Pll:
S0308-52
Agricultural Systems, 53 (1997) pp. 209-229
Copyright © 1996 Published by Elsevier Science Ltd
Printed in Great Britain. All rights reserved
i X(96)00062-5
0308-521X/97 $17.00 + 0.00
ELSEVIER
Determinants for Land Use Strategies in a Sahelian
Agro-ecosystem Anthropological and Ecological
Geographical Aspects of Natural Resource Management
Anette Reenberg ~ & Bjarke Paarup-Laursen b
alnstitute of Geography, University of Copenhagen, Oster Voldgade 10, DK-1350,
Copenhagen K., Denmark
hDepartment of Social Anthropology, University of Aarhus, Moesgaard DK-8370,
Hojbjerg, Denmark
(Received 25 January 1996; revised version received 17 May 1996)
ABSTRACT
The paper presents traditional concerns of anthropological and ecological
geographical approaches to the analysis of agricultural systems, with a view to
contributing to a multidisciplinary and holistic framework. Following a short
introduction to how each discipline is able to contribute an insight into the
complex processes determining natural resource management strategies, a
case study from northern Burkina Faso is presented. A few aspects concerning
the land use and agricultural strategies have been selected in order to illustrate
how the two approaches can fruitfully supplement each other and lead to a
more profound understanding of forces driving management strategies in the
agricultural system. The priorities given to different soil types, determinants
for field sizes and the division of inputs between various agricultural activities
are analysed in the examples. The findings underline the fact that withinhousehold variations in resource management strategies can only be fully
understood if the analysis is based on broad insight into different objectives and
rationalities for land use decisions. Copyright 0 1996 Published by Elsevier
Science Ltd
INTRODUCTION
Environmental degradation has for several decades been an important issue
when a sustainable development strategy for the Sahelian region has been
discussed.
209
210
A. Reenberg, B. Paarup-Laursen
The study of the environment and the relationship between man and nature in the Sudano-Sahelian region is very demanding, not least methodologically, due to the great variability in ecological, cultural and socioeconomic
factors. Highly irregular rainfall patterns over time and in space result in
highly fluctuating conditions of production within the Sahelian agro-ecological zones and survival strategies and potentials fluctuate accordingly.
The efficiency of resource use in Sahelian farming systems must be
increased to meet the increasing need for food. A most pressing issue is the
need to improve the efficiency of land use while relying on farming systems
characterized by a relatively inexpensive level of input and a high efficiency
of internal resource use; and hence to create a more sustainable production
in both economic and ecological terms (Scholes et al., 1994). This requires a
thorough understanding of ecosystem function, not only at the level of the
farmer's fields but also at the landscape and region levels.
Agriculture is amongst the most important cultural agents of environmental change. The variety of agricultural systems at the local as well as at
the regional level is enormous, as are the modifications of the environment
each system creates (Mannion, 1995). Therefore, determinants for and driving forces behind agricultural strategies and land use dynamics deserve
attention when environmental degradation is considered.
The change of land use pattern is considered an important cause of, as well
as result of, the environmental degradation observed in the Sahel. The
expansion of agricultural land is believed by many experts to generate
a vicious circle, which has often been related to the increased economic
poverty and the rapidly increasing population pressure (Reenberg, 1995a
quoting studies by, e.g. Claude et al., 1991; Fussel, 1992; Groten, 1991;
Krings, 1980; Milleville, 1980; Snrech, 1994; Stroosnijder, 1994). Due to the
poverty of the renewable resources, yields have declined, and to counteract
this, marginal land and grazing areas have been brought into cultivation and
the fallow period has been shortened or is no longer existent. Others (Bolwig,
1995; Guillaud, 1993; Rasmussen & Reenberg, 1992; Reenberg, 1994a)
Suggest, however, that peasants have often not used fallow as a regular
element of the agricultural strategy, as it is known from many other types
of agricultural systems.
In a more general context, it has been put forward (Toledo, 1990: p. 53)
that a certain ecological rationality behind traditional production may exist.
It is suggested (Toledo, 1990: p. 55) that peasants are obliged to adopt a
survival mechanism that guarantees an uninterrupted flow of goods, materials and energy from the natural and transformed environment. The agricultural strategies combine utilization of more than one ecogeographical unit
and operate at the household level as well as the community and even regional
level. A key property of this multi-use strategy is variety, in geographical,
Land use strategies in a Sahelian agro-ecosystern
211
ecological and biological terms. More insight into such traditional land use
strategies might provide useful guidelines for a sustainable modernization
process.
Furthermore, research into the environment and the forces driving changes
in resource management strategies, has to take into consideration the fact
that the agrarian situation in Africa is characterized by cultures and institutions which are fluid, dynamic and ambiguous (Barry, 1993, 1994). Agricultural producers are constantly reviewing and reformulating their
preferences and strategies, and partly reacting to the changing environmental
conditions, partly acting according to existing rules, networks and institutional affiliations. Consequently, natural resource management strategies are
not solely subject to what are normally considered rational objectives.
A SUITABLE ANALYTICAL F R A M E W O R K
The complex relations between the environment, the agro-ecosystem and the
socioeconomic and cultural conditions touched upon above constitute a
demanding challenge to those dealing with a systematic description of processes and changes in the land use system. In recent decades it has been
widely acknowledged that a thorough comprehension of this matter can only
be achieved through a multidisciplinary approach (Greenland et al., 1994;
Young & Solbrig, 1993; Reenberg, 1995b). Combining different scientific
disciplines, and thereby their different traditions, theories, values, methods
and ways of perceiving the study objects, is, however, not an easy task.
In the mid-1980s Brush and Turner (1987) provided an introduction to
farming systems. They present the concept of interdisciplinary farming systems and consider its emergence as a result of the development of an interdisciplinary and comparative focus of different branches of science with an
interest in agriculture such as agricultural economics, anthropology, geography and rural sociology. The use of systems approaches and ecological
analysis is also considered a major element underlying the emergence of this
concept. At a later stage the development of the field of agro-ecology has
caused a shift in emphasis from the social branches towards an integration
with biological sciences. Increasing environmental concern and international
focus on a sustainable use of natural resources have since then caused a shift
in emphasis. Thus, resource management research into 'natural resource
management systems' instead of into 'farming systems' is proposed
(Greenland et al., 1994).
As emphasized by Brush and Turner (1987), it is obvious that any system
is a product of material variables (such as tools, cultivars, labour, capital,
soil, climate), structural variables (national and international economy, local
212
A. Reenberg, B. Paarup-Laursen
institutions, social organization and responsibilities) and individual behaviour (goals and allocation choices). These variables are in a state of flux,
and complete explanations of the system dynamics are very complex. A
complete description of all mentioned types of variables in a historical context demands an extremely large amount of information, which might not be
easily obtainable. As a result, an integrated study of all variables is rarely
accomplished; yet, a less ambitious approach, combining fewer types of
variables, might serve as a modest step towards an approach which enables a
more comprehensive understanding of the system.
The following sections will present some characteristic features of how
anthropologists and ecological geographers have approached the analysis of
agricultural systems. Each discipline in its own right is able to contribute
observations on prevailing land use patterns and natural resource management strategies, as well as information that enables validation of theories on
the complex processes determining land use dynamics. Much can be gained,
however, in terms of provision of useful insight into the complexity of land
use determinants when anthropological and ecological geographical approaches are combined. A case study from the northern Burkina Faso will serve
as the empirical illustration. Specific attention will be given to how the
rationality of the land use decisions is evaluated in the two different
approaches.
T H E E C O L O G I C A L - G E O G R A P H I C A L A P P R O A C H TO
A G R I C U L T U R A L SYSTEMS
In general, three essential characteristics of geographical science can be
emphasized (Haggett, 1990). The first characteristic is the emphasis on location and spatial variation in the physical and human phenomena. The second
is the interest in the aspects of the natural environment of a particular area
and in the human population which modifies them. The third characteristic is
the combination of the first two, the spatial and ecological approaches, in a
regional synthesis, in which the internal morphology and ecological linkages
are traced and their external relations investigated.
The term 'ecological human geography' has been suggested as appropriate
for research into utilization systems (Rasmussen & Reenberg, 1980). A utilization system consists of those elements from a socio-economic as well as
from a biophysical system that are most intimately related through a production process. Thus, ecological human geography focuses upon flows of
energy and matter directed by humans. A central theme is how the manipulation of matter and energy influence the system, and explanation is rooted
in natural as well as in social sciences. In ecological human geography the
Land use strategies in a Sahelian agro-ecosystem
213
application of terms, concepts and approaches from biological ecology is
considered relevant but with due consideration of the fact that experiences
and laws cannot be directly transferred due to the unique ability of humans
to operate purposefully the production process and adapt it to the prevailing
conditions.
A holistic and systems approach is characteristic for ecological human
geography. It provides obvious advantages, either in terms of logical structuring of the description of system elements and their mutual connections
(soft systems approach), or/and in terms of possibilities for mathematical
modelling in cases where key parameters can be quantitatively characterized
(hard systems approach) (Wilson, 1988). An ecological approach can be
applied successfully to the analysis of material production over a wide range
of conditions. Early and often-cited works on the border between geography
and anthropology mainly involve the analysis of isolated, low-technological
societies (e.g. Rappaport, 1971), but the approach is equally important to the
analysis of more open and complex systems. In both cases an ecological
approach may contribute significantly to a quantitative evaluation of the
environmental limitations and side effects, as well as to the evaluation of the
systems resilience to changes in different internal or external parameters.
Agriculture constitutes an important part of human-managed material
production. Thus, following the definition above, agricultural systems can be
considered as utilization systems. Geographers have a strong tradition for
analysis of agricultural systems (e.g. Duckham & Masefield, 1970; Ruthenberg, 1976). Two aspects of relevance to the analysis of agricultural systems
have traditionally attracted much attention: (i) the spatial dimension as
expressed in land use pattern and land use intensity, and (ii) ecological
aspects as expressed mainly in the flow of matter and energy in the production system. The geographical approach to agricultural systems thus to a
large extent incorporates the aims and methods derived from the classical
spatial concern combined with the systems approach, which is introduced in
ecological human geography.
Generally, land use survey methods have been considered inadequate
because they do not explain the underlying processes driving land use or
operationally integrate disciplinary knowledge (van Duivenbooden, 1995).
However, recent development in GIS (Geographical Information Systems)
techniques have provided a powerful tool, enabling a more comprehensive
analysis of land use systems. Georelated, quantitative and qualitative information can be handled in an efficient manner, and data derived from various
sources--depending on scale of interest--such as satellite images, field measurements, etc. can be tested for spatial covariance. Combined with databases containing information on household or decision unit-specific
parameters, the georelated data will enable a much needed basis for a more
214
A. Reenberg, B. Paarup-Laursen
comprehensive picture of the current land use and natural resource management strategies in agricultural systems (Reenberg & Fog, 1995).
THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL APPROACH TO A G R I C U L T U R A L
SYSTEMS
The interplay between culture and the natural environment has always
been central within anthropology. It has been a key field of study
within general anthropology as well as within the subdiscipline directly
dealing with the subject: ecological anthropology (Barth, 1956; EvansPritchard, 1940; Geertz, 1963; Harris, 1977; Rappaport, 1968; Steward,
1955).
Ecological theory is often in opposition to the general anthropological
focus on culture. Ecological theory sets society and culture within nature,
while cultural anthropological theory stress that access to nature is through
culture. In the latter perspective nature exists 'objectively' in species of animals, plants and minerals. But the classification of these species are a cultural
construction and the valuation of these species as edible or inedible, useful or
harmful rests on cultural conventions. Thus important resources are not
'rationally' exploited because cultural categories do not allow that they can
be defined as resources (Hastrup, 1983). Resource utilization is not a matter
of the natural environment alone, but also of the cultural importance
assigned to nature.
A consequent ecological theory such as the one advocated by Rappaport
often reduces culture to its function in the wider ecological context. This ecofunctionalist perspective has been severely criticized by Sahlins (1976). A
number of recent ecological studies (Ellen, 1982; McNetting, 1993) focus less
on ecological theory and more on practical reason, and they acknowledge
that the concern with ecosystems must be replaced by a concern with more
generalized systems (Ellen, 1978: p. 300). Theoretically more interesting are
recent attempts to rethink the conceptual opposition of nature and culture
that characterize modernity (Latour, 1993). Latour shows that nature and
culture are not in opposition in scientific practice, as the analysis of experiments within natural science is based on both presuppositions and natural
competence (Latour, 1994).
Until we have developed a truly multidisciplinary perspective, possibly in
line with Latour, the best anthropology can do in a multidisciplinary study is
to stress the importance of presuppositions or culture in human relations to
the natural environment. Not culture as a bounded entity, but as a field for
construction of meaning, itself generated by human praxis as this expresses
itself in human society.
Land use strategies in a Sahelian agro-ecosystem
215
In earlier studies of agricultural development, the traditional cultural
knowledge was often perceived as a limitation to a 'rational' development
(Bendix, 1967) or as preventing the development of a 'true' peasant consciousness (Kahn, 1985). In recent years the perspective has changed and a
number of studies have shown the ecological wisdom of ethnic cultures (van
den Breemer, 1992; Rappaport, 1968; Richards, 1985). The focus on the
ecological wisdom of indigenous groups is part of granting authority to
people's own knowledge and their own decisions in a development process
(Chambers, 1993; Parkin & Croll, 1992). However noble these intentions
may be, the a priori assignment of ecological wisdom to tribal groups or
specific religions (Ikenga-Metuh, 1991) is just as problematic as the disregard
of their knowledge altogether (Ellen, 1993; Petersen, 1995). Ecological wisdom must be demonstrated not ascribed. And even where ecological wisdom
can be demonstrated this knowledge is in our view highly contextual, bound
to specific cultures in specific historic situations (Ellen, 1993; cf. van den
Breemer, 1992).
The ecological wisdom of an ethnic group must be substantiated by thorough analysis of local cosmologies, classifications, social structures and local
practice. To the extent to which they form a framework for agricultural
practice among other things, we can talk of a specific rationality. In this
perspective the concept of rationality is relative and contextual.
MATERIALS AND METHODS
The case
The village Bidi-2 is located approximately 12 k southwest of GoromGorom, the provincial capital of Oudalan Province. Oudalan belongs, together with the provinces Soum and Seno, to the Sahelian zone of Burkina
Faso with a precipitation around 400 mm (1971-1991) (Reenberg & Rasmussen, 1992). The dominant landscape elements in the region are vast,
ancient pediplains, cut by temporary river valleys, a few inselbergs and two
'generations' of longitudinal east-west oriented dune systems superimposed
on the pediplain (Claude et al., 1991; Krings, 1980, Rasmussen & Reenberg,
1992).
The land use patterns are closely related to these landscape elements. The
vast majority of land used for cultivation are the sandy surfaces (named
'seno' in Fulani). The older dunes are best suited for cultivation because of
the finer texture of the soils (Krings, 1980). Parts of the younger dunes are
also cultivated but are not used to the same extent as the older ones. Like
many villages in the region, Bidi-2 is situated on the young longitudinal
216
.4. Reenberg, B. Paarup-Laursen
dunes and surrounded almost entirely by fields (Figs 1 and 2) (Reenberg &
Rasmussen, 1992). The fields, mainly cultivated with millet and a little sorghum and cowpeas, are located on the young dune as well as on the older
dunes or on pediplains with a sandy cover. A very important economic asset
to the village is the gardens, which are found at the fringe of the young dune.
The precipitation pattern is a very important constraint to agriculture in
the region. Figure 3 shows the distribution of rainfall for three stations surrounding Bidi-2 (maximum distance from Bidi-2 is 12 km). Large variation
as regards the distribution on 10-day intervals for the same year can be
observed within the station. Also, the total amount of rain varies significantly
from one year to another, as well as from one station to another. Such variation implies that the local conditions for millet growth fluctuate greatly from
year to year and within very short distances, and are very hard to predict.
The ethnic composition in Oudalan is rather complex. Several different
ethnic groups are present (Claude et al., 1991; Krings, 1980) and the previous
BURKINAFASO
--2,..
'~-
,, .J,
•,/
/
MALl
;
,/
•
OUDALAN
SOUM~
Fig. i. Location of the study village, Bidi-2.
)
'1
F
;
217
L a n d use strategies in a Sahelian agro-ecosystem
division between slaves and masters is still felt. Slaves and the former masters
often live closely together, within the same village or in another one close by.
This is the case in Bidi-2, which is inhabited by Rimaib6 (Fulbe slaves) as
well as Fulbe (former masters). The latter constitute approximately onequarter of the households.
Agriculture is the dominant means of subsistence, supplemented by offfarm earnings. Millet constitutes the basic food supply, but the majority of
households also keep animals. Previous differences between Fulbe and
Rimaib+ regarding the relative importance of animals to cultivation is now
less pronounced. Although livestock still plays an important role in the
Fulbe households, its dominance over cultivation has decreased. The opposite trend can be observed with Rimaib6 households. The total population of
Bidi-2 is 346 (1995), out of which 121 are children under 12. The village territory, including uncultivated pasture is 1325 hectares.
Data collection
A basic mapping of the fields in the village territory of Bidi-2 were carried
out in April 1995 (Reenberg & Fog, 1995) with the help of differential GPS
I
1 km
i
PEDIPLAIN
GARDENS
YOUNG DUNE
TEMPORARY
LAKE / RIVER
Fig. 2. Village territory and field pattern of Bidi-2. The field limits and the border of the
village territory are shown as an overlay on a SPOT satellite image. Fields are located on the
pediplain as well as on the northern and southern fringe of the east-west oriented dune band
(modified from Reenberg & Fog, 1995).
218
A. Reenberg, B. Paarup-Laursen
equipment. The primary aim of the survey was to provide geo-referenced
coordinates describing all field perimeters as well as the delimitation of the
entire village territory.
Two household surveys were carried out independently in January and
April 1995. A household has been defined as the family members who eat
together, jointly cultivate the fields, and keep the harvest in a common
,4,3~
j MENEGOU 1988
" -~ ~ MENEGOU 1989
1
f--!
• 1,_o ~,
E
E
I
g
"E
i
-'q
o~
'J3 J'l
Ji
J;
Jl'
J ;Decades.
O'.
~"
14,] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
J1
J2
J3
Jf
J2
J3
A1
Decode=.
A2 A3 Sl
$2
$3
i 4,*.,n
I GOROM-GOROM
1988
i ~,--=c,~u,_."=,",=r.J.= l a = a
....~J
Bj~k
E I
g
M3
',
-I
J
,
,
M3 Ji
J2
d3
J1
J2
J3
;.l
Decades.
.~2 ;.3
S1
$2
~;3
14,.]
M5 J1
J2
J3
J1
J2
J3
A1 A2
~.13 J1
J2
J3
J1
J2
J3
A1 A,7. A3
Decades
A3 SI S2
~3
I., ,~
t TASSAMAKAT1988
120
I;
,
;
~.~3 JI
J2
J3
gl
J2
J3
AI
Decodes.
A2
A3
$I
52
$3
Decades.
S1 52
S3
Fig. 3. The spatial and temporal variability of the amount of precipitation (and growing
conditions) is considerable. The histograms show rainfall distribution (10-day totals) for 1988
and 1989 for three locations surronding Bidi-2 (maximum distance to Bidi is 12 km). The
number of rainfall events are indicated for each decade.
Land use strategies in a Sahelian agro-ecosystem
219
granary. Following this definition, the population in Bidi-2 can be divided
into 43 households, all visited during the anthropological as well as the geographical survey.
The geographical survey was based on closed, quantitative interviews. The
construction of the questionnaire was, however, built on experience gained
from numerous semi-structured and informal interviews performed during
previous research in the region. Therefore, it is believed that distortion or
misinterpretations caused by selection of unsuitable concepts and categories
were avoided, while at the same time advantages in terms of simple data
analysis were obtained (Patton, 1990). The questionnaire included baseline
data on family size, division of labour, livestock, sufficiency of agricultural
products, constraints on field expansion and supplementary income. Furthermore, it included a field-specific recording of field location, crops, yields
and inputs. All collected information was stored in a database in a way that
enabled an easy coordination of household characteristics with the mapping
of the village fields and other geo-related information, and facilitated geographic representation of the information derived from the household survey.
The anthropological survey was based on open, semi-structured interviews
and participant observation. The household interviews tended to cover the
same repertoire for all households but focused on the specific, rather than the
general, aspects for each household. The participant observation (3 months'
duration) and the interviews with selected informants set the social and cultural context for the household survey. The main focus, apart from specific
data on household composition, yields, and number of livestock, was perceptions of the environment, agricultural practice, access to land, use of nonfarm resources from the environment, household coping strategies and the
importance of non-farm incomes. The information collected was contextual
and organized in the form of narratives. Quantifiable data were extracted
and entered in the database.
DISCUSSION OF RESULTS
In general, the possible spectrum of research findings is to a large extent
limited by the research hypothesis on which the collection of empirical data
is founded. Even if multidisciplinarity is a priori considered imperative, the
science-specific focus of interest will cause a certain bias in what is seen from
the results. In the following we will use selected issues from the case study
from northern Burkina Faso to illustrate how the two approaches presented
can fruitfully supplement each other and lead to a more profound understanding of forces driving natural resource management strategies in the
agricultural system.
220
A. Reenberg, B. Paarup-Laursen
A broader evaluation of strategies
Ecological geography emphasizes mainly confirmation or rejection of the
existence of 'rational or measurable objectives' behind production strategies,
e.g. the interest is focused on data suitable for handling in a systems
approach or storing in a database. The ecological geographical approach has
provided some useful insight into, for example, forces driving land use
changes (Reenberg & Fog, 1995).
However, much of the observed within-household variation in resource
management strategies cannot be satisfactorily explained as a result of an
optimal management aiming at fulfilling a certain measurable objective (e.g.
maximum food security, maximum yields, maximum income, minimum
effort, etc.).
A few aspects concerning the land use and agricultural strategies supplementing the selected findings already presented in Reenberg and Fog (1995)
have been further analysed. In relation to each of these issues, data and
results originating from the ecological geographical database will be presented. Subsequently, the array of explanatory factors will be expanded to
include anthropological parameters with the view of illustrating the importance of cultural aspects.
Soil quality as determinant f o r land use patterns
The first issue to be discussed is which factors influence food production at
the household and village level. The actual amount of cereals produced
depends upon the acreage cultivated as well as upon the per hectare yields.
These, in turn, are among other factors depending on labour capacity and
labour input. This is because labour is shown to be the main constraint on
field expansion and because yields are believed to be significantly limited by
the labour-determined capacity to provide sufficient manure. From a
rational point of view one would expect that peasants aim at obtaining
maximum production, or a maximal minimum production or some other
quantitatively well-defined objective. The quantitative observations of the
agricultural system derived from the ecological geographical database enable
us in principle to validate such hypotheses.
It is relevant to distinguish between three types of fields in Bidi-2 as
regards their allocation to dominating landscape units in the village territory:
fields on the pediplain, fields on the northern fringe of the young dune; and
fields on the southern fringe of the young dune (Fig. 2). Most households
cultivate fields belonging to two different landscape units (Fig. 4). Yields
vary considerably within as well as between the landscape units. Cereal yields
have been estimated for all mapped fields on the pediplain, calculated from
information derived from the household interviews (on the total harvest in
221
L a n d use strategies in a Sahelian agro-ecosystem
bundles) and from the mapping (size of fields). The observed yields range
from 80 to 600 kg/ha. No precise measurements are made for the dune-soils,
yet approximate estimates indicate yields at a considerably lower level (below
50 kg/ha).
It is generally believed by the peasants that a careful application of manure
and intensive weeding on the pediplain will ensure relatively high yields.
Variations in yields between the pediplain and the dune are, however, only to
a limited extent related to input intensity in terms of weeding and manuring
(Reenberg & Fog, 1995). This indicates that some parts of the village territory have a higher potential for cereal production than others. Considering
that labour is shown to be the main input factor, limiting the field acreage as
well as the sufficiency of manure supplied, a rational strategy to ensure the
maximum production would be to invest labour in the highest yielding fields
only. However, both the Rimaib6 and especially the Fulbe continue to invest
a considerable amount of manpower farming old 'seno' fields with a very low
yield.
Two observations made therefore deserve attention: (i) the majority of
farmers are farming the relatively unproductive land instead of intensifying
the more fertile land, and (ii) farmers cultivate both high yield land and low
yield land. As mentioned above this is not the best strategy to ensure the
maximum return to labour input. Under 'normal' rainfall conditions the
marginal returns obtained from additional labour input on the pediplain
fields (in terms of manuring and weeding) will be larger than the output
obtained by investing the labour in cultivating 'seno' fields. This practice can
be related to the general practice of very extensive agriculture and it has
biophysical as well as cultural explanations.
~]
I
fields only on pedip.
fields also on dune
N
1000
0
1000Meters W ~ E
1
Fig. 4. Household-specific distribution of fields. The majority of households have fields located in different landscape units at their disposal. Fields marked with an ' F ' belong to Fulbe
households.
222
A. Reenberg, B. Paarup°Laursen
According to the farmers in Bidi-2 the low yielding 'seno' fields were
farmed to secure a certain minimum level of harvest in years with very low
rainfall, where the fields on the pediplain would not produce any output, i.e.
the farmers are spreading the risk imposed by the highly fluctuating rainfall
pattern through spatial dispersion. However, in the middle of the rainy season, if normal or good rainfall was secured, the fields were at times abandoned. This strategy conforms with the fact that sandy soils have a
comparative advantage to loamy soils in years with very poor rains and
insufficient water in the growing season. Sandy soils have a smaller proportion of the limited water resources stored below the wilting-point level. Thus,
the amount of water actually usable for plants and not bound to the soil will
be higher than on more loamy soils (Reenberg, 1994b; Claude et al., 1991).
Extensive agriculture can be explained both as survival strategy in areas of
highly unstable rainfall and as a result of a culturally determined perception
of agriculture as a secondary economic activity. The high evaluation of
sandy soils relates to the status of agriculture vis ~ vis pastoralism. According
to the Fulbe, agriculture demands hard work which pastoralism does not (cf.
Reisman, 1977: p.70). Agriculture is thus associated with the work of slaves.
To assert oneself as Fulbe (whether one is Fulbe or Rimaibr) demands a certain
dissociation to hard physical work. The 'seno' fields demand far less labour than
soil with a higher clay content. This is mirrored only to a limited extent in the
spatial distribution of the Fulbe fields. Only two out of seven Fulbe households
on the pediplain also cultivate 'seno' fields (Fig. 4); yet, the remaining four Fulbe
households in the village exclusively cultivate on the 'seno'. Of the 28 Rimaib6
households, all but four cultivate 'seno' fields. This conforms with the findings
from the qualitative, anthropological analysis which conclude that the Rimaib6
have a very strong wish to communicate a Fulbe-identity.
Both bio-physical and cultural incentives thus form the land use strategies.
Field size determinants
The second issue to be discussed is the factors determining field size. Field
size in the Sahel is generally believed to be closely related to population size
(Claude et al., 1991; Guillaud, 1993; Milleville, 1980). In line with the arguments mentioned above, the predominant explanation is the close relation
between household size, capacity to cultivate, and basic needs for substance
products. The ecological-geographical focus on a combination of land use
and socio-economic factors influencing the production offers possibilities to
investigate the actual importance of various parameters. Thus, the present
study provides precise information on the relation between household size
and field acreage for only 12 households. In spite of the necessary reservations due to the limited sample size, a few results shall be drawn from these
quantitative observations.
223
Land use strategies in a Sahelian agro-ecosystem
Figure 5 shows the covariation between consumption units and field
acreage. A significant difference between the Fulbe and the Rimaib6 can be
observed as regards cultivated area per consumption unit. This is true in
spite of the above-mentioned fact that interethnic differences in agricultural
strategies have almost disappeared.
The difference might be rooted in the access to land. A number of households express the need for larger fields. Land is, in principle, administrated
by the village leader, 'd616g6', but in reality by the now former institution of
village chief, 'jooro'. Different views on availability of land can be observed.
According to the Rimaib6, extension into pasture or bush is prevented by the
environmental authorities and underutilized areas are not available for cultivation. According to the former 'jooro' there is sufficient land for redistribution, just as it will be possible with his help to gain permission to extend
into pasture or bush areas. The land is still considered the property of the
Fulbe and positive relations with the former 'jooro' seem essential to the
acquisition of new land. Thus, it is reasonable to believe that the Fulbe have
more easy access to new land.
Division o f inputs between agricultural activities
The third issue to be discussed is the factors determining allocation of input
between different agricultural activities. Again, the ecological-geographical
approach will be suitable to test the validity of the theory that rational objectives guide the production strategies and, among other things, the division of
scarce input factors, such as labour, between the different activities.
Consumtion
units vers cultivated
for 12 households in Bidi-2
7
area
-
!
~6
•
0
~,
°
3
2
3
4
6
6.5
7
9
10
CU/househotd
•
Rimaib~
,, Fulbe
Fig. 5. Relation between field size and consumption units (CU) for 12 households in Bidi-2.
Values for Fulbe and Rimaibe h o u s e h o l d s are shown.
224
A. Reenberg, B. Paarup-Laursen
Food provision is mainly from four sources: millet/sorghum production,
collection of wild cereals (Fonio), livestock rearing and vegetables from the
gardens (for consumption and trading for cereals). Only the relative importance of plant products shall be dealt with as examples in the present context,
which does not, however, imply that the remainder is of less importance.
The household-specific engagement in cereal production and collection of
wild cereal is shown in Table 1. Sufficiency of millet production is inadequate
for almost all households, even in years with favourable rainfall conditions.
In 1994 (the best year in 30 years for rainfall) almost all households had to
supplement the millet with purchases from the market. One important source
of supplementary food is the gardens, which are a rather unique asset for
Bidi-2 compared to the majority of other villages in the region. A large
variety of vegetables are grown and either consumed locally or traded for
millet on the local market. Another traditional source of supplementary food
is the collection of wild plants, especially Fonio (Panicum laetum). Households engaged in this activity collect sufficient amounts to fill the food
requirement for approximately 1 month during the 'hunger gap'.
Fonio collection is a valuable component in the agricultural strategy with
regards to the effective use of labour. Milleville (1980) has shown that the
output in terms of calories per hour of labour invested in the total production process compares very favourably to the equivalent figures for millet. In
Table 1 it can be seen that 73% of the Rimaib6 households engage in this
activity whereas few Fulbe household use Fonio unless it is provided to them
as a gift. The information contained in the table does not reveal whether the
intensive Fonio collection among the Rimaib6 is a result of the relatively
larger insufficiency of cereal production or priority given to Fonio because of
a favourable labour/yield ratio.
Non-rational strategies might, however, also be an important factor.
Fonio is highly appreciated as food for both Fulbe and Rimaib6. But to the
Fulbe the collection or in some cases the admission of collection of Fonio,
signifies the physical needs of the person or household. Generally, Fulbe
identity is stressed by the suppression of physical needs as contained in the
TABLE 1
Ethnic-specific Variation in Parameters of Relevance for Food Sufficiency
Fulbe
Rimaib6
a
% o f households engaged in activity
b
c
d
9
73
36
9!
18
73
73
64
e
45
24
Activities: a, Fonio collection; b, collection of other natural resources used for food; c, having
income from garden products; d, producing sufficent millet/sorghum for more than 6 months'
needs; and e, producing sufficent millet/sorghum for more than 8 months' needs
L a n d use strategies in a Sahelian agro-ecosystem
225
concept of 'pulaaku' (Reisman, 1977: pp. 126-141). Although the Rimaib~ in
their attempt to identify with Fulbe adopt aspects of 'pulaaku', they also
ridicule the Fulbe for denying physical needs they readily express outside the
Fulbe social context (like in the bush). Thus, to the Rimaib6 there are no
cultural rules limiting the collection of Fonio, while to the Fulbe the collection of Fonio is often carried out against rules governing Fulbe identity.
CONCLUSION
Insight into different objectives and rationalities for land use decisions is very
important. It enables us to evaluate the resilience of the system to outside
changes in the natural, cultural or economic environment, and thereby to
suggest sustainable development options (cultural and economic as well as
ecological) for natural resource management systems such as the ones outlined in the introduction. The few results selected for presentation in this
context illustrate the fact that much of the observed within-household variation in resource management strategies cannot be explained as result of an
optimal or rational management aimed at fulfilling a certain measurable
objective (e.g. maximum food security, maximum yields, maximum income,
minimum effort, etc.).
Ethnic variations are known to be important factors influencing agricultural strategies, and often deserve to be included as important parameters
in regional studies of the agricultural system (Harts-Broekhuis & de Jong,
1993). The examples given illustrate how the ethnic-specific perceptions of
the natural environment have a considerable influence on agricultural strategies, and how the ethnic identity of Fulbe and the relations between Fulbe
and Rimaib6 determine how resources are exploited. Priorities given to cultivation of different soil types do not only reflect a rational optimization of
production; cultural values rooted in ethnic differences play an important
role as well. Acreage cultivated cannot be explained entirely as a simple
consequence of population size and need for food. Ethnically determined
perceptions and values have significant impact on the availability of and
demand for land. Survival strategies, in terms of the priorities given to
different ecologically feasible agricultural products also vary according to
cultural values.
Such findings should not, however, lead to the conclusion that a quantitatively oriented systems approach to natural resource management systems
such as the one examined here for, say, ecological geography will lead a
priori to an insufficient understanding. It might reveal important characteristics and provide quantitative information of great value for hypothesis
testing. However, it reminds us that objectives which can dominate the
226
A. Reenberg, B. Paarup-Laursen
choice of production strategies in agricultural systems might be very difficult
to express as measurable variables suitable to feed into a systems model. Not
least it underlines the fact that there are still severe difficulties to overcome
before a satisfactory solution can be proposed for coping with the multidisciplinary, holistic approach to natural resource management systems--the
approach that scientists from various disciplines agree should be adopted.
A C K N O W L E D G E M ENTS
The results presented are a contribution to the multidisciplinary research
activities of S E R E I N (The Danish Sahel Sudan Environmental Research
Initiative) (Reenberg, 1995b). S E R E I N is initiated by the Danish Environmental Research Programme and financed by the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Our colleague, Bjarne Fog, has assisted with the data handling.
John J6nsson, Institute of Geography, has drawn the maps.
REFERENCES
Barry, S. (1993). No Condition is Permanent: The Social Dynamics of Agrarian
Change in Sub-Saharan Africa. University of Wisconsin Press, Madison.
Barry, S. (1994). Resource access and management as historical processes. In Access,
Control and Management of Natural Resources in Sub-Saharan Africa, eds
H. S. Marcussen & C. Lund. Roskilde University, pp. 23-44.
Barth, F. (1956). Ecological relationships of ethnic groups in Swat, North Pakistan.
Am. Anthropol., 58, 1079-1089.
Bendix, R. (1967). Tradition and modernity revisited. Comp. Studies Soc. Hist., 9,
292-345.
Bolwig, S. (1995). Millet production and household food supply in the Sahel--a
case study from a Fulami-Rimaybe village in northern Burkina Faso. SEREIN
Occasional Papers 2, Copenhagen.
van den Breemer, J. P. M. (1992). Ideas and usage: environment in Aouan Society,
Ivory Coast. In Bush Base." Forest Farm. Culture, Environment and Development,
eds E. Croll & D. Parkin. Routledge, London, pp. 97-109.
Brush, S. B. & Turner, B. L. II (1987). The nature of farming systems and views of
their change. In Comparative Farming Systems, eds B. L. Turner & S. B0 Brush.
Guilford Press, New York, pp. 11-48.
Chambers, R. (1993). Challenging the Professions: Frontiers for Rural Development.
IT Publications, London.
Claude, J., Grouzis, M. & Milleville, P. (1991). Un Espace Sahdlien. La Mare
d'Oursi. Burkina Faso. ORSTOM, Paris.
Croll, E. & Parkin, D. (1992). Cultural understanding of the environment. Bush
Base," Forest Farm. Culture, Environment and Development. Routledge, London.
Duckham, A. N. & Masefield, G. B. (1970). Farming Systems of the World. Chatto
and Windus, London.
Land use strategies in a Sahelian agro-ecosystem
227
Ellen, R. (1978). Problems and progress in the ethnographic analysis of small-scale
human ecosystems. Man, 13, 290-303.
Ellen, R. (1982). Environment, Subsistence and System: The Ecology of Small-scale
Social Formations. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Ellen, R. (1993). Rhetoric, practice and incentives in the face of the changing times:
a case study in Nuaulu attitudes to conservation and deforestation. In Environmentalism. The View from Anthropology, ed. K. Milton. Routledge. London,
pp. 126-143.
Evans-Pritchard, E. E. (1940). The Nuer. Clarendon Press, Oxford.
Fussel, L. K. (1992). Semi-arid cereal and grazing systems of West Africa. In Field
Crop Ecosystems. Ecosystems of the World, No. 18. ed. Person. Elsevier,
Amsterdam, pp. 485-518.
Geertz, C.(1963). Agricultural Involution. University of California Press, Berkeley.
Greenland, D. J., Bowen, G., Eswaran, H., Rhoades, R. & Valentin, C. (1994). Soil,
Water, and Nutrient Management Research--A New Agenda. IBSRAM Position
Paper, Bangkok.
Groten, S. M. E. (1991). Satellitenmonitoring yon Agrar-Okosysteme im Sahel.
Arbeitsberichte Lehrstuhl Landschafts6kologie, MiJnster, Heft 11.
Guillaud, D. (1993). L'ombre du mil. Un systdme agropastoral en Aribinda (Burkina
Faso). ORSTOM, Paris.
Haggett, P. (1990). The Geographer's Art. T. J. Press, Padstow.
Harris, M. (1977). Cannibals and Kings. Random House, New York.
Harts-Broekhuis, E. J.A. & de Jong, A. A. (1993). Subsistence and Survival in the
Sahel. Netherlands Geographical Studies, Utrecht.
Hastrup, K. (1983). Kulturelle kategorier som naturlige ressourcer. In SamhMle och
Ekosystem. Om tolkningsproblem i Arkeologi och Antropologi, ed. A. Hjort.
Forskningsr~dsn~imden, Stockholm, pp. 40-54.
Ikenga-Metuh, E. (1991). Attitude to nature in African religions: paradigms for care
in the Industrial Age. Bull. Afric. Relig. Culture, 3, 1-28.
Kahn, J. S. (1985). Peasant ideologies in the third world. Annu. Rev. Anthropol., 14,
49-75.
Krings, T. F. (1980). Kulturgeographischer Wandel in der Kontaktzone yon Nomaden
und Bauern im Sahel yon Obervolta. Hamburger Geographischen Studien, Heft 36.
Latour, B. (1994). Les Objects ont-ils une historie? Rencontre de Pasteur et de
Whitehead dans un bain d'acide lactoque. In L'effet Whitehead, ed. I. Stengers.
Vrin, Paris, pp.197-217. English transl.: (forthcoming). Do scientific objects
have a history too? An encounter between Pasteur and Whitehead in a lactic
acid bath. The Berliner Key and Other Essays of a Science Watcher, ed. I. Stengers.
Harvard University Press.
Latour, B. (1993). We Have Never Been Modern. Harvester Wheatsheaf, New York.
Mannion, A. M. (1995). Agriculture and Environmental Change. Wiley, New York.
McNetting, R. (1993). Small Holders, Householders: Farm Families and the Ecology
oflntensive, Sustainable Agriculture. Stanford University Press, Stanford.
Milleville, P. (1980). Etude d'un syst~me de production agro-pastoral sah~lien de
Haute-Volta. ORSTOM, Ouagadougou. Mimeo.
Patton, M. Q. (1990). Quantitative Evaluation Methods. Sage, Newbury Park.
Petersen, P. (1995). Nature, religion and cultural identity: the religious environmental paradigm. In Asian Perceptions of Nature. A Critical Approach, eds
O. Bruun & A. Kalland, A. Curzon, London.
228
A. Reenberg, B. Paarup-Laursen
Rappaport, R. A. (1968). Pigs for the Ancestors: Ritual in the Ecology of a New
Guinea People. Yale University Press, New Haven.
Rappaport, R. A. (1971). The flow of energy in an agricultural society. Sci. Am.,
September 1971.
Rasmussen, K. & Reenberg, A. (1980). Ecological human geography--some considerations of concepts and methods. Geografisk Tidsskrift, 80, 81-88.
Rasmussen, K. & Reenberg, A. (1992). Satellite remote sensing of land use in northern Burkina Faso--the case of Kolel village. Geografisk Tidsskrift, 92, 86-93.
Reenberg, A. (1994). Agricultural strategies and land use dynamics in a Sahelian
environment--does reality match hypothesized trends?. Geografisk Tidsskrift,
94, 58-67.
Reenberg, A. (1994). Land-use dynamics in the Sahelian zone in eastern Niger-monitoring change in cultivation strategies in drought prone areas. J. Arid
Environ., 27, 179-192.
Reenberg, A. (1995a). A hierarchical approach to land use and sustainable land use
in the Sahel. Q. J. Int. Agric., 35, 63-77.
Reenberg, A. (1995b). SEREIN--A short historical introduction. In The Sahel-Ethnobotany, Agricultural and Pastoral Strategies, Development Aid Strategies,
eds A. Reenberg & H. S. Marcussen. SEREIN Occasional Papers, 1, Copenhagen, pp. 161-166.
Reenberg, A. & Fog, B. (1995). The spatial pattern and dynamics of a Sahelian
agro-ecosystem--land use systems analysis combining household survey with
georelated information. GeoJournal, 37, 489-499.
Reenberg, A. & Rasmussen, K. (1992). Problems of defining and evaluating sustainability of agricultural systems. In Sustainable Development in the Sahel, ed.
A. M. Lykke, H. K. Tybirk & A. Jorgensen, AAU Reports 29, Aarhus University, pp. 53-66.
Reisman, P. (1977). Freedom in Fulani Social Life. The University of Chicago Press,
Chicago.
Richards, P. (1985). Indigenous Agricultural Revolution: Ecology and Food Production in West Africa. Westview, Boulder.
Ruthenberg, H. (1976). Farming Systems in the Tropics. Clarendon Press, Oxford.
Sahlins, M. (1976). The Use and Abuse of Biology: an Anthropological Critique of
Sociobiology. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor.
Scholes, M. C., Swift, M. J., Heal, O. W., Sanchez, P. A., Ingram, J. S. I. & Dalal,
R. (1994). Soil fertility research in response to the demand for sustainability. In
The Biological Management of Tropical Soil Fertility, eds P. L. Woomer & M. J.
Swift. Wiley, Chishester, pp. 1-14.
Snrech, S. (1994). Population, environnement et economic au Sahel. In The Sahel:
Population; Integrated Rural Development Projects; Research Components in
Development Projects, eds A. Reenberg & B. Markussen. Proceedings from the
Danish Sahel Workshop, 6-8 January 1994, AAU Reports 32, Aarhus University, pp. 25-40.
Steward, J. H. (1955). Theory of Culture Change. University of Illinois Press, Urbana.
Stroosnijder, L. (1994). Population density, carrying capacity and agricultural
production technology in the Sahel. In The Sahel: Population; Integrated Rural
Development Projects; Research Components in Development Projects, eds A.
Reenberg & B. Markussen. Proceedings from the Danish Sahel Workshop, 6-8
January 1994, AAU Reports 32, Aarhus University, pp. 3-23.
Land use strategies in a Sahelian agro-ecosystem
229
Toledo, V. M. (1990). The ecological rationality of peasant production. In Agroecology and Small Farm Development, eds M. A. Altieri & S. B. Hecht. CRC
Press, Boca Raton, pp. 53--60.
van Duivenbooden, N. (1995). Land Use Systems Analysis as a Tool in Land Use
Planning with Special Reference to North and West African Agro-ecosystems.
Wageningen Agricultural University, Wageningen.
Wilson, J. (1988). An Introduction to Systems Thinking. Changing Agriculture. Kangaroo Press, Australia.
Young, M. D. & Solbrig, O. T. (1993). The World's Savannas. Economic Driving
Forces, Ecological Constraints and Policy Options for Sustainable Land Use.
UNESCO, Paris.