (SEA) and sustainability assessment (SA) public participation (including the engagement of stakeholders, citizens and non-governmental organizations [NGOs]), in the establishment of visions and identification of priorities that precede the formulation of proposals, is still more the exception than the rule. Practice shows that public participation is required, and conducted, in SEA in very similar ways to environmental impact assessment (EIA), to ensure information provision rather then knowledge creation through learning processes. Current legal requirements 27 for SEA, such as the EU Directive 2001/42/EC (or the Plan's EIA chapter in the China EIA Law), require that SEA be subject to public consultation, but practice reveals quite reactive and late public consultation performance, where consultation is conducted mainly to meet legal requirements, rather than to generate learning processes and active contributions to strategy formation. The reactive nature of such public participation practices does not work for strategic dimensions, may simply increase the problem of participation fatigue, limit the process of learning and reduce power-sharing opportunities. Throughout this paper, illustrative (rather than representative) case examples are used to highlight specific points from practical experience, to illustrate how a broad appreciation of knowledge brokerage in IA could bring real benefits in terms of long-term knowledge creation and power sharing, and break down some of the barriers. This paper is structured around three important premises that support our argument and proposal for the adoption of SEA/SA as knowledge brokerage platforms: 1. Knowledge is a construction process led by learners; 2. Knowledge is power, power is knowledge; and 3. There is insufficient sharing of knowledge, and power, in IA, amongst stakeholders, and an urgent need for enhancing trust among actors. 2. Knowledge as a construction process This section sets the scene with respect to the concept of knowledge, as well as of knowledge brokerage - the central focus of this paper - to allow for further exploration in the context of strategic assessment. 2.1. What is knowledge? The theories of knowledge reveal a crucial shift from realism to constructivism which is very relevant to understanding the main focus of this paper. In particular, it can help to explain how different actors acquire knowledge and the value of knowledge exchange, in view of different types of knowledge (Raymond et al., 2010), and also provide insights into how IA can help broker knowledge. Constructivists would suggest that the appropriate form of learning is one that involves “world making rather than world mirroring, creating rather than finding, focusing on activities rather than on things and substances” (Colliver, 2002: 50). To Colliver (2002) constructivism refers to: - a theory of learning; - a revolutionary view of knowledge. As a theory of learning – constructivism is “a spinoff that muddles the distinction between knowledge, in the sense of body of human knowledge and how it is verified or shown to be true, and learning, in the sense of individual learner and the principles, theories, methods and technologies that characterize and facilitate the learning process” (Colliver, 2002: 49). Knowledge, as in ‘a body of knowledge’, can be synonymous with information or understanding (Blackmore, 2007). The literature on IA expressively associates knowledge to information creation and gathering, understanding and sharing particularly across experts (Jha-Thakur et al., 2009; Weaver et al., 2008). Weaver et al. (2008) for example refer to knowledge as information generation, gathering and analysis, stating that “EIA [environmental impact assessment] can contribute to developing a body of good scientific knowledge, particularly in information-poor areas” (Weaver et al. 2008: 95) and exemplifying with the benefits of implementing robust baseline studies in the EIA process namely to expand “knowledge on the range and distribution of known species” (Weaver et al. 2008: 96). Knowledge can also refer to a state of knowing, but as Blackmore (2007) recognizes there are different ways of knowing with different degrees of rationality, ranging from scientific and philosophical to more intuitive and innate. Knowledge is often understood in 28 M.R. Partidario, W.R. Sheate / Environmental Impact Assessment Review 39 (2013) 26–36 pedagogical terms as information that can be recalled (Bloom et al., 1956). Knowledge however is often imbued with a higher order quality than might be recognised in the educational learning field. In Bloom's hierarchy of the cognitive domain (Bloom et al., 1956) knowledge is the lowest order of learning, followed by comprehension, application, analysis, synthesis and evaluation above it, on an ascending scale. In IA and environmental decision-making more generally, when we talk about knowledge and different forms of knowledge, there tends to be an implicit assignment of greater value to it – that it is not just information that can be recalled, but information that has been processed through learning to create understanding and insight (Sheate and Partidario, 2010). Jha-Thakur et al. (2009) explore Bloom's taxonomy of progressive learning in appraisal to refer to learning in SEA, distinguishing between learning about SEA, in relation to knowledge and comprehension, and learning through SEA, when referring to synthesis and evaluation. One might also suggest that knowledge may increase with experience to result in something we might call ‘wisdom’, or the best use of knowledge. Blackwell and Colmenar (1999) illustrate how inserting the community building approach into policymaking can produce better policies that reflect the wisdom, experience and voice of local constituencies. The authors propose a strategy for improving policymaking by transforming the policy process itself into one that builds community. Different forms of knowledge can be acquired: expert (explicit) knowledge and lay (implicit or tacit) knowledge (Polanyi, 1958), the latter being that which is unwritten, kept in the mind. There can be variations in between since even lay knowledge may in some cases actually be expert knowledge, even if not explicit (i.e. written down and easily transferable) (Petts and Brooks, 2006). Raymond et al. (2010) for example distinguish between experiential/local knowledge, scientific knowledge and hybrid knowledge, as classes of knowledge, and within these the authors identify 12 different types of knowledge: indigenous, traditional ecological knowledge, local ecological, personal, lay, local or situated, tacit, implicit, informal, non-experts, novice experts, explicit and formal. Science-policy debates centre on the value of different forms of knowledge in policy making and the role in particular of science and how science is used in policy making (Owens, 2009; Raymond et al., 2010; Weichselgartner and Kasperson, 2009). Traditionally science found its way into policy through a distinctly linear model of knowledge transfer, from the scientific experts to the policy makers. However, especially in the environmental field, where policy problems are increasingly beset by complexity and uncertainty and where issues are publicly contested, science cannot be the only determinant of policy. Sarewitz (2000) suggests that rather than resolving political debate, science can often become ammunition in partisan squabbling and that scientific experts on each side of the controversy can cancel each other out, and the more powerful political or economic interests prevail. Best and Holmes (2010) and Nutley et al. (2010), as well as McFarlane (2006) explore the way in which different forms of knowledge may be used in policy making. McFarlane (2006) talks about the movement of knowledge in the mainstream development literature where knowledge is viewed as travelling in a linear way, however with the assumption that information and knowledge circulate globally. This view is influenced by the traditional rationalism conception of knowledge and “its resonances in contemporary conceptions of knowledge formation as a linear process, whereby unstructured data are concerted to structured information, before being added to a stock of knowledge that can inform wiser beliefs or judgments” (McFarlane, 2006: 289). Best and Holmes (2010) provide a framework for distinguishing between three generations of knowledge-to-action thinking which reflect the way in which our understanding of knowledge has evolved: • Linear models (1960s to mid-1990s) – research is handed over to others to use, i.e. through ‘knowledge transfer’ • Relationship models (mid-1990s to present) – networks of collaborating research producers and users result more in ‘knowledge exchange’ • Systems models (over the last five years) – knowledge is embedded within organizations and systems and in the priorities and cultures of those organization and systems so that the result is ‘knowledge integration’, ‘translation’ and ‘mobilization’. In this way we can see a shift from a way of thinking in which research knowledge was something that was expert driven and separate from policy knowledge to one where the two realms of knowledge are increasingly blurred (Nutley et al., 2010). This reflects a shift from a very linear model of knowledge transfer (from those who know to those who do not) to a much more dynamic view of knowledge, embedded in learning processes where knowledge circulates among communities of practice (Wenger, 1998, as cited in McFarlane, 2006). For Wenger (1998) communities of practice are groups of people who share a concern or a passion for something they do and learn how to do it better as they interact regularly. Communities of practice focus on learning as social participation while knowing is the ability to competently participate in the practices of a community. Learning as a practice has two aspects for Wenger: experience and regimes of competence (McFarlane, 2006). In communities of practice knowledge enables informal action, choice, critical judgment, and greater capacity to take part in governance processes. In IA we can see a similar shift from a linear and rational model in the early years of EIA (1970s) to one where there was some sharing of knowledge (the recognition that people should be consulted) to more of a variety of forms of assessment today where, in best practice at least, there is a recognition that citizens need to be involved in an early and effective manner in decision-making, e.g. through the institutionalization of accountability through the UNECE 1998 Aarhus Convention (Sheate, 2012). 2.2. What is knowledge brokerage? Knowledge brokerage is the process of facilitating knowledge transfer and knowledge exchange, in short knowledge in transition. Knowledge brokerage is a rapidly emerging field (Clark and Kelly, 2005) and has a particularly strong pedigree in the health sector (Findlay, 2003), but also in the business world (Walter et al., 2007). A particular perspective can be seen in the definition provided by the Canadian Health Services Research Foundation (2003, p.ii):“Knowledge brokering is one of the human forces behind knowledge transfer. It is a dynamic activity that goes well beyond the standard notion of transfer as a collection of activities that helps move information from a source to a recipient. Brokering focuses on identifying and bringing together people interested in an issue, people who can help each other develop evidence-based solutions. It helps build relationships and networks for sharing existing research and ideas and stimulating new work. Knowledge brokering supports evidence-based decision-making by encouraging the connections that ease knowledge transfer” This clearly moves beyond a simple linear model of knowledge transfer into two-way or even multiple ways of connecting people to share ideas and stimulate solutions, as implicit in its use in the context of networks that are based on less directional models. Ward et al. (2009) summarise the three main theories available for underpinning knowledge brokerage: knowledge management (relatively passive dissemination of knowledge); linkage and exchange (active engagement between researchers and decision-makers); and capacity building (fostering greater self-reliance in both the researcher and the decision-maker, e.g. through enhancing the knowledge transfer/ communication skills of the researcher and the analytical and M.R. Partidario, W.R. Sheate / Environmental Impact Assessment Review 39 (2013) 26–36 interpretive skills of the decision-maker). They also recognise the importance of sufficient time and resources being allocated for successful knowledge brokerage to occur, and that in practice the knowledge brokerage process is poorly understood. Sheate and Partidario (2010) explore the potential of the knowledge brokerage concept in the context of strategic assessments, such as SEA and SA and concluded that for knowledge brokerage to succeed in the context of environmental decision-making a number of conditions are likely to be needed (Sheate and Partidario, 2010):• Range of stakeholders - the appropriate range of stakeholders needs to be engaged in the decision-making process; • Opportunity space - resources, time and space need to be created for engagement and exchange of knowledge to take place; • Conducive to knowledge exchange - that time and space need to provide a conducive, open-dialogue and non-judgmental environment in which that exchange can take place; • Learning environment – conditions need to be established to enable creation and transformation of knowledge through learning processes; • Receptiveness of proponent - a proponent will need to be alerted to the advantages of knowledge input to make him/her receptive to external inputs to decision-making; • Willingness to use of different knowledges - a proponent as well as the EIA or SEA/SA authorities will need to be actually willing to make use of other forms of knowledge. Knowledge brokerage may be attributed to different schools of thought about its purpose. In this paper we suggest a classification of the purposes behind – or context for – knowledge brokerage into three broad categories (or schools of thought): the policy-science school, the impact assessment school and the facilitator/learning school. 2.2.1. The science-policy school Often knowledge brokerage is acknowledged as being provided by individuals or organizations that act as intermediaries between those who produce knowledge, often researchers, and those who are consumers of that knowledge, such as policy-makers (Michaels, 2009; Pielke, 2007; Ward et al., 2009). Due to their ability to structure and interpret scientific knowledge, knowledge brokers are particularly influential where there is considerable scientific uncertainty, as is often true for environmental problems (Liftin, 1994 as cited by Michaels, 2009). This might include scientific advisory committees, for example, in acting as intermediaries between scientific researchers and policy makers. Notwithstanding increasing efforts to do otherwise, this category emphasizes still the linear model of knowledge thinking or of knowledge transfer discussed above (Owens, 2009) and is strongly associated with the science-policy debate. 2.2.2. The impact assessment school For some authors knowledge brokerage is about networks that enable knowledge transfer (albeit in a two-way or in multiple ways manners) (e.g. Canadian Health Services Research Foundation, 2003), more in line with the relationship model and therefore knowledge exchange. Often the debate is still between two key stakeholders: experts, or researchers, and regulators, or decision-makers (Weaver et al., 2008). Partnerships and voluntary agreements to encourage cooperation, shared understanding, consistency, effectiveness and efficiency in the delivery of environmental services have been acknowledged as crucial in promoting knowledge in IA. Weaver et al. (2008) provide examples of partnering agreements, as well as activities that promote interaction across networks of interested stakeholders, including joint seminars and workshops, training courses, funded research based on practitioners’ surveys and interviews to identify problems within existing EIA practices, and ways to resolve them. Through communication and cooperation practitioners can collaborate with regulators to improve effectiveness. Innes (1998) has emphasized that decision makers involved in 29 creating knowledge are more inclined and better able to incorporate such knowledge into their deliberation than when they are not involved. 2.2.3. The facilitator/learning school In this paper, and previously (Sheate and Partidario, 2010), we have defined knowledge brokerage in the context of IA in broader terms than either of the above. We have proposed to extend brokerage to cover the philosophy and the context created by strategic assessments, as well as the role that techniques used in IA can play, in acting as platforms for facilitating knowledge creation, transference and exchange; in other words knowledge in transition among stakeholders, in order to promote learning processes. In the facilitator/ learning school we assume that we work with complex systems that require knowledge to understand how specific variables, and their components, relate to each other. We assume that we need to work with the whole system, but in a systemic and organized way that allows us to manage complexity, and its inherent uncertainty. Ostrom (2009) says that without a common framework to organize findings, knowledge does not accumulate. We recognize that often in IA there are multiple frameworks derived from different theories and models used by different disciplinary backgrounds that restrict their analysis to their parts of a complex multilevel whole. Our understanding of knowledge brokerage, therefore, recognizes that we need to bridge across those bounded realities (cultural values, disciplinary theories) that impede the travelling of knowledge (McFarlane, 2006), and contribute to create a constructive learning process where multiple knowledges interact, accumulate and multiply in an interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary way. Crucial to this category is that long-term benefits of knowledge creation and exchange are established beyond the immediate life of the IA process (policy, plan, programme or project). Jha-Thakur et al. (2009) explore and discuss ‘learning about’ and ‘learning through’ appraisal. Their whole argument happens within the realms of SEA, and not by looking at SEA as an instrumental approach to learning. Interestingly, in all the three cases studied, compared and reported in that paper, the authors reveal that SEA was recognized by the practitioner-experts involved as providing a methodological and instrumental role in the planning and appraisal approach, with subtle but still beneficial learning outcomes, but adding very little to existing environmental knowledge, understanding and sensitivity. This conclusion contrasts with that from Weaver et al., 2008, where the authors consider, and provide evidence, on how “EIA can contribute to developing a body of good scientific knowledge, particularly in information-poor areas” (p.95). Perhaps this contrasting conclusion on the role of these impact assessment instruments provides support to the idea that EIA and SEA are essentially different instruments, with different purposes and roles, and that EIA-based SEA approaches are therefore misleading us as to the expected role of SEA as a strategic-based instrument (Partidario, 2007a, 2007b). Like McFarlane (2006) we believe that learning is not a linear addition of information or knowledge, but is a ‘transformation of knowing’. Learning involves strengthening the practices of communities and the abilities of individuals to participate in those practices (Wenger, 1998). Learning also requires that organizations may become learning organizations, where knowledge as a technical entity, that delivers development solutions, moves into knowledge as socially produced, whereby ‘Information becomes knowledge when it is interpreted by individuals, given a context and anchored in the beliefs and commitments of individuals’ (Nonaka et al., 2000: 7). Linnenluecke and Griffiths (2010) suggest a link between the cultural orientation of an organization and the pursuit of corporate sustainability principles, arguing that to fully respond to environmental and social challenges, organizations will have to undergo significant cultural change and transformation. This could be acceptable for both private 30 M.R. Partidario, W.R. Sheate / Environmental Impact Assessment Review 39 (2013) 26–36 as well as public organizations, and as argued in this paper, strategic assessment, through knowledge brokerage, can have a fundamental role in this organizational cultural change. For us, knowledge brokerage therefore means in practice: 1. Working together, and with each other; 2. Using common, non-technical, language for a common problem; 3. Facilitating creation and horizontal, as well as vertical, exchange of knowledge; 4. Encouraging the knowledge-learning nexus; and 5. Increasing capacities and innovation. This necessitates a holistic and transdisciplinary perspective in environmental policy making and how it is seen to contribute to sustainability. 3. Knowledge is power, power is knowledge in IA? There is a normative assumption that the integration of knowledge and values is best achieved through involving the widest diversity of actors in the decision-making process that can contribute their respective knowledge and values necessary to make effective, efficient, fair and morally acceptable decisions (Habermas, 1989; Renn and Schweizer, 2009; Webler, 1995). As mentioned above, Innes (1998) emphasized that decision makers are more willing to incorporate knowledge in their deliberation when they are direct actors in the process of creating knowledge. Renn and Schweizer (2009) suggest there are six concepts of inclusive governance: functionalist, neo-liberal, deliberative, anthropological, emancipatory and post-modern concepts, that provide useful constructs for exploring intended outcomes of different participation methods. In the analysis below, this paper focuses mainly on the functionalist, deliberative and post-modern perspectives, since these are designed to improve, respectively: the quality of decision output (effectiveness and legitimacy), moral legitimacy to reflect social and cultural values, and enlighten the policy process by including the diversity of factual claims, opinions and values (Renn and Schweizer, 2009). This section emphasizes the role of power in the construction of knowledge. Constructivism in effect reverses the adage ‘knowledge is power’ to say that ‘power is knowledge’. The point is that “knowledge is determined by social and political factors in addition to logic and reason, and even logic and reason are determined by social and political factors” (Colliver, 2002: 50). Evidence-based policy, and appraisal, is argued to be indispensable for effective environmental policy-making, with experts playing a crucial role in fact-finding and evidence generation, which then they are expected to decipher and interpret to a wider public audience (Juntti et al., 2009). However, as Juntti et al. (2009: 208) argue the “evidence-policy relationship is not as clear cut as some advocates of more evidence based policy might like”. These authors advocate the need for a wider definition of evidence, where scientific based knowledge and the knowledge of lay persons or stakeholders, which they call experience-based experts, are both contributing to evidencebased policy. The reasons offered relate to the need to produce knowledge in full recognition of its context of application, thus permitting that evidence so produced is fully embedded in a specific cultural and practical context. Juntti et al. (2009) further suggest that although “institutionalized practices of decision-making seem to grant the ‘universal validity’ of scientific knowledge a superior status, local knowledge is rapidly gaining ground as a means of legitimising policy and improving accountability and transparency” Juntti et al. (2009: 209). As discussed earlier, Colliver (2002) advocates constructivism as a theory of learning to distinguish between knowledge and learning. In his view knowledge is a human, social invention – a construction, whereby knowledge claims are only justified if they are seen as useful in reaching practical goals, rather than by verification to prove that they correspond to reality. This position contrasts profoundly with the rational-determinism common in IA technical approaches. McFarlane (2006) eloquently explores this theme with reference to mainstream development and the North–south gap. To this author in mainstream development knowledge and learning are commonly viewed through rational lenses that frame learning as a cumulative process of ‘adding’ new information to existing knowledge ‘stacks’ in a straightforward way in order to make them more effective (McFarlane, 2006: 290), stating that the basic assumption is that all that development agencies, non governmental organizations, and think-tanks have to do is to improve their knowledge-management strategies, including knowledge capture and sharing. This is meant to be knowledge brokerage, while senior staff in development organisations see themselves as knowledge brokers. As an example McFarlane (2006) uses Country Assessment Strategies (CASs) the purpose of which is apparently the identification of ‘knowledge gaps’, detailing ways of delivering the right kinds of development knowledge, and building the institutional capacities of public, private and civil society organizations to get to the right kinds of knowledge and manage it effectively. However this ‘knowledge for development’ reflects a political motivation, despite being presented as a ‘knowledge gap’. Not only is there the problematic claim that ‘knowledge’ is the most important feature in development, it is also assumed that knowledge must originate in the ‘North’. McFarlane (2006) refers to ‘knowledge about technology’ and ‘knowledge about attributes’ as the knowledge ‘gaps’ between the North and the South, while in the development process instead of ‘re-creating existing knowledge’, poor countries are encouraged to acquire knowledge from the North through open trade regimes and foreign investment, even while they are encouraged to build on indigenous knowledge. In this process the North are framed as ‘senders’, the South as ‘receivers’ (Power, 2003: 186 cited by McFarlane, 2006). Even where the internet is claimed to be an opportunity for enlarged engagement, access to knowledge and capacity-building for empowered communities, it is known to remain unavailable or unreliable, particularly outside urban centres, leaving without access a large majority of the population in poorer countries and poorer communities. The actual role of indigenous knowledge is yet to be widely seen, while the power shift remains in favour of those that have, and deliver, knowledge. This shows that while apparently there is a political tendency to increase community empowerment through building capacity and access to knowledge, the situation still remains embedded within the conventional model of scientific-knowledge influencing decisionmaking, with reality showing a distinct lack of investment on more socially-oriented and power sharing policy attitudes. Far from knowledge brokerage as we would see it, this is simply facilitating knowledge transfer, confirming the principle that knowledge is power. McFarlane (2006) argues that the pervasive rationalist conception of knowledge as objective, universal and instrumental is still dominant and that a post-rationalist perspective is needed to conceive knowledge and learning as socially produced through practices, and both spatially and materially specific. The concept of ‘knowledge in travel’ suggested by McFarlane and discussed above is conceived as “knowledge caught in translation” McFarlane (2006: 288), always open to invention and change and multiple in form and effect. In this paper we see this as being a fundamental premise for increasing power sharing through knowledge in IA. This insufficient knowledge sharing is not however a problem exclusive to the world in development. Even where IA structures and institutions have long been established, this scientific-based policy process is still dominant, and deeply linked to reasons of power dominance. An example is provided by the situation concerning the sharing of responsibilities between environmental authorities and spatial authorities, or sectoral authorities, within the EU. It is acknowledged M.R. Partidario, W.R. Sheate / Environmental Impact Assessment Review 39 (2013) 26–36 that public participation in IA is often legally mandated to institutions and the public separately, the latter taking place usually after most key decisions have been taken. So IA is too often taking place largely in the absence of effective community engagement, even less empowerment. Some Member States are adopting institutional and governance approaches that enable at least an apparently acceptable division of power to be reached, namely through collaborative platforms amongst responsible authorities (for example, see Box 6), but many jurisdictions still compete fiercely in relation to power division in IA decision-making. The exercise of power takes several forms, for example for certain EIA and SEA authorities favourable decisions may depend on data or study requirements in project or plan review processes, even where such data or studies might be totally irrelevant for the IA. Making such decisions depend on their requirement is a sign of power being exerted. Another example of power tensions in IA relate to the practice of EIA-based SEA, particularly when SEA applies to detailed plans that are no more than large projects. Many IA professionals have often agreed in meetings and discussions (Partidario, 2007a; Pinho and Coutinho, 2008) that it would be more effective to conduct an effects-based impact assessment in the framework of EIA even for detailed plans, as this would ensure a more detailed analysis of such large projects being presented as plans (Nilsson and Dalkmann, 2001). However where powers concerning decisions in EIA and SEA are separated, and respectively attributed to environmental Box 1 Windenergy – off-shore, Portugal, 2011. Portugal is a country where favourable natural resources, research and development and political conditions may enable a prominent role in the leading development of the Offshore Renewables (ORs) (wave and wind energy) industry. The National Maritime Spatial Plan recognizes this strong potential, including both off-shore wind and wave energy. Some wave energy device prototypes have already been tested in Portugal and there are plans and environmental impact assessments being developed for offshore wind devices to be installed in the near future. The creation of the Portuguese Pilot Zone will promote new projects of ORs, which is predicted to reach a national target of 250 MW by 2020. But the successful implementation of ORs is not only dependent on technical aspects, it very much relies also on the ability of the social system to accept these technologies. A key condition for ORs diffusion in Portugal is that relevant stakeholders (coastal communities, environmentalists, universities, tourism and industrial sectors, government, businesses and users in general) be aware, informed and participative in the development process, interacting with each other. Benefits might outweigh the costs involved in the inevitable changes that the technologies will introduce in the environmental, territorial, social and economic systems if learning process start earlier than later, enabling dialogues, knowledge creation and sharing. Evidence shows that the Portuguese society is still rather unaware of this technological development and of its opportunities and consequences. The Wave Energy Centre in Portugal, the key research and development organization, considers this is a good time to stimulate Portuguese stakeholders to get involved, interact with each other, discuss and learn about what is ahead of them with ORs, towards its possible acceptance, prior to major conflicts arising because of insufficient clarification. A research proposal was jointly submitted with IST to initiate this learning process through knowledge brokerage approaches to improve the perception and knowledge about ORs in Portugal. 31 Box 2 SA of the UK Government's draft Planning Policy Statement on Ecotowns and Eco-towns Programme, 2008. The draft Eco-towns Planning Policy Statement (PPS) published in November 2008 for consultation set out proposals for what the UK Government considered “the highest levels of sustainable development” (CLG, 2008, p.13), including achieving ‘zero carbon’ status across all the buildings in the eco-town and allocating 40 per cent of the area within the town to be green space. The draft PPS also pledged that individual eco-towns would need to submit planning applications in the same way as any other major development proposal. Sustainability Appraisal (SA, incorporating SEA) was applied to the draft Eco-towns Planning Policy Statement and to the Ecotowns Programme (the short-list of potential locations in England). A consultation exercise in April 2008 (Communities and Local Government, CLG, 2008) sought views from the public and interested parties on a preliminary short-list of 15 potential sites to go forward for further study, following an early call from the Government for developers to come forward with proposals for possible locations for eco-towns in July 2007 (Communities and Local Government, CLG, 2007). A major debate ensued as a result of this policy initiative, including the creation of a number of local campaign groups against individual ecotown locations as well as the principle of such settlements, websites, online fora and judicial reviews concerned about the implications of the proposed eco-towns on their local environment and economy, and the fact that they were being promoted outside the normal (regional and local) planning processes. Trust of Government intentions with the eco-town proposals evaporated rapidly in the face of what was seen as circumvention of normal planning rules and of the SEA Directive, where there was a failure to address ‘reasonable alternatives’ in the SEA process, only business as usual and the draft PPS (Sheate, 2008). The SEA consequently missed the opportunity to generate real debate around, and evaluate, a much wider range of alternative policy options that could have delivered greater environmental benefits more quickly and with more widespread public and stakeholder support. This restricted the opportunity space for knowledge brokerage and reflected the limited willingness of the proponent to make use of other knowledge, even while being (apparently) moderately open to other inputs. Consequently, rather than knowledge exchange, accountability became the focus with campaign groups seeking to have their local proposed eco-towns removed from the programme and/or seeking judicial review. Not only NGOs lost faith in the legitimacy of the Government decision-making process, so did some local authorities, and even a number of the developers of eco-town proposals withdrew from the process because they felt it was ruining their chances of engaging productively with local communities (Sheate and Partidario, 2010). authorities, for EIA, and spatial planning or sectoral authorities for SEA, the fear of losing power leads spatial planning authorities to fiercely refuse to recognize that such detailed plans have little strategic dimension and are no more than project planning, actually being a first level of assessment in good practice EIA. For that reason there are cases where urban development projects are developed as detailed plans to avoid falling within the scope of EIA, and the more detailed scrutiny and control of environmental authorities (Pinho and Coutinho, 2008). However, legally, in such situations, both the EIA and SEA Directives may apply so there is a need to understand the relative roles for SEA (outward facing) and EIA (inward facing) in such 32 M.R. Partidario, W.R. Sheate / Environmental Impact Assessment Review 39 (2013) 26–36 Box 3 Vale da Telha rehabilitation plan and SEA, 2011, Portugal. In the late 1970s an illegal urban and tourism spatial occupation emerged in the south-east coast of Portugal, in a place known as Vale da Telha. Over the years this and other human pressures on the whole south-east natural and wild coastal area determined the establishment of a designated natural protected area in 1986 – the Protected Area of Sudoeste Alentejano and Costa Vicentina – which later was up-graded to a Natural Park. In 1996 the Natural Park Spatial Plan entered into force, but community involvement was limited and the situation evolved with more building in the Vale da Telha urban area. A rehabilitation spatial plan for the Vale da Telha area was determined in 2010 by the Ministry of Environment as an attempt to finally control the situation, considering the damaging effects of an inappropriate human occupation, the sensitivity of the surrounding area and the fact that it is fully inserted in the Natural Park, determining major ecological impacts. While an environmental assessment of the plan is required by national legislation, a sustainability-led strategic approach was commissioned to better take into account the different stakeholder interests as well as the long-term conflicting objectives for the area. The purpose of the plan, and SEA, is to find an urban design solution that can approach trade-offs and enhance the spatial link with the natural park, attempting to resolve major problems, creating a new spatial nexus, while meeting individual, collective and institutional expectations, and compromises, achieved over the years. The case is exemplified by potential conflicts across multi-stakeholder interests, confronting individual building expectations and natural park interests, local authorities financial revenues and national authorities’ conservation policy. Stakeholders involved include the central administration, the local authority, the natural park authority, the real estate and building owners, tourism business developers, Vale da Telha families, natural park users and local population interests and expectations. There is much pressure and the situation is far from being easily negotiable. This is a case where early involvement of stakeholders, following adequate community engagement methodologies, through learning processes supported by knowledge brokerage approaches would be crucial to find viable solutions. However, the technical and legal approaches are culturally dominant and the sociopolitical dimension is falling behind. circumstances (Sheate et al., 2005) and for power to be shared accordingly. Both knowledge sharing, and the respective power sharing, is impeded by this institutional power struggle across government departments. 4. Enhancing trust through knowledge brokerage and IA Previous sections have elaborated on the importance to expand the concept of knowledge from something that is given by an expert to a group of stakeholders, particularly policy-makers and other decision-makers. The notion that there are different types of knowledge (Petts and Brooks, 2006; Polanyi, 1958; Raymond et al. 2010) needs to be explored in knowledge brokerage processes to equate the travelling of knowledge to different purposes and target groups. Many of the obstacles to enlarging participative processes to include multiple types of knowledge and stakeholders are linked to strong beliefs on scientific truths (Best and Holmes, 2010; Owens, 2009; Weaver et al., 2008; Weichselgartner and Kasperson, 2009) and the power of such knowledge in relation to tacit or lay forms of knowledge. Arguments against this position are based on the need to Box 4 SA and mountain landscapes and livelihoods in Norway, 2002-2005. As part of a European 5th Framework Programme project – BioScene (2002-2005) - sustainability assessments were undertaken for a range of policy scenarios for managing agricultural restructuring and biodiversity in European mountain regions (Partidario et al., 2009; Sheate et al., 2008). In each of six countries stakeholder panels were established reflecting the range of local community perspectives and interests. As a research project – rather than an actual ‘plan’ – the project had the advantage of being able to distance itself from any immediate impact on the local community, but was seen as a way of helping to inform European policy makers. While it could never be a ‘neutral’ space, it was less politically charged than might otherwise be the case, and the SA process was sufficiently flexible that the stakeholders in the Norwegian case study area (Jotunheimen mountains) themselves decided on an additional scenario they wanted to assess – the Environment and Solidarity Scenario (with the developing world) (Olsson, 2011). This was beyond the three main scenarios of business as usual (BAU), agricultural liberalization and managed changed for biodiversity (MCB). Power in this context was sufficiently shared among the researchers and the stakeholders to enable this alternative scenario to be assessed and for the assessment process to act as platform for knowledge brokerage among the different interests, from local businesses to farmers, to conservation to recreation providers and hunters. The interesting outcome was that the stakeholders’ own scenario proved to be less sustainable than some of the alternatives, the most favourable being the MCB scenario because it would halt the decline in small-scale farming, tourism and forestry and maintain habitats and landscape mosaic. Here the assessment process and the techniques employed would appear to have actively facilitated - in an inter- and trans-disciplinary way - knowledge brokerage, and supported a sharing of power among stakeholders and among the researchers. recognize social values associated with choices in key decisions, namely those that engage in IA (Sinclair et al., 2008). Many authors are increasingly supportive of the role of citizens in governance (Blackwell and Colmenar 1999; Commission of the European Communities, 2001; Juntti et al. 2009; Newig and Fritsch, 2009; Raymond et al. 2010; Takeda and Ropke 2010), where social processes such as community-building (Blackwell and Colmenar 1999) communities of practice (McFarlane 2006; Wenger 1998), and learning organizations (Fitzpatrick 2006 and also McFarlane 2006), as discussed above, can play a key role. Particularly these types of organizations are often driven by trust amongst its key actors (Weichselgartner and Kasperson 2009). Trust in decision-making, however, is also linked closely to wider issues around political and administrative culture (see e.g. Perlitz and Seger, 2004; Trompenaars and HampdenTurner, 2000; Hofstede, 1991; Blair, 2000). Notwithstanding other determinants of trust, IA techniques and processes may help to enhance trust among stakeholders and proponents, providing proponents and decision-makers, including environmental and spatial planning or sectoral authorities, are open and receptive to a diversity of forms of knowledge inputting into the assessment and decision-making process, instead of seeing that as a threat to their institutionalized power. This is a big ‘ask’, but it is crucial that stakeholders can see how their input might be valued (as opposed to rejected or ignored). This has been one of the reasons used to justify participation fatigue or public disappointment with IA M.R. Partidario, W.R. Sheate / Environmental Impact Assessment Review 39 (2013) 26–36 Box 5 Integrated SA (incorporating SEA and Health Impact Assessment) of the Greater London Authority's (GLA) Water Strategy, 2009, UK. The GLA required an integrated SA, incorporating Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) and Health Impact Assessment (HIA) (i.e. a single appraisal), undertaken of their draft Water Strategy. For a number of reasons, but particularly the London Mayoral elections in 2008, the process was a protracted one from 2006 through to 2009. The draft Water Strategy sought to secure a fair share of water for Londoners and London's water-related environment through the best use of the available water; to minimise the release of wastewater into the clean water environment; and to reduce the threat to people and their property from flooding and to mitigate its effects. A key technique used to help broker knowledge around the strategy was a workshop with key health stakeholders as an essential component of the HIA, and therefore the SA process. A workshop was convened as part of the SAs of the Water Strategy (Greater London Authority, 2009) (and the Climate Change Adaptation Strategy being developed alongside it), with the aim to: • Raise awareness among key health stakeholders about the Water Strategy and Climate Change Adaptation Strategy; • Provide an opportunity for stakeholders/experts to consider the potential impacts of key aspects of the strategies on health determinants, health outcomes and health inequalities; • Identify gaps in evidence and ways of addressing these gaps; and • Provide some clear recommendations that would guide the SAs of the strategies. These purposes reflected the receptiveness of the proponent to receive external input and a recognition that other forms of knowledge and expertise resided elsewhere and were essential to the SA process. A wide range of ‘expert’ stakeholders were invited to the workshop and a causal chain ‘carousel’ exercise was undertaken where stakeholders were able to comment on and annotate causal chain diagrams of the possible trends and impacts in relation to the water environment in the future. Some of the impacts differentially affect certain vulnerable groups and could be significant cumulatively. The Health Workshop (see Greater London Authority, 2009) proved to be particularly valuable in engaging with a key group of stakeholders that might not otherwise have engaged in a traditional SEA/SA, but the focus of the integrated appraisal to incorporate health impact assessment meant that valuable issues were identified by the stakeholders which fed directly into the strategy design process and the integrated SA process. The use of causal chains and stakeholder engagement focused around a ‘carousel’ exercise of commenting on the draft causal chains in groups provided a rich opportunity space for discussion, commentary and annotation on the diagrams. This resulted in a highly conducive environment for knowledge exchange and by capturing shared knowledge led to the creation of new knowledge. processes (Sheate and Partidario, 2010). Enhancing trust takes time and resources at the earliest stages of planning and assessment processes and demands a degree of openness and flexibility on behalf of the proponent, and being at ease with a degree of uncertainty that such transparency and power sharing might entail (Eales and Sheate, 2011). It may require a degree of enlightenment brought 33 Box 6 Maritime Spatial Plan, Portugal, 2009-2011. Following the adoption of the European Maritime Spatial Plan, Portugal, like all EU Member States, has been developing its national maritime spatial plan. An SEA was legally required and a sustainability-led strategic approach was commissioned to conduct the SEA. The Plan itself was developed by a multidisciplinary team that involved 15 different national organizations of the public administration that have policy and management responsibilities over the maritime spatial area of Portugal. Over two years all planning activities were jointly developed by this team. This has enabled a mutual learning process across institutions, which despite several moments of tension, have also created several opportunities to resolve conflicts and find joint solutions. This institutional context enabled constructive links between the development of the Plan and the SEA process, with mutual benefits. The development of the plan is considered to be a success story in terms of institutional collaboration and governance. However not all stakeholders had equal participative opportunities. Despite several attempts made by the SEA, the general public, as well as the business sector and other representatives of the civil society were not engaged in the planning and assessment process except for the final public discussion, as legally mandated. about only by experience of repeated failure of more traditional approaches (even that may not be enough). Box 1 above provides a real case example that illustrates this point – that enhancing trust seems to be a key condition for the success of SEA and SA contribution to environmental and sustainability oriented decision-making. If trust breaks down, however, then social learning and knowledge exchange will no longer be the loftier goals in IA; the goal is then more likely to be one of accountability (i.e. to hold to account/made to take responsibility for one's actions), at least on behalf of those stakeholders who have lost trust in the process (Sheate, 2012). Knowledge and values owned by those other than proponents of projects, plans or policies may be critical in terms of their ability to hold those proponents to account and whether decisions ultimately are seen by others as legitimate, ie. “desirable, proper or appropriate” (Suchman, 1995, p.574). Civil society organizations have a key role to play in this, where NGOs frequently engage as critics of process and quality of assessment, often because they have not been engaged effectively at an early enough stage. An excellent example of this trust building is provided by the Slovak Energy Policy SEA case whereby environmental NGOs were partners in the policy-making and SEA process from early stages, a process obviously led by the Ministry of Energy. NGOs worked together with the Ministry of Energy to build and assess energy policy options, and discuss openly with the authorities, helping to generate and conduct public debate with citizens, and with the Ministry of Environment (Kosova and Szollos, 2000); an interesting contrast to the SA process for energy national policy statements in the UK (Eales and Sheate, 2011). Sheate (2012) suggests that EIA and SEA – through scrutiny of aspects around quality of assessment and process – may provide platforms for accountability in a similar way that assessment techniques may provide a platform for knowledge brokerage (Sheate and Partidario, 2010). Power relations are then likely to mediate between these, i.e. the extent to which knowledge is shared, trust is maintained and/or authorities/ proponents are held to account. Where knowledge exchange takes place it is likely to be because power is also being shared - to a greater or lesser extent helping to provide a more conducive decision environment where the proponent/authority is also willing to receive and make use 34 M.R. Partidario, W.R. Sheate / Environmental Impact Assessment Review 39 (2013) 26–36 of other forms of knowledge and values. Where power is not shared, knowledge exchange is less likely, the discourse becomes more adversarial and the accountability of the proponent becomes a much more important issue, with the quality of the assessment and the process coming under much greater scrutiny. Here power may shift, if opponents have sufficient strength in numbers, resources and argument to expose the weaknesses in the proponent's case and illegitimacy of the decision-making process (see for example Sheate, 1996; Sheate, 2008). On the other hand, where the NGO movement is insufficiently mature or mobilized, the assessment process rather than facilitating accountability may be used by proponents to legitimize the decision-making process (Elling, 2009; Li, 2009). Examples provided in Boxes 2 and 3 show critical examples of insufficient public engagement and knowledge brokerage, and deficient power sharing. Civil society environmental NGOs are in a unique position in having particular knowledge, e.g. expert knowledge and/or knowledge based on particular experience – but with a shared set of collective values that mean that the application of their expert knowledge may draw different conclusions from the same data provided by the IA or the proponent's/authorities’ experts. Civil society organizations therefore have an increasingly important role to play in environmental governance (Commission of the European Communities, 2001; Newig and Fritsch, 2009). This reflects the classic science-policy dilemma so prevalent in the environmental and sustainability field, where uncertainty and complexity abound and where science alone cannot provide the necessary answers, because scientists do not speak with one voice (nor can they) (European Environment Agency, EEA, 2011; Sarewitz, 2000). In this case NGOs holding both knowledge and shared values may also be able to exert power, even when power would be assumed otherwise to reside in the executive. This may or may not reflect the views of civil society as a whole, of course, since there will be multiple perspectives among civil society and among NGOs. The exercise of such power may not necessarily mean a project or plan is stopped or changed – that may not in itself be entirely necessary for ‘success’ from an NGO's perspective. The ability to use its knowledge and values to hold the proponent/executive to account – to make them justify their actions and take responsibility for them – may be sufficient, particularly if it leads to subsequent change in process and procedures (Sheate, 2012). 5. IA - beyond information provision, towards knowledge brokerage As already noted, for knowledge brokerage to succeed a number of conditions are needed (Sheate and Partidario, 2010; Ward et al., 2009). While it is increasingly likely that a wide range of stakeholders will be engaged in IA, and even good opportunity space presented for sharing and exchange of knowledge, critical areas where real improvements are needed would seem to be the creation of a decision environment conducive for learning, knowledge exchange and willingness (openness of process) to make use of the different types of knowledge made available through the assessment processes (Sheate and Partidario, 2010). Just because a diverse range of stakeholders were engaged does not mean that a process will be conducive to knowledge brokerage (Box 3 provides an evident case of a deficit of social values through public engagement, despite good intentions to ensure a wide set of stakeholders). Boxes 4, 5 and 6 above all provide positive examples of assessment processes that include good opportunities and space for knowledge brokerage, where stakeholders from diverse perspectives came together and provided their own valuable knowledge into the SEA/SA process, where knowledge was exchanged and where new understandings were developed and new knowledge created through learning. Critical to the success of these examples (which is not to imply that the whole assessments were necessarily totally successful, only that the elements highlighted could be considered to be good examples) was a conducive environment enabled by the techniques and facilitation involved, and a lack of overt dominance of power by the proponent, i.e. a genuine desire to learn from those bringing expert and experience knowledge to share. Some techniques, such as the creation of scenarios by stakeholders (see Box 4), the use of network analysis/causal chains (see Box 5) or the establishment of intersectoral dialogues and shared responsibilities throughout the planning process (see Box 6) allow shared knowledge to be captured, new knowledge to be constructed and therefore subsequently capable of being mobilised, communicated and integrated into the planning processes and systems, as in the systemic model described by Best and Holmes (2010). Earlier on in this paper we presented the case for a facilitator/ learning school of knowledge brokerage that would be based on the concept of IA providing a platform for knowledge brokerage through an appropriate use of IA techniques. Both the positive and negative experiences offered in boxes 1–6 provide useful lessons for explicitly designing knowledge brokerage into strategic approaches, which can build on the inherent nature of the approaches and techniques used, but which can give those approaches a wider value to the community and the subject area than just the delivery of their intended (assessment) objectives. In designing knowledge brokerage into strategic assessment approaches, therefore, a number of key questions need to be borne in mind:• What added value to the policy and assessment approaches can be brought about by improved knowledge brokerage and knowledge in transition (sharing and creation in learning processes)? • What are the existing social networks and communities of practice which have an interest in the strategic planning processes in hand? • What are the likely power relationships among the proponents, authorities and stakeholders – how can knowledge be exchanged and constructed collectively to help share power so that the process can avoid becoming unduly adversarial? • How can a conducive and trusting environment be created to facilitate the creation of new knowledge as part of the SEA/SA learning process? • Can new communities of practice based around the SEA/SA process be created that forge lasting relationships and value into the future? • Which are the engagement and assessment techniques that can best support the opportunity space in which knowledge brokerage can take place and new knowledge can be constructed? • What institutional and governance mechanisms need to be put in place to ensure the new communities of practice continue into monitoring and follow-up phases of the SEA/SA process, and future reviews and iterations? • What time is needed – along with resources – to enable the SEA/SA to provide the platform for effective knowledge brokerage through facilitated learning processes? 6. Conclusions It is fair to recognize that IA instruments have been enabling learning processes for some time through the exchange of technical knowledge, particularly between environmental consultants, proponents and environmental administrations. But this exchange of knowledge is insufficient for what we have argued in this paper should be the fundamental premises of knowledge brokerage, i.e.:• engage all interested stakeholders in a development process and give them an opportunity to have a voice; • act as a way of breaking down barriers that impede interaction, healthy communication and collaboration; M.R. Partidario, W.R. Sheate / Environmental Impact Assessment Review 39 (2013) 26–36 • facilitate learning, sharing of knowledge and the creation of new knowledge - a process we have named here ‘knowledge in transition’; • create opportunities for power sharing in IA processes; and • aim at stimulating mutual learning processes to help build longterm capacity among stakeholders and improve outcomes. Knowledge brokerage needs to go significantly beyond the transference of evidence and the exchange of technical knowledge. Essentially, our proposal in this paper calls for a different purpose to stakeholder engagement in IA, not just (at worst) commenting on a proposed solution, or (at best) the tapping into, or ‘mining’, of local lay knowledge to make for a smoother planning process, but essentially a pragmatic approach (i.e. one which draws on both constructivist and rational perspectives) where various types of knowledge are engaged to contribute to a collective learning process. A process that draws heavily on knowledge created by learners, through communities of practice that share the power, and the responsibility of contributing solutions to problems, while recognizing there is a decision-making process that may still be administratively ‘rational’. In other words, knowledge brokerage in IA should embrace an approach where stakeholders are seen as part of the solution and where long-term benefits may accrue through knowledge creation and co-production among communities of practice. The institutionalization of accountability through the Aarhus Convention (also enshrined in the SEA Directive through the requirement for ‘early and effective’ participation) provides a legal basis and important lever should a knowledge-based approach to assessment not be forthcoming. Access to information and public participation – the first two pillars of Aarhus – are critical to enable knowledge exchange and sharing to take place. But power - and power sharing in IA is critical for effective and efficient environmental decisionmaking in a transition to sustainability. Knowledge brokerage, as we conceive it, cannot succeed without power sharing, and a willingness of those with power to recognize other partners in the decision-making process, and to reconfigure power structures, if we all aim, as often suggested, for long-term community benefit. Failure to share power and knowledge leaves the only recourse to use the assessment process as a means to seek accountability and ultimately justice (the third pillar of Aarhus). Greater legitimacy, however, may be achieved in the long term by building shared knowledge through the enhanced use of IA processes and techniques to support positive planning and ultimately more sustainable outcomes. That will entail explicitly designing knowledge brokerage into IA and not simply hoping that it will happen. 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