INTRODUCTION
The demand for national independence of any society goes hand in hand with the survival of
cultural tradition. If the culture and literature of a society are doomed to stagnate for any reason, the
transformation from dependence to a more self-sufficient community, the liberation of mind and the
true emancipation of that society will seldom occur. The struggle for the survival of Oromo values
depends on ensuring the success and independent existence of the nation; and this separate
existence is based on the development of culture and indigenous literature. We cannot sense our
own worth unless the institutions that help sustain egalitarian society are in place, unless identity
bearing texts are properly recorded and handed down from generation to generation in written form.
This work is the outcome of a growing sense that one of the defining characteristics of recent
Oromo culture and literature has been its insistence on examining the marginalized identity, and
that literary culture as the quest for knowledge and identity empowerment, has come to be the focus
of my concern. It is the representation of a new wave of cultural and literary movement that reflects
post-modernism and contemporary critical methods in which the indigenous literary culture is
resituated in the context of other modern literatures, without being dictated by the traditional
assumptions based on rigid analyses; and aims at developing the concept of cultural identity and
democratic conduct. The work involves a broad interdisciplinary discourse of some of the vital
issues concerning the greater sensitivity of representation, interpretation and evaluation of folklore
genres. Oral narrative critics need to move beyond the stereotyped discourse and the worn
generalizations about the image of the past. The aesthetic categories of Oromo verbal art still
remain unknown to most modern critics, and it is, therefore, necessary to employ New Historicism
or deconstructive approach to our study in which oral literary texts are regarded as a material
product emerging out of social, cultural and political situations. In other words, the oral text has to
be explained from a broader historical perspective taking account of the narrators’ conscious
intentions and reconstructing those intentions. My attempt is, therefore, to open up Oromo cultural
tradition and literary universe to readers, students and scholars and to explore the way the interplay
of culture and oral literature has enabled the society to develop a complex social system
characterized by collectivism and egalitarian norms. The exploration of the meanings and themes
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of oral narratives in a broader social context and the significant role the variant folklore genres play
in maintaining collective wisdom, national identity, solidarity and traditional moral values are also
points of great concern in this study.
The search for new ideas, the interpretation of cultural and literary events are ceaseless
human activities and every step forward for seeking alternative lifestyle and broadening knowledge
demands a new way of thinking which enables man to re-assess the existing values and modes of
behaviour. In every human civilization, the process of successful social transformation depends
upon the creative needs of the new generations and their continuous effort to re-construct or
recreate the wisdom of their ancestors, which inspires a greater sense of freedom, self-respect and
dignity. This work presents a corpus of oral tradition of the Gadaa ‘Wisdom Movement’ without
which the Oromo can hardly be understood as an independent nation in cultural terms. The primary
object of the work is contextual investigation (Critical Practice) and appreciation rather than
Critical Theory, though the two are always inseparable. Its focus is not on the actual oral
performances, rather, to explain the relevance, themes and aesthetic merits of those performances.
The first part (Chapters 1-3) is devoted to a survey of cultural evolution in which the analysis
focuses on four major points: ritual practices, folk festivals, initiation rites, moral codes and a sense
of cultural nationalism. Within the social context of traditional rituals, this part examines the
centrality of socialization, philosophical concepts, moral values and principles. The main subjects
of discourse include the “Qaalluu Institution”- the ritual institution which provides a system of
moral codes and rules that characterize spiritual values, the social and cultural importance of the
“Ateetee” (goddess of fecundity), the “Irreensa” (Thanksgiving ceremony) and the “Muuda”
(anointing pilgrimage). In general, the cultural survey depicts the period of the greater wisdom
movement (the Gadaa) led by the philosophers and wise men (the hayyuus), and the sinking of
egalitarian culture after the power shift and conflict model policy of the 1880s. The second part
(Chapters 4-10) discusses the practical critique and the different ways in which oral literature can be
evaluated. It reveals the new trends in folklore literature emphasizing the investigation of the
functions of various literary genres in cultural and historical situations. I think, the effort made to
examine and clarify the new trends in scholarship and criticism will enrich our sense of the
complexity of Oromo oral art and historical experience. Though each genre is discussed within the
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scope of its peculiar characteristics, my intention in broader terms is to discuss the universal and
peculiar features of Oromo folklore and the way this body of knowledge functions as historical and
cultural evidence. It seems to me most interestingly connecting the study of Oromo culture and
literature in its general approach to a universal set of concerns; all of them related to human virtues
and follies. In my argument, I have emphasized that oral narrative tradition is constituted by poetic
configurations and the effective aesthetic response can happen so long as the mode of analysis of
these configurations takes into account the interpretive dimensions and historical reception as one
of the vital criteria. The study of oral tradition requires an ability to give coherent shape to each
literary genre by redefining and interpreting its artistic role so that it reflects contemporary needs
and outlook. The “Appendix” provides suggestions for literary development and adaptation. In this
section, I have tried to introduce Oromo “Literary Terms” for the first time just to suggest the way
readers, students and researchers might profitably work on oral literature, and to show the practical
relevance of tropes in Oromo literary discourse and the major role they play in a critical evaluation.
In the constantly changing circumstances, Oromo oral narrative can continue to have a
powerful effect if the succeeding generations not merely respond to it, but also appreciate its social
value. The way in which oral art satisfies the expectations of contemporary generations obviously
shows its historical importance; and this importance is validated by its poetic character. The
effective relationship between the narrator and the audience can occur so long as the former
depends to a greater extent on the social meaning, be able to discover the interest of the consumers
(audience), capable of projecting their non-stopping dreams, visions, and then reconstructs the
horizon of the expectations. A better understanding of the way oral narrative was perceived in the
past would help us to develop concrete opinions concerning literary tradition and then locate and/or
select the representative genres that are of contemporary relevance.
The historical dimension of literature, its eventful continuity that is lost in traditionalism
as in positivism, can meanwhile be recovered only if the literary historian finds points
of its intersection….The task of literary history is thus only completed when literary
production is not only represented synchronically and diachronically in the succession
of its systems, but also seen as a special history in its unique relationship (Leitch, 2001:
1563).
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The poetic patterning of Oromo folklore narrative entails two transformational dimensions:
namely syntagmatic (horizontal) and paradigmatic (vertical) relations. Both horizontal
(interpersonal or producer-receiver relations) and vertical (historical and cultural events)
changes can reasonably be evaluated by considering the diachronic facts and the synchronic
literary situations. The establishment of a cross-sectional analysis will certainly create a
concrete background for our study. In a given historical time, a representation of literary
culture can possibly be judged if our evaluative technique takes into account the horizontal
and the vertical factors of the distant past and present, which determine the direction of the
development of traditional literature.
Oral literature is a medium for transmitting historical knowledge and as an inseparable part of
history in the making it has a timeless quality in that it reflects truths of all time of a particular
historic moment. In terms of the reconstruction process, Oromo verbal narrative deals with general
historic conditions and cultural events, a sense of reality of those events that can validate the
continuity of traditions and history, the relationship of the two, and the way they serve as literary
tools that help manipulate the images of the past. In the analysis of this work, I have employed the
following methods and approaches as the bases for my argument about its artistic value and
timeless essence: 1) socio-cultural perspective, 2) literary diachronic perspective (historical
dimension), 3) literary synchronic perspective, and 4) linguistic perspective.
In ‘literary diachronic,’ I have attempted to have a look at the past socio-cultural and political
background of the Oromo with reference to the Gadaa democratic tradition, together with the
factors that have contributed to literary stagnation, the changes or the shifting of discourse after the
conquest of the 1880s, and the way those changes have reduced literary culture to a more static
existence. As far as the ‘literary synchronic’ approach is concerned, my prime interest is to examine
the dynamics of the oral text within the context of the current social and political order. In order to
illustrate the idea of “poetic free-play,” I have tried to interpret/deconstruct the traditional values of
the Gadaa time, the power relations, as well as the images of the remote past and place them in the
modern social and political setting. This is how the diachronic approach is built on the synchronic
explanation of the discipline.
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The synchronic description envisages not only the literary production of any given stage
but also that part of the literary tradition which for the stage in question has remained
vital or has been survived….Any contemporary stage is experienced in its…dynamics,
and on the other hand, the historical approach…is concerned not only with changes but
also with continuous, enduring, static factors (Leitch, 2001: 1259-1260).
In a linguistic perspective, this work examines the ‘poetic character’ of folklore literature and
investigates the effects of the sounds- metrical phonology or phonological properties (syllabic
structures and rhythmic patterns) and the systematic disposition of the constituents or syntactic
structure in their parallel relations. The poetic character of the verbal art includes the expressive
feature (the changing of abstract ideas into literary form), the stylistic features (essential ingredients
of discourse analysis or the artistic use of language), the formal principle/organic unity (the
interconnection of events and the revelations of characters) and the discovery of cultural semantics
or contextual-centred poetic meanings.
In the assessment of a work of literature, we have to, first and foremost, clarify our minds and
discuss the principles on which our judgement is based. Throughout this work, my emphasis is on
the prominence of interpretation/deconstruction (openness to new possibilities or open-ended
intellectual discourse), reconstruction/recreation and adaptation (adjustment to modern outlook);
and in doing this, I have combined “Critical Theory” or an inquiry into the nature and value of
literature with “Critical Practice”- an inquiry into literary merit or aesthetic quality. In order to
avoid fuzziness, the theoretical explanation of each Chapter is illustrated by concrete examples, and
in such a situation, there is always analytical shift from theory to practice and back again.
Oromo literary scholars need to have a new interest in the hitherto neglected area of study,
the verbal art, which could serve as a broad academic subject that may help the young generation to
evaluate how the traditional way of life of the past and the African sense of national character
unfold in terms of building indigenous values and democracies. We can rarely see our concrete
image and our place in a civilized world if we fail to go back in time and study who we really are
and unless we succeed in appreciating the instructive experiences of centuries and their aesthetic
force. In order for the Oromo to become culturally more dynamic, the creative work of the
traditional past needs to be cultivated in such a way that it can capture the attention of the changing
generations and serve the purpose of modernity.
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In his famous lines of African literary criticism, Bernth Lindfors (1972: 223) has compared
African folklore with the vast uncultivated and mysterious terrain of the continent containing the
undiscovered and neglected large quantities of valuable minerals. Like African diamond fields and
gold mines, Oromo oral tradition is a storehouse of knowledge capable of yielding great riches if it
is critically studied and properly treated. It should be perceived as a social dynamism that has taken
shape in a stylistic language and hopefully its critical study opens up more literary space, the
possibility of making new ways of intelligent enquiries and looking for reasonable solutions. As a
performance tradition, verbal art is linked with empirical realities of the social structure in which
the lore of the people functions as a vehicle for the transmission of values and a facilitator of
smooth and effective social interaction. Hence, what the whole of my argument reinforces here is
the need for objective approach to the study of Oromo folk narrative and this simply means moving
beyond the formalist criticism which does not give attention to the interplay between culture,
history, politics and the verbal art. The interpretive response to Oromo oral literature is, therefore,
to address the interdisciplinary approach which enables us to explore the unknown territories of the
human imagination, the search for identities and social meanings.
Over the last twentieth century, modern literatures have undergone drastic changes, but these
new trends have not been observed in the field of folklore literature in Africa, particularly in
Oromiyaa for the fact that it has not been embraced by modern literary fiction or more appropriately
by a literature of the elite. It is for this reason that oral narrative tradition remained in its oldfashioned form rather than progression and almost unable to move beyond the fixed way of
traditional past. Until quite recently, Oromo oral literature was discussed with no serious
investigation of the aesthetic qualities and creative aspects of the poetic language. In recent decades,
that is, after the 1960s, the folklorists, especially the Native researchers seemed to have realized the
importance of focusing on the deeper thematic content and the cultural meanings of the oral texts.
Moreover, a systematic survey of the whole body of literature may create a new literary dynamism
that can contribute to the perpetuity of indigenous values and egalitarian traditions. It is, therefore,
imperative to discuss the oral art in terms of historic and social forces, which are often neglected or
avoided.
In treating the second part of this work, I have concentrated on the re-evaluation of the
traditional narratives that have shaped the study of the Oromo in the past. This section mainly deals
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with some major cultural, political and historical factors concerning the study of oral tradition,
together with the critical issues that govern its emergence and development as a field of scholarship.
In order to arouse intellectual interest, I have selected some representative cultural traditions and
folklore genres, which characterize Oromo identity and egalitarian norms. Oral literature has now
been studied in a scholarly fashion in almost all parts of the world and this allows us to confidently
state that we are dealing with a broad spectrum of issues and human experiences of the past and
their relevance to the present time. Another dimension to the issue of studying indigenous narrative
(oral tradition) in a contemporary context is not merely to evoke scholarly discourse that can
generate the rediscovery of identity and values, but also to produce a document that helps for
teaching on the Oromo across the related disciplines and to create essential source for reference and
further research.
Figure 1: Aesthetic Response to Oromo Oral Tradition
PART ONE
A Survey of Cultural Evolution
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1. Customs and Traditions: Culture and Identity
Contemporary cultural studies emerged as a distinctive academic discipline in the 1950s and
1960s. As part of a broad shift in universities, it involves a new kind of interdisciplinary analysis
and is parallel to the study of race relations and ethnic issues. Cultural studies mainly deals with the
analysis, assessment and/or evaluation of cultural roots, values, identities, ideologies, institutions
and ramifications of social events and artefacts. An interdisciplinary approach to cultural studies
actively examines areas of cultural struggle wherein the extremist views of the empire-builders
about culture are widely regarded as irrelevant and unworthy by those intellectuals who call for
equilibrium model (studying culture in its own right). Culture as one of the ideological apparatuses
of the state is an effective way of instilling meanings and values in each generation. In
undemocratic environment, it serves as a vehicle for imparting antithetical meanings and values
which represent different class interests. In contemporary cultural studies, the researchers have to
develop a more pluralistic approach to the history of culture that can account for local, regional and
national variations. In the late 1970s and 1980s, cultural study began in Oromiyaa to address the
central issues concerning nation-hood and social empowerment; and subsequent to this, the
unnatural relation between the so-called high culture of the Abyssinian rulers and mass culture has
increasingly been challenged. In short, cultural issues have now developed into a more complex
ways of looking at the ideological and political role of culture.
Over the last thirty years, Cultural Studies has developed into a diverse and lively
international intellectual field….As a field of study, Cultural Studies has had important
effects on the study of literature. It has challenged the idea of canonical literature….It has
introduced cross-and interdisciplinary perspectives. It has sought to theorize the role of
literature in society in new ways, and to look at literary texts in relation to cultural
institutions, cultural history, and other cultural texts, forms, and practices (Waugh, 2006:
300).
Even though the repressive measures against the Native population continued, the 1970s and 1990s
wave of changes in Ethiopian empire have contributed to new possibilities wherein Cultural Studies
in Oromiyaa began to develop a more complex ways of theorizing the ideological and political role
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of the national culture. The problems of social self-definition need to be treated thematically in
various forms of Oromo cultural studies. The Oromo psyche helps reshaping the distinctive features
of nation’s cultural and literary legacy, the issues of self-realization and social legitimization; and
these are at the symbolic core of most traditional narratives of the 19th century and after. The
difficulty of maintaining a separate social, political, psychological and cultural presence in the face
of attempts made by the imperial world order of the late 1880s to define and control Oromo
existence and image surfaced early in oral literary expressions. Themes of self-awareness and selfdefinition appear in the first form of literary culture, especially epic narrative or heroic tale
(geerarsa), song of solidarity or work song and satirical/humorous poems of the Gadaa and postGadaa times. These great narratives have continued to be the artistic backdrop against cultural
tension which the narrators began to forge and construct the self-image they found significant.
Identity as a search for broader definition of self communicates the idea that the destabilized human
achievements must be regained and this ultimately means that the struggle for self-realization could
alter reductionism definition of humanity by restoring individual freedom, dignity and self-worth.
Following the 1870s power shift and homogenization narrative of the Nafxanyaa, we see
mixed racial origin (mulattoes) wrestling with the problems of divided identities, with painful
allegiances to both races (the Oromo and the Amhara), with troubling uncertainties about their
values and rightful place either in the former or in the latter. The parents who are tempted by the
prerogative position of the Amhara opt for indoctrinating their children to pursue the social upward
mobility through embracing Abyssinian cultural standards and norms. With the collapse of the
Gadaa “Cultural and Literary Movement” and the hope of the time, the seemingly fractured
relationship between identity and assimilation became a dichotomy embodying the impossibility of
achieving proper self-definition within the context of Amharization ideology of mental control. The
forced assimilation processes in Oromiyaa depict identity crises and a tragic situation in which
some vulnerable Oromo children who continued to be the captives of Abyssinian imperial world
have fallen through to escape its colonial influence. In a conflict model relations based on identity
elimination, it would hardly be possible to come to terms with the issue of self.
The cultivation of inherent human qualities and the growth of a sense of national feeling
seldom happen in the absence of self-assurance; and culture is the source of this assurance. Culture
is a self-renewing process in which and through which the social organism lives. In his research,
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Bartels (1983: 36) has noted that “The life history of an individual person is, first and foremost, an
accommodation of the pattern of thought, the concepts, customs and standard of behaviour handed
down in his community. From the moment of his birth, these customs of his people shape his
experiences and behaviour. We are to a great extent the products of our culture. If an individual is
not taught how to increase his/her sense of self-worth, that person continues to be culturally inferior
and is subject to blind imitation and negative self-image. This means he/she rarely develops the
ability to make rational judgements concerning the normal or natural human relationship and the
significant role culture plays in determining the direction of that relation. Emphasizing the vital role
of cultural inheritance, Park (1973: 3-4) says:
A society exists through a process of transmission, quite as much as biological life….This
transmission occurs by means of communication of habits of doing, thinking…feeling
from older to younger. Without this communication of ideals, hopes, expectations,
standards, opinions from those members of a society who are passing out of the group life
to those who are coming to it, social life could not survive.
Without the transmission of cultural tradition, a society cannot be the bearer of social identity.
Culture in a much broader sense refers to a general mode of life of the human society and the
expression of social meanings; and these include arts, morals, beliefs, ritualized socialization
activities, marriage, dance, music, ways of thinking, interacting at work, manner of talking,
behaving, dressing, eating and greeting. The discontinuity of its transmission amounts to leaving a
generation without a real life. Cultural poverty leads to indignity and lifetime crises. The Oromo,
who have been torn from their cultural tradition for several decades need to re-Oromize themselves,
and this can happen only if their cultural tradition is seen and taught as the ideological component
of the continuing national liberation process. “Every individual is the inheritor of a double
inheritance, physical and moral, racial and cultural. It is, however, by association, by education,
and, fundamentally by communication that these individuals come into possession and become the
bearers of their cultural heritage” (ibid., p. 4). Culture is the activity through which the products,
which our forefathers assembled in ethnological museums, have been brought into existence as
principles and national character. No idea and no object can exist in isolation from its cultural
context. The Oromo nationals were born into an established tradition; and the way they think, the
function and their place in the society are defined by the ancestral customs that they have inherited.
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The failure to carry on the valuable ancestral legacy results in the duplicity of superficial values;
and this in the long run brings about the disintegration of social order. The effort we make to
maintain the social and cultural heritage we have been handed down by our forefathers enables us to
be the bearers of identity that serves a continuation of values. In the process of generation shift, reexamining one’s culture is also essential because in its primitive form it often hinders the growth of
democracy and modern ideas; and such backwardness precipitates uncertainty and a widening
generation gap as well.
Oromo cultural life is closely connected with the Gadaa; that is, the egalitarian system based
on age groups. The Oromo children are not oriented to develop a sense of personal greatness to
enjoy superordinate status and honorific titles; but to the pursuit of collective interests and benefits
through co-operative endeavours. The gratification of success in the society is often linked with the
greater glory of the majority population. According to the Gadaa tradition and principle, competing
for a certain position is rewarding as long as it brings benefits to the society as a whole. The culture
has a strong influence over the people in such a way that they show little or no passion to acquire
authority over others. The pattern of collectivism in Oromo social relations helps to account for an
ideal world of the Gadaa system which does not allow people to develop superior mentality and a
sense of personal glory. The cultural emphasis in the interaction of the society means there is
nothing much to be gained from seeking prerogative position to enjoy unnatural relations. A strong
sense of mutuality of feelings, moral values and solidarity, which the society has acquired for years,
are basically antithetical to the tradition, which favours undemocratic horizontal relations. The
Gadaa egalitarian principle always checks each individual in the society not to be tempted to
acquire a reputation for dominant interaction and a desire for aberrant behaviour in general. A man
who seeks to promote himself through misconduct is not only severely reprimanded and punished,
but also ostracised. Whenever a general meeting takes place, the ‘Gadaa Assembly’ (Caffee) reexamines the law of the land, reviews the conduct and personal qualities of the authorities (Gadaa
Councils) and removes any member who fails to meet moral standards and the law from office.
With the dismantling of the Gadaa, the Oromo people lost the most important democratic
institutions which are the core ingredients for the success of their socio-cultural system. During his
stay with Guji Oromo for research, father Van de Loo (1991: 9) closely observed that the cooperative attitudes and a sense of belonging together among the Oromos facilitated vertical relations
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and mutual intelligibility. He appreciates the social solidarity created by the Gadaa system in
Oromiyaa and points out:
Indeed, whatever variations there may be from one part of Oromo land to another, all
Oromo share basic and crucial sets of understanding. Any Oromo [Oromiffa] speaker,
whatever dialect he or she speaks, can be readily understood by any other across the
breadth of Oromo land….There is a series of core values, symbols and modes of thought
which enable Oromo to feel culturally at ease with each other wherever they may be.
Culture embodies moral, ethical and aesthetic values of a society. It may be viewed as a lens
through which people can see themselves as rational beings, their place in the universe, and their
sense of particularity as members of the human race. The dislocation of people’s culture is,
therefore, the dislocation of their entire social fabrics.
Post-Colonialism and the Obliteration of National Culture
Post-colonialism is characterized by oppositional identities and this makes the colonial
system subversive. Divergences, polarization, confrontation and uncompromising contradictions
dominate different readings of colonialism. Ironically, cultural diversities, instead of becoming the
beauty of pluralism, are strongly marked by the fortunes of the empowered and the misfortunes of
the disempowered; according to Edward W. Said, the former the “Occident,” and the latter the
“Orient” (see Orientalism 1978). Therefore, colonial system as essentially contradictory political
formation is characterized by the mounting of racial and political tensions, and these tensions are
fuelled by the two antagonistic forces, namely imperial nationalists and indigenous nationalists,
who are often in fierce confrontation. The latter struggling to break the pressing chains of colonial
rule and tend to be custodian of tradition and a driving force of modernity; whereas the former
always calls for the subservience of the indigenous population, the impoverishment of its culture
and literature.
“They are all [critics of empire] broadly concerned with experiences of exclusion, denigration and
resistance under systems of colonial control. Thus, the term post-colonialism addresses itself to the
historical, political and textual ramifications of the colonial encounter” (Waugh, 2006: 340). Post-
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colonial studies deals with the disruptive effects of colonial modernism from its very beginning in
the 15th century to the present time. Its aim is to explain the mechanisms and/or strategies of
colonial powers and unfold the complexities, contradictions and crises of colonial and post-colonial
identity. The post-colonial critic examines the global impact of colonialism, the way in which the
colonizers representation of the developing world, especially Africa, Asia and the Caribbean, serve
the political, cultural and economic interests of the makers. Its focus is mainly on the exploration of
the new order of colonial globalization marked by unbalanced power relations, the antagonisms
between indigenous cultures and imposed imperial cultures. Therefore, post-colonial studies look at
the specific problems of colonial conquest pointing out the complete revision of the position of the
rulers and the ruled, the way imperial cultures play the strategic role in dominating the colonized
peoples and how this has created a class of colonial subject often burdened by subservient position,
marginalization, conflicts, and divided loyalties.
“The withering away of the reality of the nation and the death pangs of the national culture
are linked to each other in mutual dependence. This is why it is of capital importance to follow the
evolution of these relations during the struggle for freedom” (Fanon in Leitch, 2001: 1588). After
the so-called colonial modernism and the power change of the late 19th century in East Africa, the
vanishing of egalitarian norms and the obliteration of Oromo culture began to become apparent in
the occupied land (Oromiyaa). The arrival of Abyssinians (Amharas) as the occupying power means
the withering away of the Native culture and national feelings. The imported antithetical tradition of
the (Kibra Nagast) of the invading Abyssinians warped the mental universe of the conquered
people, the Oromo, subsequent to which the decline of soberness and moral standard has become
the effect.
In the imperial world, every effort is made either to convince or force the colonial subject to
accept the inferior status of their culture, admit the unreality or the reversed image of their nation;
and in the last extreme, to demonstrate in action the imperfect nature of their own race or origin.
While the majority of the colonized people want to maintain their traditions that are antithetical to
those of the colonizers, most of the middle-class intelligentsia tend to throw themselves in frenzied
fashion into the culture of the occupying power and strive to take every advantage. On the whole,
the Oromo nation continues to be dependent mainly because the analysis of colonial and postcolonial situation in Oromiyaa has not been carried out effectively.
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Colonial domination, because it is total and tends to oversimplify, very soon manages to
disrupt in a particular fashion the cultural life of the conquered people. This cultural
obliteration is made possible by the negation of national reality, by new legal relations
introduced by the occupying power…by the systematic enslaving of men and women
(Fanon in Leitch, 2001: 1587).
Within the framework of colonial domination, there is always an attempt to avoid or ignore cultural
departures in pluralism. The reason is that the colonizers do not recognize the natural differences of
various cultures other than calling for the superficial homogenization and a systematic abolition or
dislocation of the indigenous cultures. As Fanon often argues, under colonial rule, a national culture
is a contested culture whose destruction is sought in a systematic fashion. The immediate task of the
occupying power is either to destroy the Native culture completely or reduce it to a nominal
existence. The cultural dichotomy and racial friction of 121 years between the Oromo and the
occupant Abyssinians (Nafxanyaas) reveals that the latter often stresses the necessity of the
abolition of the Native culture and language. The colonizing powers are aware of the fact that the
attachment to one’s culture and traditions is to remain allegiance to the spirit of the nation and this
ultimately leads to a refusal to be submissive to the oppressors. Within the context of colonial and
post-colonial identity, we find the dregs of cultures which generate precariousness, moral
deficiency, confusion and the devaluation of the colonized societies. More than that, a single
dominant culture, as for instance a culture of the Semitic minority in imperial Ethiopia, serves not
only as a vehicle for disseminating a sense of superiority of the occupants in extreme, but functions
as an instrument of emasculation as well.
In a situation where national oppression, colonial exploitation, poverty, endemic famine and
cultural inequality are daily realities, ethnic antipathy takes a new form in which the oppressed
people are driven to more aggressive patterns of behaviour and organized resistance or revolt. The
contradictions that are inherent in colonialism cause a serious damage to people’s way of life and
the creative power of the Natives; and this often cultivates national consciousness. The inherent
contradictions in colonialism eventually give rise to a strong sense of cohesiveness within the
colonized nation, energizes its combative spirit and the struggle for national liberation. One of the
major causes that breed animosity and irreconcilable racial antagonisms is the rejection of the
national culture and the unwillingness of the colonizers to give space for democratic model
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(equilibrium model), which ensures the survival and continuity of cultural institutions. It would
hardly be justifiable to create more new values and it could at the same time be a serious mistake to
attempt to find lofty cultural expressions within the environment dominated by imperial ideology.
“Man’s wider cultural identities must be allowed to grow, not by the predatory expansion of
one civilization, but by the complementary integration of many diverse cultures. No human
community, however humble, should be forced to give up its cultural identity” (Legesse, 2000: ix).
After the shifting of the power balance of the 1880s, the Oromo ceased to be masters of their own
future because of the disintegration of cultural institutions and the prohibition of cultural studies.
Subsequent to this, the Oromo nation remained culturally dependent. For nearly a century, the
Oromo handed down their culture, language and literary tradition to their children through word of
mouth. This hard work of verbal explanation and transmission of events occurred through the
tireless effort made by the society when each family remained a living reference- the ‘Nation’s
Encyclopædia.’ For the Oromo, each time the wise men (hayyuus) passed away, a reference
dictionary was lost. Thus, the last 121 years (1870-1991) in Oromiyaa is remembered by the Oromo
as the dark era of cultural crises and total isolation.
In an undemocratic state, especially a colonial or neo-colonial type of state, the culture which
is deprived of the support of the state is likely to corrode eventually. The condition for the existence
of Oromo culture is, therefore, national freedom and this obviously demands the complete revision
of the relations between the colonizer and the colonial subject. Contemporary cultural studies is of
capital significance because it is the fight for identity, democracy and national existence which set
culture moving and opens to it the possibility of creativity. Oromo intellectuals have responsibility
for ensuring the conditions necessary for the development of their national culture. In the process of
working for the growth of the marginalized national culture, we need to organize essential elements
which can give it credibility, validity, life and creative power.
The conflict between diverse cultures of unequal power often occurs in repressive states and
the dichotomy of cultures in human history actually means the polarization of societies. This
obviously endangers pluralism. The unequal relationship of peoples’ cultures is the result of lack of
recognizing the beauty of diversity whereby the amalgamation of the free nations and cultures often
results in cleavage, misunderstanding and total stagnation. The marginalization of Native cultures
18
and the proudly asserted oppressive demands for cultural assimilation have always been the major
impeding factors for the peaceful co-existence of different racial groups. Almost all African states
are polyethnic multicultural entities characterized by the amalgamation of such diversity into what
is known as “national unity.” The satirical term which is associated with cultural, economic and
political imbalance; and in fact this is the pre-requisite for the so-called orderliness that can
guarantee the survival of a particular state. The power which always creates the greatest “political
Tsunami” in Ethiopian history has its origin in the ironically formulated mechanical
homogenization or unity in which the disempowerment of indigenous Africans (Oromo) and their
cultures occurs.
The deep-rooted cultural crises of the Oromo in Ethiopia is the result of this undefined
national homogenization programme of modern African states. The continuity of enforcing old
strategy of amalgamating diversified cultures and their natural beauty into a single national culture
(or mono-culturalism) of the ruling minority is to encourage cultural dislocation to happen.
“Culture is both a means of domination, of assuring the rule of one class or group over the
other, and a means of resistance to such domination, a way of articulating oppositional points of
view to those in dominance” (Rivkin, 2004: 1233). Ethiopia is a multinational state inhabited by
dozens of ethnic groups and cultures that have often been put together under the old colonial model
of mutual hostility. From the late nineteenth century to the early 1990s, the problem of encouraging
different cultures and traditions to coexist successfully side by side forced Oromo culture and
tradition into a crisis and this reinforced identity feeling of the subjugated people, their will to fight
back to challenge the imperialistic role of the dominant culture of the Nafxanyaa (Amhara). The
cultural contact between the rulers and the ruled, the settler Nafxanyaa and the Oromo, and the
arrogant refusal of encouraging multiculturalism by the former has resulted in the falling apart of
the latter and their egalitarian institutions, which help sustain cultural dynamism. The recreation of
popular self-image of the former (Nafxanyaa) has been compounded by cultural revivalism whose
effect is the debilitation of Oromo cultural universe. In terms of human dignity, cultural inequality
is almost a complete disaster for the disfranchised majority, the Oromo.
Man cannot sense the world around him with open mind and see himself as a member of
world community if his culture, which is the core of national identity, self-awareness and creativity,
19
is undervalued. If a culture is relegated to static existence and unable to address social prestige and
people’s place in history, then, the voice of that people cannot be heard; and in such a situation, a
society continues to be subservient and inefficient.
Culture as the product of history characterizes man’s dynamic role in a given historical time.
Whether or not it represents people’s identity and their quality of life is judged by its function in
historical process. With this regard, Wa Thiongo argues:
Culture is the product of a people’s history. It is also a reflection of that history. The
quality of a given culture is, therefore, a measure of the quality of life of the makers of that
history. This means that we cannot look at a culture as an abstract generality. We do not
live in a uniform communality of human beings either within a nation or between the
nations. A specific history of which culture is simultaneously a product, a reflection and a
measure, is a continuous working out of the contradictions within a given society and
between that society and others with which it is in contact (Wa Thiong’o, 1997: 126).
Wa Thiong’o illustrates the close connection between culture and history, and how one influences
the other. A culture as the integral part of a people’s history characterizes the nature of that people.
As the product of a particular society, it also shows the distinctive feature of that society, its values
and its place in the contemporary world.
In much the same way as language, culture as a powerful instrument of the state can be the
cause of disharmony, war and disintegration or the source of peace, stability and development. If a
culture is misused by the state and twisted to meet the interests of certain groups rather than
promoting a sense of forbearance, mutual respect and peaceful co-existence, culture of the favoured
group often becomes the centre of racial tensions and polarization. In such circumstances, culture
becomes the major cause of social unrest, hatred and animosity. On the other hand, in a society
where the prime objective of culture is to create mass-based harmonious relations based on the
development of the diversified groups, culture serves as a tool of building a peaceful, civilized and
unified nation of modern times. This is how culture as the product of historical process and an
integral part of social dynamism defines the distinctive role a society plays in history. From this
wider perspective, we see that Oromo cultural tradition gives a historical account of the Oromo, the
centrality of their social character and the way that character reinforces identity feeling and modern
20
thinking. Contemporary cultural studies involves academic discourse and as a separate field of
scholarship it requires interdisciplinary approach.
The Making of Tradition: Defining the Antithetical Concepts
A tradition is far beyond what it appears to be. When we say people make history, we mean
that we have our own way of belief and national character that differentiate us from others. That
distinctive character which defines our existence is what we call tradition. A tradition is thus a
belief, custom and a way of doing something which is meaningful, continues and unchanging. It is
from people’s tradition that we discover the poetic centre to which all literary scholars must return
as authentic source, as a starting-point of human innovation and poetic life. It is a mythic paradigm
which every society practices to define its existence and which contains some valuable cultural and
spiritual elements that need to be re-collected and re-assessed. As part of folklore literature, a
tradition provides a strong sense of national-pride and the instructive events of the past which give
solace and comfort to the narrators that have been burdened by the order of their time. The
continuity of a tradition will be secured or guaranteed so long as its object is perceived as a
representative symbol and is embraced by every succeeding generation as part of cultural heritage.
The repeatable character of a tradition, however, does not necessarily mean that it should remain
stagnant; rather, in the process of human history, a tradition also undergoes cultivation or
modification; without, of course, deviating from its essential core. If however, the succeeding
generations continued to be inflexible (obstinate) and if they are passive receivers, rather than
tradition makers (active interpreters), it is very unlikely that they would be able to keep the tradition
alive. Since they are passive agents, the tradition they pursue or adhere to is likely to be static and
in this case its aesthetic power may eventually disappear. Such a biological type of inheritance of
tradition often opposes the perfect freedom of mind, alternative values and lifestyles and hampers
socio-cultural growth or transformation. For instance, after the disintegration of the Gadaa ritual
system, the new generations who were affected by Abyssinian forced assimilation totally failed to
explain the socio-cultural, historical and political value of Oromo tradition. The passive receivers
who embraced post-colonial identity contributed to the debilitation or perishing of dozens of
regional and national traditions. At present, the only survived popular traditions are the “Irreensa”
21
(Tradition of Thanksgiving) and the “Muuda” (Tradition of Pilgrimage). The current Oromo
Cultural Studies aim at reinforcing the fragile cultural institutions and valuable traditions.
“Tradition-making stipulates choices for us now and for those who will come after us. It is we
who sustain, disseminate and enhance…projective force” (Lentricchia, 1983: 125). Like literary
culture, what makes a tradition alive and relevant is its open process (transparency) which allows us
to constantly evaluate and redefine its subject matter. Though it is past oriented, tradition as a
reflection of continuing social process must at the same time be able to capture modern thinking in
its appeal, without, of course, losing its central meaning of the distant past. Any form of tradition
contains spiritually, culturally, socially and politically valuable events which must be interpreted
and/or deconstructed. “Release from the melancholy influence cannot come about by escaping the
tradition since nothing meaningful or creative happens except within it” (McLaughlin, 1995: 18).
The discontinuity of an established tradition gives rise to falling away from the established order to
a world of futility. The defining of a tradition as a static phenomenon can probably be resolved if
we succeed in understanding the way it functions as historical discourse and persistent cultural force
to be modified and enriched. In discussing Oromo cultural tradition, I have tried to give attention to
a proper sense of history and the social situation in which interpretation and elaboration methods
are deployed.
The Social Context of Folk Rituals
In the quest for knowledge, social stability and meaningful existence, various alternatives to
traditional beliefs, practices and ritual institutions have become apparent. A major connecting link
in the study of religious ritual and society is the field of culture and personality, which relates
individual’s view and behaviour to the social context in which socialization take place.
For the Oromo, folk ritual, which is the earliest form of belief, is an established ceremonial
act or rite aiming at exercising self-control. It is a traditional cultural response to the social and
physical environment. The traditional narratives, which are handed down to us as the product of the
cultural evolution of the “Gadaa Age” partly reflects the religious character and deals with ritual
activities. The Oromo ritual performance as part of exercising spiritual life is the sharing of the
blessing of the harvest. Ritualistic life in the context of the Gadaa system functions as ideological
22
discourse and serves as a tool for influencing, fostering benevolence and the regulation of inner life
of the society. It is no wonder then that the Oromo look on the threatened extinction of the
ritualistic tradition with the depreciation of moral quality. Therefore, the role and/or functions of
ritual performance can be explained in terms of human needs- to maintain social regulation. A
society is believed to be efficient in its function if rituals serve as essential ingredients of culture
and tradition. The ritual behaviour that is established and fixed by traditional rules has been widely
practised throughout the globe in human history. Ritual in relation to oral narrative functions as a
symbolic expression of actual social relations and status role of individuals in a society. It is usually
characterized by a spiritual reality and to the ultimate values of a society concerned.
Besides folklore genres such as tales, proverbs, riddles, folk song narratives and poems, there
is still another important part of folklore, ritualistic performance, which is a cross-disciplinary
subject and its study includes all forms of institutions, traditional religious practices, folk festivals,
rites of passage, folk drama, folk dance, etc. In fact, the role of this generic class of ritual varies
from place to place and from country to country, though it may generally involve cultural values
and aesthetic functions. Folk rituals and verbal narratives are interrelated fields of folklore, which
involve didactic, recreational, and educational functions. Folk dramas, folk dances, rites, customs,
traditions and folk festivals within the context of ritualistic performance ensure social dynamism
and inherent human qualities. Tales, witticisms, folk songs and poems provide Oromo society with
the most instructive experience, entertainment, social philosophy and collective wisdom.
The Qaalluu Institution as a Symbol of Socialization
A ritual practice, whether in traditional past or in current situation, refers to a system of
cultural communication through which a social group expresses its survival; and in which people
strive to achieve a proper way of communal life and gain a power of self-control. As a feature of the
culture of a certain society, it provides a system of moral codes and rules that govern or influence
the behaviour of an individual person; and the way he or she can relate to others and sense his or her
significance. In terms of human civilization, the ritual performance not only deals with moral
principles, but also functions as a dynamic force in socio-cultural reform. The study of Oromo
23
traditional ritual involves the field of culture and social issues wherein ethical issues and
socialization are emphasized.
The ideas and images of a certain folk ritual are highly influenced by the cultural
environment from which it emerges. It is patently obvious that some of the oldest social and cultural
institutions and practices, such as rituals, art forms, marriage customs, etc., have developed in
religious contexts. The traditional ritual activities such as modern ritual performance do not merely
stress the comprehensive views and significance of the moral and spiritual sphere, but also the
conviction that through a proper relation with God man will find his salvation. The ritualistic views
of the Oromo emphasize that moral code forges a new dimension of life and a meaningful bond of
brotherhood that characterize a social man. This means, an individual who believes in the
importance of the growth of ritualized tradition and spiritual values speaks of the world as having a
richer dimension. In contrast, the disappearance of rituals and religious vision in one’s culture is
viewed as totally bleak and deep moral crisis. According to the Qaalluu institution of the Oromo,
the practice of rituals reinforces social advancement and facilitates stable family life.
In whatever form, ritual with reference to faith does not only deal with self-involving, but has
a social and cultural dimension as well. For many years, practising ritual ceremonies has been the
centre of Oromo existence; and it binds people together as children of a family having one father.
Likewise, the Qaalluu institution (ritual institution) promotes identity feeling; and as a symbol of
unity, it brings Oromo people together as one family of Waaqa (God). Evidences of religious
attitudes and allegiances to Waaqa have existed in every sector of Oromo cultural life (see Gadaa
Malbaa, Huntingford, Mohammed Hassen, Van de Loo, Asmarom Legesse, Baxter and Bartels).
We have already seen that ritual as a core of group solidarity also depicts the common good
which people share in their cultural and social life. The role the ‘Qaalluu’ institution plays cannot
be different from this. The Qaalluu, literally refers to a religious and ritual authority that plays a
major role in promoting high moral standards and the making of a cultured society. The Qaalluu
institution emphasizes the recognition of a sacred realm from which the supernatural force (Waaqa)
operates as well as the importance of practising rituals to establish a proper relationship with the
holy and to perpetuate a sense of mutual respect in the community. It has its root in the natural
philosophies of the hayyuus (wise men) and is closely connected with the socio-cultural universe of
Oromo society.
24
Until the 1880s, the Oromo exercised a democratic tradition of openness and mutual trust.
The Gadaa system of collectivism calls for the promotion of wisdom; and as the antithesis of
divisiveness, it does not allow religious and cultural fanaticism. In spite of dozens of sub-divisions
or lineages who practise different beliefs (Christianity, Islam, Traditional religion), the Oromo have
never experienced differences on the basis of religious ideology, and this has enabled them to
develop solid social base and perfect harmony. It does not matter to the Oromo whether they belong
to different religions so long as they all believe in ‘Waaqa’ (God). After Menelik’s expansion
programme of the 1880s and the Turko-Egyptian occupation of 1875-1885 (see Mohammed Hassen
in Griefenow-Mewis 1994: 257), Oromo culture and the Qaalluu institutions lost their unifying
influence for they were weakened when Semitic cultural revivalism was followed by religious
fanaticism.
Waqa [Waaqa], the God of sky and earth and the creator and sustainer of life is worshipped
in prayer and sacrifice as the guardian of social morality and as the source of all things,
good and bad. God’s special agents on earth are the sacred dynasties, or lineage of priests,
Kallus [ritual and spiritual leaders] who still live among the Borana and to whom all the
Galla [Oromo] in ancient times used to send emissaries on pilgrimage. The pilgrims came
to receive the blessings of ‘Kallu’ priests or ‘anointing fathers’ who thus made sacred the
whole traditional Galla [Oromo] social system (Encyclopædia Britanica, vol. 6; 1973/1974:
1015).
This underscores the basis of Oromo social, ritual and religious aspects in which Waaqa, also called
Waaqayyo or Rabbi, the omnipotent, is the source of life and the creator of everything. The
traditional ritual ceremonies and festivals are led by the most senior Qaalluu called Abbaa Muudaa,
literally, the anointing father or leader of pilgrimage; who was elected on the basis of his
intelligence, sound judgement, honesty and spiritual quality. Each Oromo moiety was headed by a
Qaalluu, whose position was inherited within the specific lineage of a particular clan. The Qaalluu
authority and other senior leaders of the society (the hayyuu or ‘wise’ men) are also responsible for
selecting Oromo traditional leaders, The Abbaa Bokkuu (‘Father of the Sceptre’) and other officials
who serve terms as members of a central law and policy-making body of the Gadaa Council.
25
The Qaalluu is one of the most important ritualistic institutions whose leaders serve as the
custodians of Oromo tradition and ethical norms. It played a major role not only in uniting the
Oromo people to live up to cultural standards and moral quality, but also helps implement the
egalitarian principles of the Gadaa system. Gadaa Malbaa (1988: 20) has pointed out the symbolic
function of the Qaalluu institution and says:
The Qaalluu institution was once a repository of important ceremonial articles (collective
symbols) in the buttaa ceremony such as the bokkuu (sceptre) [an ornamental rod carried
by the Abbaa Gadaa], the national flag, etc. The national flag is made in the Qaalluu
turban (surriiruufaa). The national flag had three colours-black at the top, red in the centre
and white at the bottom. In the Gadaa, the three colours, black, red and white represented
those yet to enter active life, those in active life (Luba) [the Gadaa class in power] and
those who had passed through active life respectively.
From this quotation, we understand that the Qaallu’s ‘turban’ stands for several collective symbols:
the national flag, the dynamic youths who make the future of the country (Oromiyaa), the efficient
Gadaa leadership and the freedom connected with it, the old generation who have planted the
system based on wisdom and democracy, the national identity expressed through the representative
symbols, the national clothes, worn by the Gadaa class during the buttaa ceremony and the way the
“bokkuu or sceptre” is associated with the Gadaa leadership. Thus, the Qaalluu allegorizes the
embodiment of wholeness. The Qaalluus are spirit-possessed charismatic ritual and spiritual leaders
or anointing fathers who make the whole Oromo tradition pure and sacred; and who also express the
ethnic identity of the nation. With the exception of place and period, the Qaalluus are very much
similar to modern spiritual leaders of Muslims and Christians. In the study of the Qaalluus and their
religious institutions, one should be very careful not to either misinterpret or confuse the term with
qaallicha (sorcerer) qaallittii (witchcraft); that is, persons who practise black magic with the help of
evil spirits (jinnii or boranticha). The sacred, ritual and religious places of the Qaalluu are known
as ‘Galma’ (Sacred Temples), a term which signifies oneness, love, honour, peace and the nation’s
dignity. Galma gives services once or twice a week, that is, on Thursdays and Saturdays, and the
service is often accompanied by beating drums, singing and ritual ecstasy. As cultural studies show,
the Qaalluu institution also played a significant role in the promotion of national spirit and the rule
of reason (democracy). In the Gadaa cultural setting, Qaalluu institution is also viewed as a symbol
26
of knowledge and unifying image; and it stresses the importance of the common good, cultural
nationalism, traditional moral principles and the fear of God.
The Ateetee and Thanksgiving Ceremonies
The main source of any kind of belief and/or influence is derived from complex human
experiences of nature and his unending ambition of defining the physical world in ritualized culture
and religious terms. Man’s view of the supernatural image (God) and his sense of the conventional
meaning attached to that image depend upon the way he perceives, understands and interprets
nature which is immediate to him. The social and natural environment in which a person finds
himself may provide him/her with a great variety of religious and ritual experiences; and these
experiences involve historical events which are also the foundation for the emergence of a body of
literature.
A traditional society constantly dreams to overcome fear, danger, threat and insecurity
through a representative image, which enabled him to develop moral sense and cultural confidence.
In a given time and place, ritual and religious thoughts often reinforce each other. Both are rooted in
social, cultural and economic institutions, and the conventions connected with these institutions.
Like oral tradition, folk ritual may be seen as the representation of the sum total of human
experience. Throughout the history of human survival, we see that a traditional man has struggled to
gain more space for religious-ritual and his desire to achieve sustainable life and happiness finds
itself in a ritualistic world. In order to overcome difficulties, the generations of survivors seek to
interpret abstract ideas and symbols in their own ways and then attempt to communicate God
through the created objects to attain solace and a peace of mind. The complex ritual performance
and symbols we find in Oromo traditional institutions, like the Qaalluu and the Muuda represent the
idea of devotion to the ideals of religion, sustainable socialization and human brotherhood.
For fertility to continue and for all people and things to grow and mature, the earth, the
cattle and the women must all be moist. Oromo are natural and fundamental ‘Greens,’ in
that they see orderly and continuous life as depending on the careful and traditional
homogenisation of human needs and ecological constraints (Van de Loo, 1991: 10).
27
Like other Sub-Saharan Africans, the Oromo have developed sophisticated ritual practices,
which enable them to demonstrate moral strength, spiritual values and religious convictions. The
honour and omnipresence of Waaqa is expressed in different ways, through different means;
namely, through human beings, animals, water, plants (trees), grasses and other objects. One of the
well-known festivals of the Gadaa ritualized tradition is the ‘Ateetee’ or the goddess fecundity. The
Ateetee is popularly known as Aayyoo or Aayyole, literally the mother, who is a symbol of
forgiveness. This ritual ceremony stresses the blessing of God and the continuity of peaceful orderly
life and fertility in the household- for both cattle and people. The most common symbols of fertility
in the Oromo Ateetee include, milk, butter, honey-wine (bulbula), hydromel/mead (daadhii), beads
(callee), green grasses (Irreensa) and the blood of the sacrificed animal. “The constant use of butter
in both rituals and daily life is intended not only to keep people healthy and give them a shining
complexion, but also to keep them wet, that is, fertile” (Van de Loo, 1991: 271). In terms of
economy, butter as a symbol of abundance has a deeper meaning in the life of traditional Oromo.
Spraying or ejecting hydromel from the mouth (daadhii biifuu) is another symbol for blessing one’s
life and fertility. During the Ateetee ritual ceremony, the chief elder blesses the barren women by
spraying daadhii (hydromel) over them. In Gujii Oromo, the senior member of the Gadaa system,
the ‘Yuuba,’ blesses the barren woman saying, “Gadaan tee haa jiitu,” literally ‘may your Gadaa be
wet.’ It also means ‘may your womb be fertile.’
The feast of Ateetee begins with the galma [the Sacred Temple] of our days. On the last
day, the abbaa galma, chief of the meeting, sits down before two great [big] leather bags
[jugs], one of which is filled with hydromel [daadhii], the other with beer….During the
days of the galma the women sing the songs asking the goddess to grant them fecundity
and lamenting the woes which are caused by sterility (Cerulli, 1922: 127-128).
As it has already been mentioned, in pastoral Oromo society, the power and greatness of Waaqa and
its blessing are often expressed in the form of symbolic representation.
“Thanksgiving” occasions had become part of the national culture and ritual institutions until
the proscription of a democratic tradition of the Gadaa. The Oromo society is popularly known for
their “Irreensa” tradition- the folk festival of recreation and feasting for the bounty of harvesting
season. Irreensa, literally bunch of tall and fresh grasses, refers to ‘Thanksgiving’ and is marked by
great delight accompanied by serving a variety of national foods and drinks. It is one of the most
28
popular festivals which aimed at glorifying God and Giving Thanks to him for the harvest,
prosperity, fertility, rain and peace. This euphoric occasion is marked by carrying tall and fresh
grasses that are symbols of wealth and new hope; and according to the tradition, the bunch of
grasses have to be placed on the ground where the festival is organized. Like other ritual occasions,
the Irreensa ceremony is also led by the senior members of the society and celebrated early summer
in Oromiyaa- between September and November. The Oromo Irreensa is similar to Danish ‘Høstfest’ (Harvest Festival in August), the ‘Yam Feast’ Thanksgiving in Nigerian tradition and the
Giving of Thanks to God for the ‘Harvest’ in the United States and Canada, in November and
October respectively; though the way these nations address God differs from country to country.
Both in religious-ritual and cultural Oromo festivals/ceremonies, the following prayer is common:
quubsitee nu hin beelesin yaa Waaqi
garaa na’uu nu oolchi yaa Waaqi
ijaartee nu hin diigin yaa Waaqi
gargar ba’uu/bayuu nu oolchi yaa Waaqi
ija boo’uu/booyuu nu oolchi yaa Waaqi
nudhaabi kaa yaa Rabbi
kabdee nu hin buqqisin yaa Waaqi
akka muka qarree bishaanii
↓
you have given us abundant food, do not expose us to hunger, oh God!
you have raised us up, do not cast us down, oh God!
deliver us from weeping of eyes, oh God!
you have covered us with grass, do not destroy us, oh God!
5 deliver us from grief of the heart, oh God!
deliver us from falling apart, oh God!
plant us, oh God!
like a tree by the streams of water
As we shall see later in Chapter 10 (work song), a sense of promoting co-operative endeavour
characterizes Oromo cultural life. When they hold public meetings, when they work, when they
sing and pray, in times of festivals and celebrations, the Oromo often emphasize the issue of
belonging together.
may the Gadaa bring abundance, plenty of cattle and milk
may the Gadaa bring such abundance that things become cheap
live with sons, live with daughters
29
may horses abound, male and female
may honey abound, bring back the bees, grasses and deep water
may your abundance surpass mine
may your satiety surpass mine
may your riches surpass mine
(Van de Loo, 1991: 273).
The Oromo often pray for collective abundance, for perpetual solidarity, and for the well-being of
the nation and animals at large. The last three lines depict the absence of jealousy on the one hand,
and the desire for better future for the next generation on the other. This extract summarizes a deep
sense of mutual concern and the importance of ensuring nation’s gracefulness and prosperous life
through the blessing of God.
In terms of social tranformation, the Irreensa Ceremony signifies richness, stability and
peaceful life and is usually accompanied by ‘libation’ (Oromiffaa acronym for dhibaayyuu or
dhibaafata). The dhibaayyuu is often offered in the form of fresh milk, which is a symbol of
fertility and abundance. It can also be offered during the commemoration of dead relatives or
ancestors. During such a memorial occasion, all members of the family of the deceased person(s) go
to the cemetery/graveyard or ‘Tomb’ (hujubaa or awwaala) early in the morning to offer fresh milk
as dhibaayyuu (libation) to the earth where the ‘Stela’ (Soodduu) is erected on the grave. In this
case, the main purpose of libation is to keep the living memory of the loved one(s) with the family.
In southern Oromo, especially in Arsii, the milk offered as libation is believed to be the share
belongs to the deceased person, which, according to the tradition now exists in the form of spirit
(ekeraa). The dhibaayyuu may also be accompanied by the slaughtering of an animal (fala or
falatuu); and in this ritual circumstance, it represents the glorification of God and is a peace offering
to Him. Almost all ritual festivals and ceremonies take place under large trees such as sycamore
trees (odaa), podocarpus (birbirssa), fig trees (qilxuu), and at the riverbed (malkaa).
The Galla [Oromo] reverence the larger aspect of nature and express this feeling in their
attitudes towards mountains, rivers, springs, forests and certain individual trees near all of
which they like if possible to have their dwellings. Groves of trees, especially sycamore,
near huts and villages…both provide sites where the numerous ritual performances can
take place, and the sycamore…is hung with votive offerings (Huntingford, 1955: 78).
30
The traditional life of the Oromo has been closely linked with the beauty of nature because nature is
the immediate source of life; and, therefore, there is a strong appreciation and love for nature. The
Oromo like to honour and protect the trees, which shelter them.
The Muuda: Pilgrimage and Anointment
A pilgrimage is a journey to a sacred place undertaken to gain the help of a supernatural
being, for the sake of devotion or as an act of Thanksgiving. The Muuda is another form of
Thanksgiving tradition, which binds the society together. It is celebrated during autumn or early
summer. The Muuda literally means anointment, and it also refers to Oromo supplication period and
ceremony led by a ritual authority called ‘Abbaa Muudaa;’ literally ‘father of pilgrimage’ or
‘spiritual leader of the Muuda anointment.’ He is called Abbaa Muudaa because he is a great
spiritual Qaalluu leader who makes the whole pilgrimage sacred and conveys Waaqa’s blessings to
the pilgrims. He carries out this by daubing or anointing the pilgrims with butter on their heads. As
a rule, all the Oromo through whose land the pilgrims pass would receive them with great
enthusiasm and give them generous help. Religious and ritual centres such as Sakiina, Odaa Nabee,
Abal-Qaasim, Soofumar, Odaa Bultum (see Malbaa 1988) and many other ritual institutions in
Oromiyaa are still the most fascinating centres not merely because of their spiritual or religious
services, but also because of their rich historical significance in that they are sources of references
for religious literature. During the pilgrimage to the religious centres (holy places), the pilgrims,
especially those who are highly devoted to spiritual life carry a special type of stick called a
‘dhanqee,’ and this stick is believed to have symbolized blessings. During the Muuda period, the
pilgrims must refrain from sexual relations because it is considered to be a profane act. The Muuda
ritual occasion plays an important role and is observed with enormous dignity in Oromiyaa because
it is a period of prayer for forgiveness, for rain, for prosperity, wisdom, oneness, peace and
collective success. In this connection, Mohammed Hassen (1990: 8) has pointed out the following:
Prosper, oh son of Orma [Oromo], return home to your family and Abba Boku [in peace].
May the milk of your heard flow in abundance! May the whole village drink of your
superfluity! May your favourite cow’s udder be full of milk, from which none drinks but
the father of the family, from which none drinks but the mother of the family, from which
31
none drinks but he who has received Unction [anointing]. It is the wish of my heart that
you should prosper. May Waqa [Waaqa] be with you.
The prayer and blessing of the ritual leader, the Abbaa Muudaa or anointing father of the
pilgrimage, emphasizes development, peace and abundance. Here, the recurrent phrase…”none
drinks but”…is to refer to the continuity of abundance from generation to generation for those who
are blessed. Hundreds of thousands of pilgrims from different parts of the country (Oromiyaa)
gather together every year at the praying centres (hereafter Qaalluu ritual centres) to receive
Waaqa’s blessings both for themselves and for their nation. The Muuda is more or less similar to
the modern Muslim pilgrimage to ‘Mecca Medina’ (Hajj) and the Christian pilgrimage to
‘Jerusalem.’ “These pilgrimage to the abba muda [Abbaa Muudaa] about which European travellers
at the turn of the century had so much to report, maintained a consciousness of the unity of the
Galla [Oromo] nation as a whole….They [the pilgrimages] only came to an end after the occupation
of the Southern Ethiopia by the Amharas” (Bartels, 1983: 66).
With the disintegration of the Gadaa egalitarian tradition, the Qaalluu centres and the Muuda also
came to an end in many parts of Oromiyaa after the Abyssinian colonization process and brutal
repression of the 1880s and 1890s.
Fabrications and disfiguring the reality of nations have from time immemorial been the major
cause for human misunderstanding and they created the greatest cultural and political imbalance in
our world. The irrational thinkers who often call for the unacceptable subservience to cultural
imperialism do not recognize the beauty of diversified cultures other than the dominant one.
The Gallas [Oromos] had little to contribute to the Semitized civilization of Ethiopia, they
possessed no significant material or intellectual culture, and their social organization
differed considerably from that of the population among whom they settled (Ullendorff,
1973: 73).
This kind of false assumption has always been a barrier to successful scholarly study. Ullendorff,
who claims to be a specialist in Ethiopian studies, seems to tell us about the civilization which does
not exist. Moreover, he has no knowledge of the Oromo society and its culture. Undervaluing
Oromo achievements and their qualities has been a recurring theme of those scholars who call for
cultural imbalance and inequality of people. In fact, racism has been a lens through which most
imperial scholars and writers perceived the Oromo and their place in history for the last hundred
32
years. It is always impossible to expect the prejudiced human nature to produce effective work for
the greater good of the society. Still less is this expected from men tempted to the composition of
malicious criticism as I have made clear throughout this work. I hope everybody would admit that a
falsified criticism has never been better written and will never be.
“Whether scholars deliberately base their analyses on colonial interests or not, it is
nonetheless the case that scholars devalue the same institutions the colonizers depreciate, and offer
analyses that help legitimize those institutions the colonizers find useful” (Legesse, 2000: 10). Most
of the Anglophone scholars, especially the prejudiced anthropologists who have extensively written
about African cultures and literary traditions tend to eulogize African absolute monarchies,
chiefdoms and authoritarian groups; but they show little or no interest in, and much contempt for
popular traditions and cultures that reflect African democracies. Traditional indigenous institutions,
like the Gadaa system were viewed as primitives. The democratic aspects of traditions that
characterize African identity has often been deliberately ignored, avoided, and/or described as
worthless. Conversely, imaginary stories and fabricated myths of the “Black Victorians” (the selfstyled despotic kings and chiefs) were polished, highly valued and presented to the world as if they
were representatives of African values and identities. The reason is that African kingdoms were
typically anti-democratic in their traditions. Dismissive readings have always been the heart of
colonialist narrative. These aspects of intellectual impoverishment, unprofessional behaviour and
imperialist ethnocentrism are still prevalent in contemporary scholarship. Both the old and the
modern prejudiced researchers not merely exhibit anti-democratic views, but also opt for probing
into the stultifying complex of stereotyped and ambiguous issues.
For several decades, little was known about the Oromo, their culture and tradition. In Africa,
in the West, and throughout the globe, the widespread assumption among scholars, both Africans
and Westerners, was that the Oromo have no culture and values worthy of serious study. Moreover,
Abyssinian dismissive narrative removed Oromiyaa and its people from history wherein the
occupied country was assumed to be the land whose indigenous population was devoid of any
traceable cultural tradition. This study may help reverse such assumption.
Components of Culture
Figure 2: The Inner Organization of Culture
Features of National Culture
Values: Any
desirable quality
in life
Constituent Elements of Oromo
Culture
Ethics/
moral
duty
Mutuality of
feelings
Social
Solidarity
Wisdom as a
symbolic core
for perfect
nation-hood
Norms:
Standards
of
behaviours
that are
accepted
within a
society
National
Character
Charity/
donation
Democratization
of discourse/
eulogizing
democratic
conduct
Nation-hood and national
existence are based on
the Gadaa egalitarian
principles of Collectivism
Oromo-centred
national saga:
Ilmaan Oromoo–
a call for
national-pride
Tradition: A way of
practising something
that has existed for a
long time among people
Genealogy
Borana
A strong
sense of
anchoring
to ancestral
root
Social
cohesion
Ideology
Common
good than
personal
greatness/
prerogative
position
National
Identity: The
search for self/
the condition of
being self
Barentu
Rituals
Beliefs
Pilgrimage
:Muuda
anointment/
supplication
Ateetee
(goddess of
fecundity)
Figure 3: Constituent Elements of Oromo Culture
Customs
Gadaa Initiations &
Thanksgiving Ceremonies
Irreensa
(Thanks-giving)
Ceremonies
Buttaa
Initiation
Ceremony
35
2. The Gadaa: The Movement for Cultural and Literary Renaissance
The renaissance as the greatest cultural movement of the 14th-16th centuries is a period
marked by the still lasting distinction of literary creation. It is an epoch that powerfully defined
itself in terms of human awareness and innovation of the past and left the ever increasing global
cultural nationalism to all posterity. The artistic energies of the period has continued to command
allegiance and stimulated philosophical thinking and literary dynamism of modern times. The
Gadaa cultural and literary revival of the early 14th-late 19th centuries is part of this global rebirth of
popular cultures and traditions. Since the Gadaa tradition is the basis for nation’s identity and
indigenous democracy, we need manifold efforts to make this cultural norm continue to exist and
influence Oromo social life, literary universe, and political environment not in the same old way but
within the context of modern standard.
Any type of ritual performance involves initiation rites that can be found in almost all
religious traditions that mark the passage from one initiation stage of life to the next. Such ritual
activities have often been categorized as rites of passage or transition, as for instance the Gadaa
ritual stages of the Oromo in which every passage is accompanied by euphoric occasion and
complex traditional ceremonies. The basic characteristic of the Gadaa life-crisis ritual is the
transition from one mode of life to another without, of course, fulfilling the necessary criteria for
appropriate initiation. Thus, the interruption of the rites of passage in terms of the Gadaa initiation
tradition have often been defined as a ritual process which is marked by a crisis in the life of certain
individuals or groups as the fixed traditional rules favour some and disfavour the others. The
initiation stages actually define the life of an individual person, and this includes rituals from birth
to entering full social life of the community. Many of these initiation rituals mark a distinctive
demarcation from that of the preceding old situation or mode of life of an individual member in
which the transition rite celebrates the new ritual episode or event.
36
Initiation rites need to be interpreted both historically and socially because they take place in
a given social structure and historical transition marked by cultural evolution. From this
perspective, the Gadaa tradition of the Oromo can be viewed as a series of rituals based on the
prominence of moral standards that transform natural cumulative experience into cultural mode of
life. This transformation encompasses spiritual values and social reforms.
The Rites of Passage and Initiation Process: The Stratification
of Ritual Stages
The ‘rites of passage’ is a ceremony or an event within a community to mark an individual’s
achievement of an important stage in life and consequent change of role in the community. It
facilitates a person’s change in status upon any of several highly significant occasions. In whatever
level of civilization, the modern or the remote past, people naturally appreciate the way they were
and the way they are. The important thing is, however, whether a meaningful life has been achieved
or not in that period of time. If all citizens enjoy equal opportunities in controlling the making of
decisions, and if a search for knowledge and wisdom becomes the prime concern of each member
of a society, then, human civilization becomes meaningful. This part deals with the great Gadaa
period of cultural and literary nationalism during which the Oromo lived meaningful life and
enjoyed social and cultural prestige. The emphasis of the Gadaa is on wisdom loving, the
significance of collective destiny, mutuality of feelings, oneness, the rule of reason (democracy) and
the common good (see introduction). With regard to this, Asmarom Legesse (2000: 195) has pointed
out the following about the rule of reason of the Gadaa era:
Oromo democracy is one of those remarkable creations of the human mind that evolved
into a full-fledged system of government, as a result of five centuries of evolution and
deliberate, rational, legislative transformation. It contains genuine African solutions for
some of the problems that democracies everywhere have had to face.
The Gadaa system is believed to have been in use before the 1300s, though 1522 was
recorded too late as the term of its full use. According to d’ Abbadie (1846), the Gadaa system had
been introduced by an Oromo ‘hayyuu’ (a wise man) called ‘Makkoo Bilii,’ whom Abbadie had
37
registered the date 1589. Makkoo Bilii of Mecha and Dawwe Gobbo of Borana are the two great
creative thinkers and philosophers who made the Gadaa traditional Law.
The Gadaa initiation tradition, like all other traditions is a mirror that reflects the social,
cultural, norms, customs and attitudes of the Oromo at a given stage of its development. It is a
complex ritualized process through which the nation has lived best and known itself best. Unlike
other traditional African societies in transition, the Gadaa is one of the remarkable achievements,
which shows the uniqueness of the people. Despite its imperfection, this period of cultural evolution
remains the living reference to Oromo society; and it has been an issue of great attraction to many
scholars like Donald N. Levine, Asmarom Legesse, Baxter, Alessandro Triulzi, Cerulli Enrico,
Antonio Cecchi, d´Abbadie, Huntingford and many others. The Gadaa initiation crises ceremonies
we see in the structural analysis of both Legesse and Cerulli unfolds the problem of the cycle.
In its narrower definition, the Gadaa is a socio-cultural, political and ritualistic institution on
which Oromo national character, traditional values and identity have been based. The Gadaa
institution is the basis for cultural and literary revival of the Oromo. It literally refers to a man’s life
up to 80 years of age, which is divided into five periods of eight-years and its social hierarchy
consists of Abbaa Bokkuu (literally, Father of the Sceptre), Abbaa Duulaa or Abbaa Guchii (Father
of expedition), Abbaa Sa'aa (Father of the Cow), Abbaa Seeraa (Father of the Law), Abbaa
Alangaa (Father of the Whip), Abbaa Caffee (Father of Chaffee) and Abbaa Dubbii (Father of
Speech). In its structure, the rites of passage of the Gadaa includes only the male members of the
society in accordance with their age groups- the classification of the members according to the
‘hiriyyaa’ or age similarity within the same Gadaa period and their specific role in the society. The
hiriyyaa are the Gadaa members who share the same status and accomplish ritual, cultural, social
and religious activities together.
In the Gadaa initiation transition, the members on the cycle are divided into different stages
and age groups; and each newly born boy enters the system of level of classification called
“Initiation Stages or Standards.” Ritual standards in the context of Gadaa social structure refer to
the stages of initiation periods or development through which every age group (hiriyyaa) passes.
Though there are minor differences from place to place, the distinctive Gadaa initiation levels
include: Dabballee, Foollee (Gaammee Boodaa)- lower Gaammee, Qondaala (Gaammee Duraa)-
38
upper Gaammee, Kuusa, Raaba/Doorii, Luba/Gadaa, Yuuba and Gadaamojjii (see figures 4 and 5).
According to the cultural convention, the fathers on the cycle are always five initiation stages (5x8)
ahead of their sons and vice-versa and each level of initiation rites is given a specific ‘name’ by
which its members are generally identified as they pass through one stage of development to the
next. The assigned ritual name may differ from place to place depending on the two ancestral
divisions, namely the “Borana” and “Barentumma” (see genealogy), without, of course, affecting
both the concept and the period. For instance, in Borana, the ‘five names’ given to Gadaa members
of fathers are different from that of the sons, whereas in eastern, central and western Oromiyaa the
children (boys) on the initiation cycle have the same names as that of their fathers. The
categorization of the groups in terms of ages and initiation levels would enable the Gadaa members
to carry out the defined tasks through co-operative endeavour. In order to distinguish the initiation
stages of fathers from that of their sons, I have assigned Roman Numbers ‘I-V’ and ‘VI-X’ to the
sons and the fathers respectively.
The Ritual Names of the Gadaa Members
The Gadaa
VI
VII
VIII
IX
X
Members of
Birmajii
Malba
Muudana
Roobalee
Duulo
Fathers
]40-48]
]48-56]
]56-64]
]64-72]
]72-80]
IV
V
The Gadaa
I
Members of
Aldada
Horata
Bifoole
Sabaqa
Kiroole
Sons
]0-8]
]8-16]
]16-24]
]24-32]
]32-40]
II
III
Figure 3a: The Ritual Names of Classes in Borana
Sources: G. W. B. Huntingford 1955; d’ Abbadie 1880; and de Salviac 1901.
39
The Gadaa
VI
VII
Members of
Horata
Mikilee
Duulo
Roobalee
Birmajii
Fathers
]40-48]
]48-56]
]56-64]
]64-72]
]72-80]
III
IV
The Gadaa
I
II
VIII
IX
X
V
Members of
Horata
Mikilee
Duulo
Roobalee
Birmajii
Sons
]0-8]
]8-16]
]16-24]
]24-32]
]32-40]
Figure 3b: The Ritual Names of the Gadaa Members in Macha Tuulamaa
Sources: See figure 3a
The Gadaa
VI
VII
VIII
IX
X
Members of
Malba
Halchisa
Duulo
Roobalee
Birmajii
Fathers
]40-48]
]48-56]
]56-64]
]64-72]
]72-80]
III
IV
The Gadaa
I
II
V
Members of
Malba
Halchisa
Duulo
Roobalee
Birmajii
Sons
]0-8]
]8-16]
]16-24]
]24-32]
]32-40]
Figure 3c: The Ritual Names of the Gadaa Members in Hararge
Sources: de Salviac 1901, and Huntingford 1955.
Note: (1) The Numbers 0-40 and 40-80 indicate the ‘ages’ of the Gadaa members in the cycle.
(2) The symbol or half-opened interval “]” indicates that the last number on the right side is
included and the initial number on the left side is not included. For instance, ]40-48] shows that 40
is excluded whereas 48 is included in the interval.
In the Gadaa initiation process, the two “Initiation Categories” or according to Legesse
(1973) the Hemi-Cycles (0-40 and 40-80) constitute a length of 80 years, a situation in which the
sons usually follow their fathers at the interval of 40 years; and this process of the Gadaa cycle is
divided into Five periods of eight-years. Thus, the formula 5x8=40 may be taken as constant
throughout Oromiyaa with the exception of the period when the Gadaa system was interrupted due
to a strong influence of repressive feudal system imposed by the Abyssinian constitutional
40
monarchies and Turko-Egyptian Muslims. The period of government of the sons begins forty years
after the beginning of the period of the Gadaa of the fathers. This means the complete cycle of the
‘periods of initiation- the time from birth to the beginning of the period of the ruling class, the Luba
or Gadaa, itself requires forty years.
In the Gadaa initiation ritual, with the exception of females, who, in fact, had been confined
to working in the house and became voiceless due to the prevalence of male chauvinism, every
individual or group has had his own defined cultural, social and ritual duties and responsibilities in
the society. It is only then that one can be entitled to better status and social benefits. “The Oromo
had reconciled a certain degree of political specialization with emphasis on restrict equality by
means of a system of sets succeeding one anther over time” (Jalata, 1993: 19). In this complex
system of ritual practice, the members of each group who pass through the initiation stages must
live up to a noble behaviour and demonstrate a real sense of commitment so that they meet the
required moral duties, cultural norms and the equilibrium model (democratic rule) stipulated in the
Gadaa ritualistic system.
The variation of eight-years we see between the higher and the lower social stratification is
the period during which each age-group of a particular initiation level acquires all the necessary
knowledge and profound experiences which enable an individual member to play the significant
role in the next social hierarchy. It also refers to a term of office for the Gadaa class in power, the
Luba.
An Overview of the Initiation Categories
Initiation Stage 1: The Dabballee
The Dabballee is an initial stage of the Gadaa; that is, the period of childhood when the
children (boys) begin to learn folktales, the basic principles of the Gadaa tradition, including ethics:
the standards of behaviour, norms, social life and many others. The Gadaa members in the
Dabballee are usually the sons of the classes in the Luba, the Daannisa stage. In other words, the
classes who can successfully complete the whole initiation period- the First Initiation Category
41
(0-40 years of age) without any interruption or without jumping the initiation stages are the sons of
the Luba class in power. In Borana and Arsii, the members of the Dabballee are identified by their
hair-style called guduruu or guutuu. Generally, they are identified from the others by their shaved
hairs.
Initiation Stage 2: The Foollee/Gaammee Boodaa
The members of the Foollee stage are the sons of the ‘First Yuuba.’ These are children who
have completed the eighth-year of the cycle. The Gadaa classes who reach this stage usually wear
long manes of hairs on their heads. The wearing of mane actually marks entering full social life and
it signifies manly qualities and allegiance. At this level of initiation period, the hiriyyaa groups are
obliged take part in doing light work and begin electing their group leaders, the hayyuus. At every
level, each group leader is elected on the basis of his intelligence, wisdom and fairness. At this
initiation level, the young members of the Gadaa who are on the cycle, especially the leaders plant
the ‘First Trees’ (podocarpus trees- birbirsa) and hold the ‘First Buttaa Ceremony- the celebration
which is an expression of a successful career. The Buttaa celebration is accompanied by sacrificing
of bulls and this marks the end of eight-years of initiation periods. The blood of the sacrificed bull
is smeared on the forehead of the group in transition and on the rods they carry. According to the
Gadaa ritual performance, sprinkling of bull’s blood symbolizes blessing. In Shawa, buttaa
celebration of the group in the cycle is marked by carrying bunch of plants called ‘gabbisa’ and
rods of olive wood (ejersa) in their right hands.
In the process of buttaa ritual ceremony, the groups who have successfully completed the
Foollee stage pass under the ‘Sacred Sycamore Tree’ (Odaa Falaa) in succession, each throwing a
bunch of fresh grasses (Irreensa) into the branches of this tree, which according to the society is a
symbol of promotion, transition and promising future. After the completion of the first buttaa
ceremony, they are promoted to the level of Qondaala. The bunch of plants and grasses, which are
equivalent to the graduation flowers, represent honour, success and development; whereas rods of
olive (ulee ejersaa) are metonymically related to knowledge, power and the strength of quality
citizens.
42
Initiation Stage 3: The Qondaala/Gaammee Duraa
The qondaala literally refers to a strong and independent young man. At this stage of
development, the children enjoy significant social status and fully participate in different activities,
including doing heavy work. The members of the Qondaala usually wear afro-style hairs, the
goofaree, which stands for heroism. They are different from Foollee in that the boys who reach this
stage not only elect their ‘Councillors,’ the wise leaders, but also organize themselves so as to
exercise egalitarian social life and lead independent world of their own. In the same way as those
who are in the Foollee, the leaders in Qondaala stage are carefully elected; and the election is
usually based on wisdom or intelligence, integrity, bravery, moral excellence and physical fitness.
“Each set elected from its number several officials [hayyuus] who were the most prestigeful men in
the community” (Lewis, 1965: 27). This standard of judgement is common to all other members of
the Gadaa cycle. This makes the Gadaa tradition quite unique and a most remarkable. Asmarom
Legesse (1973: 50) has enthusiastically expressed his admiration for the Gadaa system and says,
“Anomalous though it may be, Gadaa is one of the most astonishing and instructive turns the
evolution of human society has taken.” He has also indicated that…“an indigenous African
democracy is a worthwhile enterprise because it is a rich source that can inspire and inform
constitutional thinkers in Africa” (2000: xi). As Legesse has suggested, the equilibrium model of
the Gadaa can help build genuine African democratic constitutions that differ from the borrowed
constitutions of today- the falsified constitutions which protect the interests of a few.
Lewis (1965: 28), who had witnessed the ‘democratic conduct’ of the Gadaa period, has also
noted the following:
The evidence suggests that these council meetings [refers to hayyuu representatives] were
attended by men of a territory in varying capacities: as members of the ruling grade, as
elders, as representatives of families and lineage, and as disputants. The participants
argued and discussed, the abba boku [Abbaa Bokkuu] proclaimed the will of the council,
and in many cases, the moral force and will of this group prevailed so that differences
were peacefully settled.
As research in Macha and Tuulama indicates, the group in the Gaammee Duraa (Qondaala) is led
by the elected hayyuus, literally wise leaders, and they plant the Second and the ‘Third Podocarpus
43
Trees’ during their First and Eighth-years respectively (see figure 5). It is at this initiation stage that
they exercise hunting and military activities.
Initiation Stage 4: The Kuusa
The groups in the Kuusa are the sons of the fathers who are on the 64 years of the cycle (see
figures 2 and 3). The Kuusa initiation ritual is the stage during which the elected hayyuu
Councillors are placed in a relatively higher social status (assigned to a new role) in their own
group. The Gadaa structure in the Borana shows that there are at least ‘six’ Gadaa ritual hierarchies
during the Kuusa stage. Abbaa Gadaa Harbooraa holds the highest rank. The next two senior
positions are held by the Councillors of the hayyuus called Abbaa Gadaa Kontomaa. The former
and the latter together are known as Gadaa Sadan, meaning the three Gadaas and are the top senior
authorities (ritual and political experts) of the Council. The remaining three councillors are simply
called Aduula Hayyuu, meaning senior Councillors or representatives. These six ritual leaders,
together with those who will be recruited later by these traditional authorities constitute the entire
hierarchy of the Kuusa socio-political structure; and this will be the whole structure of the Gadaa
ritual office in the later stage. In Tuulamaa Oromo (Shawa), the Gadaa members of this stage were
led by the hayyuu to the ‘Sacred Sycamore Tree’ where the ‘Fourth Podocarpus Tree’ is planted. At
the end of the fourth-year- the last year of the half-Dorii or Raaba, they celebrate the ‘Dhoqqee
Buusa Ceremony’ (dung ceremony). The Oromo have profound love for nature, and planting of
trees within the context of cultural and ritual environment suggests development, prosperity, peace,
and planting the source of life.
Initiation Stage 5: The Raaba/Dorii
The Raaba is the stage during which the members in the cycle assume immediate full
authority of the Gadaa system. Those who have reached this stage prepare themselves to take-over
power when the term of office of the previous classes in the Luba terminates. The primary purpose
of the group in the Raaba is to serve the nation as military. According to the Gadaa cultural
44
tradition, marriage is allowed when people reach the Raaba initiation stage but not before. The
assumption here is that those who have not reached this initiation level of maturity can hardly lead
their families to a successful life. In the processes of the rites of passage, the boys who pass through
the Kuusa and the Raaba stages undergo intensive training of all kinds, especially military training,
so that they can gain profound knowledge about national culture, tradition, values, politics and
ritual practices as a whole. At this initiation level, the groups in the cycle plant the ‘Fifth Tree;’ and
this marks their completion of the fourth buttaa ceremony.
Initiation Stage 6: The Luba/Gadaa
The term Luba refers to ‘phallus,’ and it connotes a circumcised Gadaa member. Thus, it is
applied to this particular period at the time when circumcision, fertility and the taking over of power
occur.
The Hayyu of the Luba proclaims the traditional formula of the laws, which deals with
the protection of the family and the individual, blood-price [gumaa], the protection of
property, the burning of huts and grazing. He fixes compensation, and can revoke or
modify his own laws, which otherwise, remain in force till the next Luba period. The
proclamation of the laws is to a great extent a re-statement of traditional law, though
modifications may be made to suit special condition (Huntingford, 1955: 47).
The Luba stage of development is a turning-point in the Gadaa ritual system because it is the
period of holding full authority; and this takes place after forty years of acquiring maturity and deep
understanding of the whole system through long experience and practice. According to the
traditional “Oral Law” of the Gadaa (Oromiffa term for Seera Abbaa Gadaa), once the term of
office of eight years of the Gadaa rulers is over, those ruling authorities can never come to power
again. The Luba ritual stage is also characterized by fatherhood ceremony. In Shawa and Jimma,
circumcision (gadooma) takes place at the end of the Luba and this occasion is preceded by a
ceremony called ‘Dhoqqee Buusa’ (see Kuusa), meaning collecting and heaping dung of the cattle.
The collected cow-dung is then placed at the place where the circumcision takes place, usually in
front of the house of a person who holds the ceremony. The ‘Dhoqqee Buusa Ceremony’ in the
45
Gadaa ritualistic context refers to fertility, abundance or wealth, development, collective power and
the status symbol linked with the Gadaa leadership.
Initiation Stage 7: The Yuuba
The Yuuba initiation standard covers nearly a period of 32 years (8x4) because this initiation
level is divided into four categories: Yuuba 1, Yuuba 2, Yuuba 3, and Yuuba 4. Asmarom Legesse
defines the Gadaa members in the Yuuba as ‘partial retirement,’ which in fact I disagree.
Obviously, one could argue that the classes in this initiation level are less powerful than they used
to be merely because they do not belong to the ruling group on the one hand, and have less
influence in relation to the previous times on the other. According to the Gadaa ‘Traditional Law,’
the outgoing members of the Yuuba stage serve as expert advisors,’ peace-makers and social
organizers. If the needs arise, they may even work as Councillors and Assistants in the “Caffee”
(Chaffee) or the Gadaa Parliament of the group in power, the Luba. Once the term of office of eight
years is terminated, the Law does allow the outgoing ruling group to come to power again. This
does not, however, show that the members in the Yuuba are partially or fully retired simply because
they still play active roles in the society.
Initiation Stage 8: The Gadaamojjii
As Legesse (1973) has noted, Gadaamojjii is often referred to a marginal stage of the Gadaa.
It may also be called a terminal sacred ritual standard or level because it is the stage of legal
retirement of the hayyuu(s) with a special honour and decoration. This stage of development marks
the completion of all ritualized ceremonies- the buttaa ceremonies and others, and the senior ritual
experts who have completed the whole ceremonies are entitled “Abbaa Guchii,” literally fathers of
Ostrich. It also connotes senior veteran and a great patriotic man.’ They are called so because the
patriots and ritual experts who have reached this stage wear a plume of Ostrich feathers (Baallii
Guchii) in their hairs as decoration and this is a symbol of heroic quality and social prestige.
46
The Buttaa Initiation Ceremony
One of the most significant initiation ceremonies of the Gadaa generation is the buttaa (also
called jaarraa). In the Gadaa initiation cycle, the termination of each Gadaa initiation period is
followed by a great ritual feast of the buttaa or sacrificing of a bull; and this shows the transition or
promotion from one stage of development to the next. When an individual or a group moves from
one initiation stage (status) to the next, the transition is colourfully celebrated by praises; and this
marks the official approval of the new status as well as commemorating the old. Thus, buttaa
festive occasion is characterized by the successful completion of eight-year periods of each Gadaa
class on the cycle. It is one of the remarkable ceremonies in the Gadaa cultural tradition because the
completion of each initiation period is similar to the graduation of individuals from different
institutions (High schools, Colleges and Universities); and it shows a significant change in the
socio-cultural and political life of each member of the society.
Beside the sacrifice of the ox [bull], at the buttaa the account is given of the victories
obtained by the warriors of the tribe in wars and hunting, followed by the assignment of
decorations….The warrior whose victims are to be reckoned up comes forward toward the
elder and enumerates his deeds one by one, prefacing every statement with the cry
[geerarsa] (Cerulli, 1922: 141).
Since the buttaa feast is connected with culture hero and patriotism, it is often led by a prominent
traditional officer called “Abbaa Kormaa,” literally, father of a bull or in a broader sense a veteran
hero. He is elected to lead the buttaa ceremony on the basis of his conspicuous heroic performance,
merit and knowledge; and works as a ritual expert in the Gadaa ceremonies. Abbaa Kormaa is
distinguished from the others by wearing Baallii Guchii (the feather of Ostrich) as a symbol of
isignia and valour. When buttaa celebration takes place, especially in the Raaba stage, the specific
duty of Abbaa Kormaa is to guide the bull at the head of the two lines of patriots (patriots of the
Raaba). In this ritual ceremony, he is assisted by those classes in the age of ‘24 and 32’ (see
Legesse 1973). During the festival, those who have completed their eight-year initiation periods
slaughter animals, especially bulls (korma), and they hold a rod known as ‘woddeessa’ (cordia
Africana). The woddeessa as part of ritual performance represents great success and honour. On the
buttaa ceremonial occasions, the hairs of those who have completed a particular initiation level are
47
daubed with raw butter (dhadhaa muuduu), and this suggests prosperity and promising future. In
Shawa and Arsii, buttaa ceremony is often accompanied by a phallic-like symbol worn round one’s
forehead, and this shows respect and dignity. After the sons have held the second buttaa (see the
upper Gaammee in figures 4 and 5), they can move to their own house in order to lead independent
life; and in fact, this differs from place to place.
The Gadaa set in power had to perform many rituals to ensure the country’s well-being:
fertility of people and animals, good harvests, especially through rain and mutual peace,
which they considered as a condition for Waqa’s [Waaqa’s] (God’s) blessing. They had
also to display all these things in their own life. They had to be living symbols of this
blessing in the full sense of the word, which means that they had not only to be tokens of
his [sic] blessing themselves, but also to impart it. Not all of them reached this level of
personal well-being and responsibility, but those who were happy enough [successful] to
reach it were considered to have been blessed with ‘fullness of life’ by Waqa [Waaqa], to
be nearer to him [sic], to enjoy his grace, and as such to be the leaders designated at all
rituals which exceeded the competence of a father of a family (Bartels, 1983: 20-21).
The extract summarizes the central points that characterize the Gadaa culture- receiving the
blessing of God, integrity, a sense of rewarding wisdom, competence, moral excellence and sound
judgement. In the Gadaa stage of development, every period of eight-years has a great significance
in the life of the male members of the society because it is the time when each person makes
dogged effort to define his social status and cultural role, and learns the value of life through
experience and self-evaluation. In general, during the Gadaa Wisdom Movement of 587 years, the
Oromo people have hardly experienced economic difficulties, social aberration and political
corruption for the simple reason that the initiation tradition oriented the society to have a sense of
direction and develop democratic outlook.
The Uneven Distribution of the Classes in the Gadaa Structure
This part deals with the irregularities of the Gadaa rites of passage wherein the anomalies in
the system force some groups into ceremony crisis. The initiation of the members of the Gadaa
takes place collectively. Since the membership of a child does not depend on his age but on the
48
father’s age, the cycle of initiation may be long or short and this again depends on the relation of the
father to the system. We have seen that the ritual, cultural and social aspects of the Gadaa system
are exceptionally astonishing. However, when we probe into its structural function, we see that all
the born children (boys) do not get equal opportunities to pass through the proper Gadaa initiation
stages and the ceremonies connected to them.
In this structural analysis, I have elaborated and modified the work of Enrico Cerulli. The
mirror image system of the cycle creates a situation in which the father’s age dictates both the
Gadaa initiations and the age of a child; and in fact this obstructs the normal completion of the
Gadaa cycles and the ceremonies connected to them. In other words, the dependence of children’s
years of the cycle (age) on that of their fathers’ results in the uneven distribution of the classes (see
Legesse 1973). The research on the Gadaa cycle shows that the lucky children who could pass
through the proper initiation stages or rites of passage (1-5) were those who were born when their
fathers reached 40 years of the cycle (age); namely, the ‘Luba or Gadaa’ (6 or “F”). It is also
apparent that any child who was born after the First Initiation Category- when his father’s age was
more than 40 was likely to jump the initial stage, the Dabballee. There is also a possibility of
jumping the Foollee/Gaammee Boodaa (lower Gaammee) and the Qondaala/Gaammee Duraa
(upper Gaammee). In this case, a newly born child was supposing to carry-out all the ceremonies
with the children who had already reached 16, 24, or even 32 years of the cycle; and obviously he
did this with the help of his parents. This means, an infant who did not know anything, took part in
the ceremonies with the teenagers or even with the grown-ups. Such children seemed to have hardly
gained the expected knowledge about the Gadaa initiation tradition for they had already missed a
lot of things that would help them to acquire the basic principles of the system. Furthermore, the
jumping of initiation standards means a person in his later stages will be outside of the Gadaa cycle
before the necessary time. This also implies that there is a probability of early retirement.
Legesse’s model (see figure 5) of the Gadaa cycle is more or less, similar to that of Cerulli’s
model of 1922. Like Cerulli’s model (pp. 168 and 175) the sectors in Legesse’s model are
structurally reversible in a sense that each corresponding line bisecting the sectors are arranged in
such a way that they constitute a pair of mirror images in which symmetrical pattern is formed.
This means the fathers and the sons are in the ‘same sectors’ of different Hemi-Cycles. For
instance, the fathers who have reached 48 years correspond to the set of sons who have completed
49
Dabballee initiation period (see initiation stage 2). Similarly, the fathers who are on 64 years of the
cycle (Second Yuuba or initiation stage 8) correspond to their sons who are in the Gaammee Duraa
stage (initiation stage 3); and the fathers who have reached 72 years of the cycle (end of third
Yuuba or initiation stage 9), correspond to their sons in the Raaba or Dorii (initiation stage 5).
If a person lives longer beyond the marginal level, Gadaamojjii, they cannot return to the
actual cycle of the Gadaa initiation stages (1-10) again. That means, they remain outside of the
members of the classes on the cycle, but still entitled a culture hero and retains veneration. They
continue to exist as group of members of the community in the system (see figure 5).
The Anomalies of the Gadaa Initiation Cycle
Figure 4: The Initiation Categories as Pairs of Mirror Images
1. A-E= Sons on the Gadaa Cycle (‘First Initiation Category’)
2. F-J= Fathers on the Gadaa Cycle (‘Second Initiation Category’)
In the initiation cycle, the success or failure of the sons to pass through the proper Gadaa
initiation totally depends on the years of the cycle of their fathers. For further elaboration of this
point, let us examine the life cycle crisis ceremonies of the Gadaa structure with more concrete
examples. If we assign A, B, C, D, E to sons whose ages are 0-8, 8-16, 16-24, 24-32, 32-40
respectively; and F, G, H, I, J to the fathers whose ages are 40-48, 48-56, 56-64, 64-72, 72-80
respectively; then we can show how the irregularity of the Gadaa cycle affects the next generations.
For instance, at the close of the period in which the father “H” will be 56, the child will follow his
50
father and therefore will find himself again with the father H seventy-two years after his birth. In
other words, if during the period in which the father is 56, a son is born to a Gadaa member of
family “H,” the child belongs to “C,” and will, therefore, complete his cycle of initiation in seven
Gadaa periods. Thus, the period of his initiation covers a minimum of seventy-two or a maximum
of eighty. In general, the initiation period of the Gadaa has a maximum of eleven from birth and a
maximum of eighty-eight years from birth. This is so because of the fact that the period of initiation
begins and ends for the sons forty years after the period of initiation of their fathers have begun and
ended.
Let “H” be the father of “C.” C was born when his father was 56. The infant C then jumps
two steps and enters Qondaala or upper Gaammee (initiation stage 3) with those children who are
on the 16-24 years of the cycle. C will be 56 when he reaches 72 years of the cycle (in seven Gadaa
periods). Let us assume that child “D” was born to a Gadaa member of family “I.” The infant D
enters the Kuusa (initiation stage 4). He is now a member of the grown-ups who have already
completed 24. The infant D will be 56 when he reaches 80 years of the cycle. We then conclude that
all children who were born after the Dabballee initiation stage were possibly to face serious life
cycle crisis ceremonies because they had no chances to pass through proper Gadaa initiation
periods. More importantly, those children who were born when their fathers reached 48 and above
were likely to be either partially or completely retired early or might have even faced the crisis of
being outside of the Gadaa cycle. In Borana Oromo, if a person, his sons and descendants are
unable to pass through anyone of the stages of development, such groups are called Ilmaan Jaarsaa,
literally children of the aged or in a strict sense of the term the retired generation. In this way, the
irregularities of the ‘hereditary’ form of the cycle, has upset the normal structural functions and
proper Gadaa initiation periods. Avoiding the system of age dependence would solve the problem of
jumping the standards (stages) and the initiation crisis connected with it.
In Borana Oromo, if a person, his sons and descendants are unable to pass through anyone of
the stages of development, such groups are called Ilmaan Jaarsaa, literally children of the aged or
in a strict sense of the term the retired generation.
52
Explanation for Figure 5
1. 1-10→The Gadaa periods of fathers and sons
2. 1-5→The initiation stages of children (the five Gadaa periods of sons)- “Gadaa Shanan” (5x8)
3. 6-10→The initiation stages of fathers (the five Gadaa periods of fathers)- “Gadaa Shanan” (5x8)
4. 1-11→The whole Gadaa initiation stages
5. 0-40→The ‘First Initiation Category’ (the age range of the children on the Gadaa cycle)
6. 40-80→The ‘Second Initiation Category’ (the age range of the fathers on the Gadaa cycle)
7. 88-120→The age range of the retired members of the Gadaa who are outside of the cycle
8. 12-15→The range of stages or standards situated outside of the normal cycle
53
The Rise of Authoritarian Natives and the Effects of Cultural
Assimilation: The Sinking of Egalitarian Norms and the Causes
for Gadaa Disintegration
The study of Oromo culture and history shows that from the late 19th century to the present,
the indigenous egalitarian institutions have undergone complete transformation ranging from
systematically twisting to authoritarian direction to total destruction and their replacement by
colonial instrument of direct rule.
The tragedy of those who have pessimistic view of human existence is that they often try to
create people in their own image, and in fact this is an outrageous in the modern world. The praise
of folly has always been the cause for social and economic stagnation. After the 1830s, the Oromo
entered the new era in history as the nation faced manifold problems and enormous challenges from
within. This was the time when the powerful feudal gentry emerged as violent images and gradually
succeeded in controlling more extensive areas, which enabled them to widen their social and
political influence. The economic empowerment of these Native landlords actually means the
polarization of the society into the privileged and the underprivileged, the oppressor and the
oppressed; subsequent to which the disempowered groups were forced to serve the rich gentry as
soldiers and servants. The master-servant relationship occurred for the first time in Oromo history.
The overlords set up their own repressive institutions- administrative structures, courts, etc., whose
main purpose was to uproot the existing egalitarian culture and equilibrium political formation. The
new conflict model socio-political structures and subversive literature of the emerging exploiters
have led the nation to the most deplorable condition. In general, the coming into existence of small
kingdoms of warlords and oppressive classes in Oromiyaa has weakened a sense of common
purpose and equality of treatment and the feudal lords not only indirectly attacked the Gadaa
democracy, but also locked behind bars the Natives who resisted authoritarian tradition.
The Native despots and powerful land owners such as Ras Goobana in Shawa, Abbaa Jifaar
in Jimmaa, Dajjaach Jootee Tulluu, Dajjaach Morodaa, Bakare and Kumsa in Wallaggaa, Queen
Worqituu, Ras Gugsa Marsu (1803-1825) and Ras Ali in Wollo had brought about the rule of the
‘mootii’ (king) and other dominant classes in Oromo society. In course of the consolidation of
mootii system (monarchical system), a sense of common purpose and equality of opportunity had
54
been eroded and replaced by the self-centred idea of powerful individuals and groups. In this way,
the Oromo society had been divided into the higher and the lower classes, the former the favoured
and the latter the disfavoured. The mootii (king) who was the apex of the system, abbaa lafaa (the
hereditary landlord), dureessa or soressa (rich/nobility) and qooroo or abbaa gandaa- local chief or
leader who enforces feudal law and order, imposes tribute on the people, collects taxes and carriesout messages between the mootii officials, constitute the traditional mootii ruling hierarchy. Free
farmers, wattilee (potters), cawwaa or duugduu, (tanners), tumtuu (blacksmiths), ogeessa
(craftsmen), qubsiisa (tenants) and others form the lower classes. Though the system of Oromo
monarchy or mootii system was confined to the four provinces, this hereditary land-owning system,
together with the so-called great tradition of Oromo nobility had almost influenced all other regions
of Oromiyaa during the first half of the 19th century. Many Native landlords owned a lot of acres
and played a great role to help perpetuate the mootii rule (rule of the king) and cultural
conservatism.
Moreover, the influence of the outsiders, that is, traders from Africa, Asia, Europe and Arab,
and the trade routes had enriched the landlords of the provinces ruled by the mootii, especially the
Five Gibee States: Gera, Jimma, Guma, Limmuu-Ennaariyaa and Goma. In such system of
enriching the few, a sense of collectivism and belonging together gradually disappeared when those
authoritarian groups who opted for acquiring prerogative position undervalued the Gadaa traditions,
norms and values. As Bahru Zewde (1991: 18) has noted, in one of the most interesting processes of
social transformation, the Oromo, who had an egalitarian and republican system of socio-political
organization developed repressive monarchical institutions that are characteristically antithetical to
the indigenous institutions of the Gadaa period of pre-colonial Oromiyaa. This condition facilitated
the way for cultural imperialism of the conquerors when the mootii and other members of the
system (Abbaa Lafaa and Qooroo) emerged as powerful forces and began attacking Gadaa
democratic structure of collectivism in favour of totalitarian culture of empire builders. The
research of Marcus (p. 194) shows that the politically and socially ambitious Natives, the Oromo
loyalists, became followers of Abyssinian way of life. They took appropriate names and began to
dress and even eat like the settler Nafxanyaas. Such acculturation was particularly true of the
balabat or the landed gentry and qooroos (messengers) who came into continuous contact with the
55
lower levels of Abyssinian administration. Those loyalist Natives who assimilated and accepted
imperial ideology of polarization were favoured and rose to participate in the imperial system.
In Ethiopian cultural homogenization context, assimilation is often carried out through
marriage relationships and the substantial benefits, which perpetuate Oromo cultural subservience.
Modern Oromo history reveals that the emergence of the Native autocracy and malignant powers of
the 17th, 18th and the first half of the 19th centuries had eventually worsened the deterioration of
egalitarian norms and customs. The Native hereditary kings, landlords and local chiefs (also called
messengers) who had already begun attacking the Gadaa welcomed Abysinian despotic leader, king
Menelik, with great enthusiasm in favour of “Oromized Institutions of Colonialism” and the sinking
of popular culture; and this brought the growth of indigenous democracy and popular literature to
an end.
There were two main centres of monarchical power in Wallaga. A leader called Bakere
established the state of Leqa Naqamte, which grew even more powerful under his
successors Moroda and Kumsa. Moroda, later known as Gebre-Egziabher, ‘slave of God,’
after his conversion to Christianity, following the incorporation of his principality in the
Ethiopian empire by Menelik II in 1882. In south-western Wallaga, a ruler named Jote
Tullu emerged in the second half of the nineteenth century, combining ruthless military
power with successful exploitation of trans-frontier trade (Bahru Zewde, 1991: 19).
The discontinuity of Oromo kingdom had hardly affected the position of the mootii
authorities even if they were reduced to the status of vassals of Emperor Menelik. The reason is that
with the exception of racial difference and the ruling strategy adopted by the Abyssinian Emperor,
the institutions of the traditional kingdom of the Oromo mootii and that of Abyssinian monarchies
were more or less similar. If anything, the independent mootii system of the Oromo was replaced by
Amhara system of the Nigus and Nigusa Nagast, meaning the king and king of kings; and this
limited the power of the former whereby the Oromo mootiis became figure-headed authorities.
Abbaa Lafaa was renamed ‘baalabbaat,’ Amharic term for feudal landlord; a situation in which
Oromo landed gentry were reduced to lower status, but still entitled to all the benefits and privileges
and remain holding their hereditary position of owning hundreds of acres of land as before (refers
to pre-annexation of Oromiyaa); and the same is true of the Qooroos, who were renamed
56
ciqaashuum (chiqaashum), literally, ‘master of mud or a messenger.’ Soressa (wealthy class) was
replaced by the Amhara name ‘makwaanent,’ meaning nobility.
We have seen that Menelik recognized and rewarded Oromo warlords, feudal gentry and
authoritarian groups such as Goobana Daacee, King Abbaa Jifaar, the rising dynasties of Bakaree
Godaana, Jootee Tulluu, their descendants as well as Wollo nobility, like Queen Worqituu and
others. On the contrary, he eliminated hundreds of thousands of genuinely elected wise leaders (the
hayyuus) and representatives of indigenous population, especially the Arsii, Borana and Gujii. The
reason was that authoritarian institutions of the assimilated Oromo (the collaborators) were
intelligible and useful to Emperor Menelik of Ethiopia, whereas democratic institutions, like the
Gadaa were not (see Legesse 2000: 22). For Oromo landlords, local chiefs, wealthy classes and
others who preferred to grow rich through acculturation, what matters most is to maintain their
prerogative position than protecting democratic traditions and values. The Oromo nation is still
facing the problems of acculturation and the socio-political depreciation of the passing old.
In conquered areas, the only indigenous office holders were the balabat and qoros. In
Arusii [Arsii], for example, these functionaries were chosen not from the pre-Shoan ruling
classes, but from the ranks of successful businessmen [the loyalist Natives]. In countries
[the conquered territories] which had been absorbed into the empire more or less
peacefully, northern officials often worked through the previously established ruling
families [Oromo overlords], although the tendency over the long run was to eliminate such
people from the establishment. Some traditional rulers such as Dajatch Jote of Wallega,
retained their position by acculturation. In Jimma, Abba Jifar [Abbaa Jifaar] was
autonomous, although there, too, a process of cultural assimilation occurred rapidly. As a
matter, of course, Menelik’s new empire permitted and, indeed, expected cultural evolution
by those indigenous authorities who wished to retain power or to prosper with the national
political organization (Marcus, 1975: 195).
This quotation depicts the reality that the policy of acculturation had been successfully carried out
in Oromiyaa through the instrumentality of the privileged and empowered vassals of king Menelik.
The coming into being of Oromo kingdom coupled with the rise of powerful feudal rulers led to the
development of commerce and agriculture when the provinces ruled by Oromo hereditary landlords
were opened to the international trade routes. This chain of circumstances had been coincided with
57
Amhara colonial ambition, territorial expansion and cultural revivalism programme of the late 19th
century; a period during which the new cultural evolution of the Semitic invaders resulted in the
breaking-up of Oromo democratic structure.
In dealing with the Gadaa period, I have tried to capture times of free-thinking when cultural
and literary evolution of pre-colonialism brought a newly secular interest in art and literature and
how that interest led to openness and creativity. The poets, the patriotic nationalists, the oral
historians and the moralists seriously engaged in revolutionary visions and new ideas to find ever
more viable alternatives to the existing social conditions. As far as post-Gadaa period is concerned,
this work mirrors the shift from an egalitarian society of 1300-1887 to a hierarchical society
organized around the feudal system characterized by despotism, autocratic nationalism and
marginalization in which the free farmers were relegated to serfs (gabbaars) of the vassals and the
rich gentry or landlords. Thus, post-Gadaa in Oromiyaa is a period of social, political and
emotional upheaval marked by the loss of egalitarian cultural centrality, transparency and spiritual
meditations.
The Gadaa cultural tradition may be viewed as an excellent laboratory in which one could
explore the foundation of Oromo values. Its period marks ethnic revival and the golden age of
Oromo innovation, prosperity and oneness. The basic qualities that characterize Oromo culture are
attributed to the Gadaa because it is a system based on the promotion of the common good of the
society, generosity, the search for wisdom and democracy. With the disintegration of the Gadaa
system, Oromo nation has not only lost the direction of life, but also lost many philosophers (the
hayyuus) who have, like Plato, Socrates and Aristotle laid the foundation of Oromo literary culture
and the rule of reason. Thus, the demise of the Gadaa system is remembered as a complete disaster
and terribly disruptive experience in the socio-cultural life of Oromo people.
58
3. The Implication of Genealogy in Oromo Culture
Genealogy is the study of origins and history involving the compilation of lists of ancestors
showing the line of descent. It is a very significant part of oral history. In our study of Oromo
society and culture, it is of paramount importance to explore ancestral structure (genealogy), which
according to the Oromo is fundamental to solidarity and the basis for the distinctive features of the
society. Genealogy as part of cultural transmission plays a significant role in the growth of Oromo
tradition and facilitates the path for every generation to develop a sense of belonging and attach
itself to its cultural root, values and customs by tracing back to its forefathers. This promotes not
merely a sense of identity feeling and solid oneness, but enables the succeeding generation to
anchor to its root and cultural values as well.
The Oromo have been organized into two great ancestors (also called ancestral fathers)
called “Barentumma” and “Borana,” who continued to be the symbolic representation of nation’s
identity. These two main Oromo ancestors expanded into different parts of their country (see figure
4). The former expanded mainly to southern Oromiyaa (Arsii-Bale and Borana), eastern Oromiyaa
(Hararge) and northern Oromiyaa (Wollo). The latter expanded to central and south-eastern
Oromiyaa (Shawa) and western Oromiyaa (Kafa- Jimma and Gibee Regions, Wallagga and IluAbbabor), Sidamo and Gamu Gofa. All Oromo ancestral groups and sub-groups trace their
genealogies in these confederations; and the persistence of such ancestral structure would help the
society to develop a strong sense of self-realization, national and regional cohesiveness and identify
themselves as a proud people having unique social structures and cultural heritage. Baxter (1974)
witnessed that each of the several Oromo groups cherishes, as part of oral tradition, descent from
the eponymous ancestor or family stock named Oromo or Orma; that they are each and all “ilmaan
Oromoo;” meaning offspring or descendants of the Oromo. Within the context of national character,
the popular saying “Ilmaan Oromoo” is a call for demonstrating national-pride and positive selfimage.
59
As any African society elsewhere, the Oromo cherish their African origin and feel
comfortable to be called Africans. This, in fact, is the distinctive feature of all indigenous African
societies. The Oromo often stress the historic importance of the study of ancestral root simply
because the genealogical orientation is believed to enhance national feeling. Despite the prevalence
of unequal power of more than a century, the Oromo have succeeded in maintaining their language,
oral tradition, cultural values and history because of a strong national feeling that each generation
has inherited from its ancestor.
Ancestral Structural System
(Genealogy): The Two Ancestral Roots
Borena
Barentumma
6.
Borena
3. Goona
4. Sabboo
7. Arsii
9.
Hubanna
1. Macha/
Macca
2.
Tuulama
5. Gujii
11.
Wollo
8.
Ituu
10.
Karayyu
The Western, Central, and
South-Eastern Oromo
The Southern, Northern,
and Eastern Oromo
Wollo’s
Lineage
Ituu’s
Lineage
Arsii’s
Lineage
Karayyu’s
Lineage
Warra-Qaalluu,
Warra-Himanuu,
Warra-Iluu,
Warra-Baabboo,
Raayya and
Azabo, AfranQaalloo
Karayyu, Heela,
Akkiyyaa,
Kajaamo,
Jaawwi,
Heebana,
Asallaa...
Liban, Wollo,
Jiille, Obo,
Suba, Bala
Daga, Doran,
Dilli, Akkichu,
Kura, Galaan,
Addayyo,
Harrojjii,
Waayyu,
Saayyu,
Qaalluu,
Baabbu,
Gaammo,
Gaadulla, Algaa
Hubanna’s
Lineage
Anniyyaa,
Asange, AfranQaalloo, Raayya
and Azabo,
Oborra,
Qaabbile,
Noolee, Alla,
Baabile
The Southern and Eastern
Oromo
Borena
Macha’s
Lineage
Guduru,
Daale, Jidda,
Sadacha,
Liimmu,
Calliya,
Noonnoo,
Jaawwi,
Tumee,
Embaantuu,
Sayyoo,
Leeqa, Sibuu
Tuulama’s
Lineage
Dacci, Kono
Bacho, Liban,
Galaan, Jiille,
Gullallee,
Meettaa,
Jaarso, Iggu,
Jidda,
Karrayyu,
Ada’a, Uru
Anniyyaa’s
Lineage
Gujii’s
Lineage
Baccituu,
Maccituu,
Galaantuu,
Maciyyaa,
Sirraayyaa,
Warra-Jiddaa,
Noorituu,
Dambituu,
Hawaxxuu,
Arsii,
Qarcobduu,
Odituu,
Konnituu
Hokuu’s
Lineage
Orora,
Gilaalcha,
Herraa,
Michillee,
Hundituu,
Kinno, Ballaa
Maatii’s Lineage
Sadacha, Biduu,
Kodelle, Aannaa, Macca,
Kole, Maalkaa, Baabbo,
Dambuu
Goona’s
Lineage
Hirqatuu, Insalee,
Handoya
Sabboo’s
Lineage
Digaloo,
Maxxaarru
Karrayyu
Uragaa’s Lineage
Golla,
Galaalcha,
Halloo, Agantuu,
Daraartuu,
Wajituu,
Sarboortuu
Sadacha’s
Lineage
Dalee’s Lineage
Afre’s Lineage
Afran-Qaalloo’s
Lineage
Hakaako,
Guduruu, Liban
Afre
Hoko, Calliya, Obo,
Suba
Oborra, Noole,
Babile, Alla
62
Figure 6: Ancestral Structural System
Like African societies of the past, Oromo society lived in one of the momentous periods of
history, an age of cultural dynamism wherein the struggle for Gadaa transformation resulted in a
new social order and indigenous democracy. As I have already illuminated, the genealogical
orientation in the process of cultural transmission implies identity marker and is central to the selfdefinition of the nation. It is fundamental to ethnic survival and facilitator of proper self-image. In
the context of cultural revival, the study of ancestral origin is not only concerned with the way the
Oromo people are related to each other, but also emphasizes the continuous growth of traditional
values, customs and norms.
The above eleven ancestral origins are associated with the eleven ‘Sycamore Trees’ in
Madda Walaabuu, of which some of them are shown below. Madda refers to ‘origin’ or ‘source,’
whereas Walaabuu is derived from the term ‘walabummaa,’ meaning liberty or freedom. Thus,
Madda Walaabuu connotes “source of the free people.” The historical information and oral tradition
indicate that Madda Walaabuu is symbolically connected with nation’s dignity, solidarity and
freedom of the Gadaa period. Therefore, Madda Walaabuu is remembered by Oromo nation for its
cultural and historical significance. It is viewed as a symbol of ancient civilization of the Oromo.
The eleven sycamore trees, which still are existing and remain green in the dry lowland of
Madda Walaabuu are symbolically tied with the twelve Oromo ancestors. The Gadaa system of
government is also believed to have started here. In Oromo cultural tradition and oral history,
“Odaa Madda Walaabuu,” literally ‘Madda Walaabuu’s Sycamore Trees’ have been one of the
centres for spiritual, ritual and cultural festivals and ceremonies, and they signify the unshakable
solidarity of Oromo ancestors and the egalitarian system they have planted.