The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the
Netherlands
Master’s thesis
By
Thiptawan Tielemans- Boonpiyapat 639668
27th June 2012
Supervisor: Prof.dr. A.M. Backus
Second assessor: Dr. A.el.Aissati
Communication and Information Sciences – School of Humanities
Tilburg University
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the
Netherlands
Master’s thesis
By
Thiptawan Tielemans- Boonpiyapat 639668
27th June 2012
Supervisor: Prof.dr. A.M. Backus
Second assessor: Dr. A.el.Aissati
Communication and Information Sciences – School of Humanities
Tilburg University
2
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Contents
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.................................................................................................................. 5
INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................................ 6
CHAPTER 1 THAI IMMIGRANTS IN THE NETHERLANDS................................................... 7
1.1
History and background .....................................................................................................................7
1.2
Thai communities in the Netherlands. ...............................................................................................9
1.3
Thai-Dutch relations ......................................................................................................................... 13
CHAPTER 2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK............................................................................ 15
2.1
Definition of acculturation and strategies. ....................................................................................... 15
2.2
The Dutch immigration policy (History and the current policy) ........................................................ 17
2.2.1
History, policy and naturalization of Dutch immigration .................................................................. 17
2.2.2
The current situations and development .......................................................................................... 19
2.3
Discrimination in the Netherlands.................................................................................................... 20
CHAPTER 3 THAI IDENTIFICATIONS ..................................................................................... 22
3.1
The three pillars of identity .............................................................................................................. 22
3.1.1
First pillar ........................................................................................................................................... 23
3.1.2
Second pillar ...................................................................................................................................... 25
3.1.3
Third pillar.......................................................................................................................................... 26
3.2
Thai language ................................................................................................................................... 26
3.3
Culture and society .......................................................................................................................... 28
3.3.1
The “Wai” and “Graab” ..................................................................................................................... 29
3.3.2
Thai Demeanour ................................................................................................................................ 30
3.3.3
Addressing People ............................................................................................................................. 31
3.3.4
Hierarchical society ........................................................................................................................... 31
3
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
CHAPTER 4 METHODOLOGY..................................................................................................... 32
4.1
Research Design ............................................................................................................................... 32
4.1.1
Sample Description: Ethnographic field work .................................................................................. 32
4.1.2
Quantitative data............................................................................................................................... 33
4.2
Contact and participants .................................................................................................................. 34
4.2.1
Contact .............................................................................................................................................. 34
4.2.2
Participants ........................................................................................................................................ 34
4.3
Materials .......................................................................................................................................... 38
CHAPTER 5 RESULTS ................................................................................................................... 41
5.1
Descriptive data analyses ................................................................................................................. 41
5.1.1
Types of acculturation ....................................................................................................................... 41
5.1.2
The maintenance of Thai identification ............................................................................................. 42
5.1.3
The relations of Thai immigrants towards their own community ..................................................... 43
5.2
5.2.1
Interview interpretation .................................................................................................................. 44
The maintenance of Thai identity ...................................................................................................... 44
5.2.2 The relations of Thai immigrants towards their own community .......................................................... 48
CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION ........................................................................ 51
REFERENCES.................................................................................................................................... 56
4
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Acknowledgements
The idea of writing about Thai immigrants in the Netherlands started during class in 2010
when the professor, Dr. K.Yagmur suggested that Thai immigrants have unique
characteristics compared to immigrants from other countries. I was very interested about
what the Thai uniqueness would be so I brought this issue to discuss with my supervisor,
Prof. dr. Ad Backus. Then Ad urged me to express my curiosity into a scientific paper and
helped me to shape my idea into a good research question. Therefore, I would like to give
him special thanks for his advice and unconditional support. Thanks to Dr. A.el.Aissati for his
enthusiasm and insightful comments. I would also like to thank my respondents, without
the help of them; it was an impossible quest to write this Thesis. Finally, I want to thank my
husband, Michiel Tielemans, and my parents, Pol and Puengboon for their love and trust in
both good time and bad time during my study journey.
5
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Introduction
During my class in 2010, my teacher mentioned about the characteristics of Thai
immigrants in the Netherlands which is different than other countries in South East Asia. I was
very curious back then, as I thought South East Asian people are very similar. Anyhow, my
curiosity hadn’t been answered by my teacher but he suggested me to explore it myself and
conclude all the finding evidences into a scientific paper. Thus I started to search for books and
articles that wrote about Thai immigrants in the Netherlands but there were not many of them
because Thai immigrants are a small ethnic group compare to Chinese, Indonesian and
Moroccan. Eventually I found a research of Suksomboon (2007) who investigated that, most of
Thai immigrants are marriage migrants and are women. Many of them came from sex industry
in Thailand and have low level of education.
This make Thai a specific community and is different than other countries’ community in
the way that they have varies proposes to stay in the Netherlands. I also found that the second
majority of Thai immigrants are students who came to attend high level of education. These two
majority groups are very different in many ways especially in the scope of integration policy.
Thus it is very interesting to study the characteristics of them and the way these two groups
integrate into Dutch society. Do they get along to each other well and how can they carry their
Thai identity in the Netherlands. Are Thai women hiding their past and are Thai students anti
these women?
These questions need to be answered. And as I do not want to assume the result, thus I did
not create the hypothesis. The goal of my thesis is to find the characteristics and acculturation of the
two groups of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands and write everything I found.
6
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Chapter 1
Thai immigrants in the Netherlands
1.1 History and background
The development of Thai emigration can be divided into three periods. During the
first period (1975-1981), migrants had many choices because there was a big need for labor
in many countries. The salaries were high and employment recruitment was professional
and fair. In the second period (1982-1987), the majority of Thai migrants went to the Gulf
Region to work as laborers. Most of them, whether legal or illegal, were not completely
protected by labor laws. The third period stared after 1987 in Asian countries which needed
a lot of migrants because of the industry boom, for instance Taiwan, Brunei, Hong Kong,
Singapore, and Japan. During this period there were more Thai workers in Southeast Asian
and East Asian countries than in the Gulf region. In 1993, 118,600 Thai migrants (checked by
the Ministry of Labor) went to Asia while the rest, 14,623 persons, went to other continents.
However, the Ministry of Labor estimated that during 1993, there were around 370,500
Thais who worked abroad, of which 33,000 went to the Middle East and 221,000 to Asian
countries. Thus, more than sixty percent of Thais emigrated illegally.
The mainstream of Thai international migration to Europe started in the late 1970s
(Pataya 1999; Supang 1999). In 2006, there were about 13,112 Thai migrants in the
Netherlands, including students, chefs, expats and marriage migrants. Seventy two per cent
of Thai migrants, i.e. 9,483 persons, are women, a number which has continuously increased
from 3,865 in 1996 (CBS 2007). Although the Thais in the Netherlands constitute a much
smaller number than other immigrant ethnic groups like those from Indonesia, Turkey,
Surinam and Morocco, the fact that the majority of Thai immigrants are marriage migrants
and obviously are women has become a specific characteristic which makes the Thai
community different from the immigrants from most other Asian countries to the
Netherlands. (Suksomboon, 2007). The number of female migrants is related to the demand
for female house maids and female workers in the entertainment or sex industries. Because
of the current restrictions of immigrant laws in the EU, and the negative reputation
7
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
associated with the sex industry, marriage has become the most feasible route of access to
Europe for Thai women. Since marrying Thais, or following their family members, are not
their preference, many Thai women choose to marry a European man and enter a European
country, since it is the fastest road to improve the family’s financial security and well-being,
and support the development projects of the local community (Suksomboon, 2007). It also
has to do with the traditional Northeastern Thai (ii-saan) attitude towards intermarriage
between a Thai woman and a Western man. The Northeast of Thailand was once known as a
poor area because the soil is not neutralized enough for agricultural work. Marrying a
foreign man is a fast way to solve financial problems. However, this attitude to transnational
marriages is not only about economic terms, but also influenced by ii-saan household
norms, according to which the wife has to service the entire family, including her husband
and the in-laws. Hence, many ii-saan women found foreign husbands to be more
responsible, polite and compassionate (Lapanun, 2010). Crosscultural marriages are a
survival strategy for Thai women, as it grants legal entrance and residence in the
Netherlands or some other European country (Suksomboon, 2007).
The second biggest group of Thai migrants consists of students. According to the Thai
Student Association in the Netherlands, more than three hundred Thai citizens are studying
in the Netherlands. Most of them have enrolled for a Bachelor degree in Engineering at
Delft University. Around 70% of Thai students in the Netherlands have earned an ODOS
scholarship (One district one scholarship) from the Thai government and the rest came to
the Netherlands with a scholarship from a Dutch organization. Only 10% of Thai students
use their own funds. These students generally opt for one of the more than 1400 Englishtaught study programs that Dutch institutes of higher education provide, especially for
foreign students. The study programs on offer cover the entire spectrum of science,
technology and the arts, from music to civil engineering, from media studies and
management to agricultural sciences. The Netherlands have become more popular among
Thai students because of the high standard of education. The Dutch government is
attempting to make Dutch higher education as accessible as possible to students and mid
career professionals from other countries. This focus on quality also extends to promoting
international cooperation between institutes of higher education and pursuing an ‘open
8
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
door’ policy for young foreign talent. Moreover, the tuition fees of Dutch institutions are
kept relatively low, especially compared with the U.K. and the U.S.
1.2 Thai communities in the Netherlands.
Thai communities in the Netherlands are not categorized by region, but according to
the purpose of integration. They are divided into two groups of migrants, for study and for
marriage. Two Thai temples in the Netherlands also count as Thai communities, since most
of Thai holidays and festivals are involved with Buddhist practices which are organized in
these temples. Overall, there are four separate communities in the Netherlands.
TSAN orientation day in The Hague, October 2010.
Thai students association in the Netherlands (TSAN): Before TSAN was created, the only
organization that gave information about living and studying in the Netherlands was Nuffic
Neso Thailand. However Nuffic Neso wasn’t created for enabling social communication; it is
responsible for the generic promotion of Dutch higher education in Thailand. Thus, there
was no organizer of student meetings or activities. Those days, Thai students usually
socialized with Thais who studied in the same university or city. TSAN was created in 2009,
to organize the first academic conference for Thai students, but it could only reach out to
students who had given their personal information to the Thai embassy. In 2010, the TSAN
9
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
website was launched, which provides information about the next academic conference,
student activities, Thai students’ data, and membership enrollment. TSAN achieved big
success as a student community in May 2010; more than 100 students attended the
academic conference and subsequent party. The successful meeting built up its reputation
and spread the news among students, which made the community grow faster. By the end
of 2010, TSAN becomes the first official website for Thai students and is the only Thai
student community that records data of all Thai students in the Netherlands. Nowadays,
TSAN initiated more than 20 activities, including a student’s sports day, a dinner, a party,
sightseeing, an academic conference on Thais in Europe and a Thai festival co-organized
with the Thai embassy and temples.
Lady Inter/Holland: Lady Inter is a website which provides information about visas and
integration policy, and a chat forum for Thai women who married a “white man”. The
website was renovated in 2009. Lady Inter provides 21 chat forums divided by the country
of the foreign husband, such as the U.K., Germany, the Netherlands, Finland, Norway,
Denmark, U.S.A, Switzerland, Ireland, France, Italy, Sweden, Australia, etc. In addition,
popular forums such as the U.K., the Netherlands, U.S.A and Australia, provide several
topics, such as kids, marriage problems, visa matters and integration laws, as well as a photo
gallery.
Webpage of LadyInter/Holland
10
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
The forums on the webpage also create friendship in reality. Many users of this
website created their own community, selected by the similarity of place of birth, interest,
living location in the Netherlands, etc. One of the community groups is “Baan Tulip Holland”
which links Thai mothers. This group usually shares most of their activities together, for
instance, joining a Thai festival, visit the newborn child of a member, and camping.
Thai wives enjoy Thai festival in Utrecht, June 2010.
The Buddhavihara Temple, Amsterdam: In 1955, Thai migrants in The Hague organized a
Buddhist community to practice meditation and share Buddhist philosophy among each
other. There was a meeting every third Tuesday of the month at which members would
have the opportunity to ask questions about philosophy, and learn how to meditate and
pray. In 1964, fifteen members of the Buddhist community created a curriculum for Thai
Buddhist practice, to promote Thai Buddhist practice throughout the Netherlands.
11
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Buddhist practice at The Buddhavihara Temple, May 2011
The Thai Buddhist community expanded very fast over several years, and this
brought up the problem of a proper location. With support from the Thai embassy, in 1969
the Buddhist community was allowed to use a meeting room in the embassy for religious
activity. On December 24th 1973, the Thai government bought a place in Amsterdam and the
Thai temple Buddhavihara was established. Soon after, Thai monks were brought to the
Netherlands to teach meditation and to distribute Buddhist philosophy.
The Buddharama Temple, Waalwijk
12
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
The Buddharama Temple, Waalwijk: The Buddharama temple was established in
October 24th 1973 by Thai people who lived in the south of the Netherlands and the Thai
ambassador at that time, Dr. Sompoong Sujaritkul. They shared their money to rent a three
level house and set it up as a Thai temple, where the first floor was used for meditation and
prayer, the second floor as the monk’s accommodation, and the top floor as a Buddhist
library. First the temple was named after the ambassador, Sujaritkul, and later this was
changed to Sujaritanujari, which is a combination of the ambassador’s name and that of the
monk who lives at the temple. The name Buddharama was introduced in 1975 after
consultation of the Thai Buddhism constitution revealed that the temple does not belong to
an individual since the rent was paid by the Thai Buddhist foundation; thus, it shouldn’t be
named after one person. On July 15th 1980, the temple was moved to the bigger building on
the Loeffstraat in Waalwijk. The new building was bought by the Thai government and was
divided into several rooms, such as a cafeteria, accommodation for monks and male
members, accommodation for nuns and female members, a prayer room and a meditation
area.
1.3 Thai-Dutch relations
Thailand and The Netherlands celebrated their 400th anniversary of relations in 2004
which can be considered a long time of uninterrupted connection between these two
countries. The relationship between the Thai and the Dutch started in the period of the
Ayutthaya kingdom because of the sea trade. Among the first European countries to have
made contact with Ayutthaya, it is believed that the Dutch arrived in the early 16th century.
(Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2004). According to foreign office records, Dutch traders first set
up a trading station in the south of Thailand, in Pattani, in 1601, and established the Dutch
East India Company, the Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie (V.O.C.), a year later. The
V.O.C. played an important role as trader in Thailand which led to diplomatic relations
between Thailand and the Netherlands in 1604, when King Naresuan of Ayutthaya granted
official diplomacy, which is considered as the first established diplomatic relations between
Thai and The Netherlands. In 1608, King Ekathotsorot sent a 15-member diplomatic mission
to the Netherlands, and the mission returned to Thailand (called Siam at that time) two
13
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
years later. The year 1897 marked a new chapter in Thailand’s diplomacy when King
Chulalongkorn, Rama V, visited Europe for the first time. The trip took him to 15 countries,
including the Netherlands, and the King met many of the royal courts and leaders of those
countries. In 1960, when Queen Juliana was Head of State, King Bhumibol Adulyadej and
Queen Sirikit visited the Netherlands.” The visit significantly strengthened the foundation
for close and cordial ties between Thailand and the Netherlands in their recent history.
Since then, relations between the two countries have been constantly strengthened by the
regular exchanges of visits between their members of the royal families, officials, and other
people”. (speech from Thai prime minister Taksin at the reception for Queen Beatrix in
2004)
There are not only relations between Thailand and the Netherlands at official levels.
The Dutch embassy in Thailand reported that more than 130,000 Dutch tourists visit
Thailand each year, and more than 4,000 Dutch residents are living in Thailand. Also an
increasing number of Thai citizens migrate to the Netherlands. Among members of the
European Union (EU), the Netherlands is currently Thailand’s second most important trading
partner after the United Kingdom. In 2002, statistics from the Ministry of Commerce
showed that Thailand exported machines, transport material, food and livestock to the
Netherlands worth US$ 1,891.6 million, while its imports of electrical machineries and
equipments, integrated circuit (IC) micro assemblies, plastic, and chemical products from
the Netherlands were valued at $492.2 million. About 200 Dutch organizations are active in
Thailand. The Dutch service sector plays a large role among them. Dutch consultancy
companies, Unilever, KLM, Philips, Heineken, Numico, and several Dutch banks and
insurance companies are well known in Thailand. In 2004, the EU invested EUR 7,453 million
in stocks in Thailand, which put the Netherlands in third place of largest investors in
Thailand, after the U.K. and Germany.
14
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Chapter 2
Theoretical Framework
In order to understand how Thai immigrants acculturate to Dutch society, firstly, it is
important to know the meaning of acculturation and the immigration policy of the host
country. This chapter will first explain the definition of acculturation and discuss
acculturation strategies, and then focus on Dutch immigration policy and the negative
influence on individuals’ acculturation of social discrimination.
2.1 Definition of acculturation and strategies.
Acculturation has been described by many researchers. Schwartz defines it as
follows: “The concept of acculturation has cultural idiosyncrasies as its core and cultural
values as one of the key elements. The ways people behave and evaluate their experiences
are guided by their value, and even if basic values appear to be universal, their individual
importance and priority vary between persons and between nations”. Redfield, Linton, and
Herskovits argue that “acculturation comprehends those phenomena which result when
groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact with
subsequent changes in original culture patterns of either or both groups” Acculturation
refers to a process in which members of one cultural group adopt the beliefs and behaviors
of another group. Acculturation takes into account the changes that take place on both the
individual and sociocultural levels (Bourhis, Moise, Perrault, & Senecal, 1997; Berry, 2003).
These changes can be manifested in a variety of arenas, including dress, eating habits,
language usage, consumption of popular culture, and degree of contact with individuals
from both the home and host cultures (Zimmerman, 1995; Marin, Sabogal, Marin, OteroSabogal, & Perez-Stable, 1987; Birman, 1998; Berry, 2003).
However the ways in which people acculturate depend on the dominance patterns.
The dominant group is normally the majority in the society and the non-dominant group is a
minority group, which usually holds for more than one group. For instance, Dutch people
are the dominant group in the Netherlands, and Thai, Turkish and Chinese are three of the
many minority groups that live in the Netherlands. Thus the acculturations in majority and
15
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
minority group are somewhat depends and relate to each other. Berry (1997) created a
framework to explain the strategies of acculturations, the choice of which depends on the
specific considerations of each group. These strategies carry different names, depending on
which group (dominant and non-dominant) is being considered. The four strategies from the
point of view of the non-dominant group are assimilation, separation, integration and
marginalization.
•
Assimilation defines individuals who do not want to maintain their own cultural
identity but aim to interact with the other cultural identity.
•
Integration defines the immigrant who is interested in both the dominant culture
and his own one. The integration strategy applies to individuals who wish to
maintain their original cultural identity but at the same time wish to participate “as
an integral part of the larger social network”. (Berry, 1997).
•
Separation, in contrary to assimilation, defines individuals who wish to keep their
own cultural identity, and at the same time wish to avoid interaction with other
groups.
•
Marginalization is similar to separation in that it defines those who are not
interested in having relations with others, but members of marginalized groups have
no interest in keeping their own cultural identity either.
These strategies were based on a situation of freedom of choice for the nondominant groups. However it may also be the case that the non-dominant groups are forced
to acculturate in a specific way by the dominant group; in that case, the terms are different.
For instance, if members of non-dominant groups are forced to choose separation, the
situation then becomes one of segregation. Anyhow, Berry didn’t use the specific terms
assimilation and marginalization here, but mentioned that, when people choose to
assimilate, it is like the notion of the “Melting Pot” while when they are forced to do so, it
becomes more like a “Pressure Cooker”.(Berry,1997). Marginalization is not the usual
option. People usually become marginalized as a result of enforced assimilation combined
with segregation, thus “no other term seems to be required beyond the single notion of
marginalization”.(Berry, 1997). Integration involves the acceptance by both groups to live as
16
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
culturally different peoples, thus it is a strategy that non-dominant groups can choose freely
when the dominant society is open towards cultural diversity (Berry, 1991).
2.2 The Dutch immigration policy (History and the current policy)
2.2.1 History, policy and naturalization of Dutch immigration
The Netherlands has a long history of immigration. Modern immigration developed
with the guest workers after World War II to rebuild the Netherlands and the influx from
people from the former colonies. Most of the guest workers came from Southern Europe,
Northern Africa (especially Morocco), and Turkey.(Witte, 2009). During the 50’s and 60’s,
there was no pressure of integration because the migrants were seen as temporary workers
and expected to be leaving the country when the work was done. In those days, instead of
integrating those migrants, the Dutch government encouraged them to preserve their
cultures and tried to keep them in their own communities. Migrant workers were allowed to
have all of the regular provisions of the welfare state. Additionally, special cultural and
social facilities were set up for them, and their children could attend classes taught in their
mother tongue. There were consultative councils for ethnic minorities at the local and
national level, also the first Muslim and Hindu schools were created. These special
facilitations were aimed at making the transition back “home” as smooth as possible. The
policy aimed at equality before the law and equal opportunity in the labor market, housing
market and education. The maintenance of immigrant cultures, in line with the system of
pillarisation, was no longer seen as a means of facilitating their return to their countries, but
as a road to emancipation like the one the Catholic minority had taken in the decades
before (Witte, 2009).
Anyway, these migrants ended up not leaving the country, and they remained
disadvantaged (Turks, Surinamese, Moroccans and Antilleans). Minority youth were
overrepresented in crime statistics. In the 1990s, the focus of integration policy shifted from
cultural preservation to labour market integration and equal opportunities. Mother-tongue
teaching was limited and made extracurricular, and the importance of education and
learning Dutch were stressed. The beginning of a strict immigration policy started in the 90’s
17
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
when the Dutch government agreed upon the fact that the social and economic integration
of immigrants needed to be prioritized instead of the maintenance of cultural and religious
identities (Witte, 2009). In 1998 several new immigration and integration laws made it more
imperative for migrants to assimilate. For instance, the law on the civic integration of
newcomers (Wet Inburgering Nieuwkomers, WIN) came into effect. According to this law, all
new immigrants except students and temporary workers had to take 600 hours of language
and social classes, which were followed by assistance in starting an education or finding
employment. In other words, it is no longer about preserving one’s own culture, more about
losing one’s own culture and adjustment to the dominant society. Immigration policies have
been further modified in recent years. The most significant change has been the
introduction of a new aliens law (the ‘VreemdelingenWet 2000’, VW 2000), which came into
effect in 2001. This law aimed to discourage immigration for the purpose of family
formation, especially from Turkey and Morocco, and to prevent fake marriages. A Dutch
citizen or resident must have an income of at least 100% of the minimum family income, an
employment contract for at least one year and be at least 21 years of age. The spouse who
comes to the Netherlands also has to be at least 21 and he/she must wait outside the
Netherlands for the permit, except if he/she comes from the US, Japan, Switzerland,
Australia or an EU member state. These exceptions are based on bilateral treaties, but they
also reflect the fear that people from other countries are more likely to be economic
immigrants who use marriage as a way to enter the country (Hagendoorn, et al, 2003).
The naturalization regulations changed with new immigration policies. In 1985, a
new citizenship law replaced an older law from 1892 that had facilitated access to
citizenship for second generation descendents of immigrants. Dutch-born children of
immigrants can opt for Dutch citizenship between the ages of 18 and 25. The third
generation (second generation born in the Netherlands) automatically receives Dutch
citizenship at birth (Hagendoorn et al, 2003). Immigrants who have been married to a Dutch
citizen longer than three years or who have lived legally in the country for longer than five
years could apply for Dutch citizenship. In 2003, granting citizenship was no longer seen as
a means of facilitating integration, but more as a reward that should only be given to people
who have proven that they have integrated successfully (Vermeulen, 2000).The
18
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
naturalization requirements were stricter, as applicants had to show that they had no
serious criminal record and they also had to complete a modest oral exam to test their
Dutch language abilities. In 2005, the approach to citizenship got even tougher, since the
government replaced the oral test with a written exam that tests both the applicant’s
language proficiency and his/her knowledge of Dutch culture and society. The citizenship
will be granted to the applicant who drops his/her original nationality. However, there are
several exemptions to the renunciation obligation, and the law is not applied very rigidly.
Dual nationality is still often granted. (Ersanilli, 2007).
2.2.2 The current situations and development
During recent years, several new laws and policies have been implemented, .
However, it looks like the Dutch government is still struggling with the integration of
immigrants. To begin with the distance between the native population and the immigrants,
the Dutch government distinguishes immigrants and their descendants as “allochtonen”. An
allochtoon is officially defined as someone who has at least one parent who was born
outside the Netherlands. In some discussions, it is suggested to also start including people
with foreign-born grandparents, which would enable a longer-term tracking of the
population of immigrant origin (Ersanilli, 2007). I would say this distinction is a bit racist
since it continues to segregate people as not belonging to the Netherlands. Moreover, in
everyday usage the term allochtonen only refers to the non-Western group, and more
specifically Turks and Moroccans, as they are seen as the ones with the most disadvantaged
position in Dutch society and as a source of problems.
Secondly, the dual citizenship has been under discussion again. Populist politician
Geert Wilders filed a motion against two Labour Party members, Nebahat Albayrak and
Ahmet Aboutaleb, dual citizens of Turkey and Morocco, that they could not be loyal to the
Netherlands and were therefore not suitable to be members of the government. Though
none of the other political parties supported Wilders’ motion, several have argued that dual
nationality should be discouraged. However, in September 2007 the Scientific Council for
Government Policy (WRR) published a report on Dutch Identity (Identificatie met
Nederland). The council argued that dual citizenship should be allowed in the case of both
19
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
immigrants and Dutch emigrants. It also recommended that the term allochtoon be
abolished, because it continues to define people of immigrant descent as not belonging to
the Netherlands.
The civic integration course has been expanded once again in 2007. The oral exam
has been replaced by Inburgering courses which include basic knowledge of Dutch society
and Dutch language skills. Any migrants who want to live in the Netherlands permanently
have to apply for the course within 5 years as an “oudkomer”. This does not apply to those
who are studying in the Netherlands, or work there on a temporary basis. The applicant
needs to participate in classes weekly, at a minimum of 6 hours per week, until he/she
completes AT 2 level. Soon after the 30 lessons for this level have been completed, the
applicant has to attend the NT2-II exam. If s/he fails the test, s/he can be fined. The
development of the integration policy continues to tighten up the immigration possibilities.
This year, 2011, the new integration rules that the Netherlands creates to distance itself
from the idea of a multicultural society have been positively received by the governing
parties. The aim of the rule is to solve the problems surrounding integration and the
concentration of migrants in big cities. (DutchNews, 2010)
2.3 Discrimination in the Netherlands
The Equal Treatment Act provides for the establishment of an Equal Treatment
Commission, referred to as “the commission”, which started the first legal fight against
discrimination in 1971. The Criminal Code provides forequal treatment of men and women.
In 1994, the law was extended to cover the unequal treatment on grounds of gender,
marital status, race, nationality, religion, belief, political opinion and sexual orientation. This
applies to all aspects of employment and professions, e.g. advertising, recruitment,
appointment, terms and conditions of employment including salary, on the job training,
promotion and dismissal. (Havinga, 2002). The extension of the anti-discrimination law
continues to cover inequality in labor relations since 1996, including both full-time and parttime job within its scope. The law against discrimination on the grounds of racism started in
1999, and this covered the rights of migrant workers in the Netherlands, and prohibits
20
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
discrimination on the grounds of religion, personal beliefs, political orientation, race, and
sexual orientation. From September 1994 to December 2001, the commission investigated
complaints about discrimination, and almost 2500 complaints were filed. About 40% of the
complaints concerned discrimination on the basis of race or nationality. Approximately 50%
of (Dutch) Turks and (Dutch) Moroccans indicate that they have been personally confronted
with discrimination in the past year. The complaints state that Dutch employers prefer not
to, or will not, employ persons of non-Western origin. Turkish, Moroccan and Surinam
students have great difficulty finding work placement. Migrant people, especially Turks and
Moroccans, were facing the problem of discrimination, directed not only towards
themselves, but also towards persons in their immediate social environment.
Compared to the European Union stipulation in 2000, of which the new racism
regulation must apply throughout Europe, Dutch anti-discrimination laws against racism are
stricter. The regulations include a provision that in some instances, the alleged discriminator
must prove that he/she is not guilty of discrimination. Moreover, it is now laid down that
the alleged discriminator may not take adverse measures against someone who has
complained about discrimination, such as sacking that person. In addition, the police and
Public Prosecutions Department are empowered under criminal law to take action against,
for example, racial insults and incitement to hatred and violence.
21
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Chapter 3
Thai identifications
Thailand differs from other countries in Southeast Asia as the country has never been
colonized by another nation. The roots and language of Thailand are created from within.
The Thai traditions and culture rely strongly on the family, the monarchy, and the Buddhist
religion. Thais are taught to respect older people, teachers, parents, the King and Buddhist
monks. They are proud of their language and “Wai”. In this chapter, we will look at the Thai
identity, language and cultural repertoire.
3.1 The three pillars of identity
“Thai” represents independence and freedom, referring to the fact that the Thai
nation was never colonized, and therefore Thai were never forced to compromise their
ethnic identity. Ninety percent of Thais living in Thailand identify with mainstream Thai
ethnic identity. Though there are minority groups, moving into the ethnic mainstream
identity has political and social benefits (Moore, 1974). “Unofficial” identities are more
varied, since there is a long history of involvement with neighboring countries, but the
symbolic Thai identity that unites the nation, and which is symbolized by the national flag,
consists of three pillars.
Thai flag
22
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
3.1.1 First pillar
The red stripe stands for the nation (Chaat), including people, land, and language.
The red color represents the blood of previous kings, Thai soldiers, and ancestors who
scarified their lives to maintain the independence. The nation’s long history goes back for
more than 4,500 years and the country has been populated since the Chinese empire.
Before the nation was named Thailand, it was called “Siam” where Bangkok is the youngest
capital. Thais originated in northwestern Szechuan in China around the Yellow River, Huang
Ho, and the Xi river, Xi kiang. When the Thai started to suffer from Chinese incursions, they
migrated down to several areas in modern-day China, such as Yunnan, Kwangchow,
Guangdong and Guangxi. Thais living in those areas called themselves “Ai Lao”. However,
some of the Ai Lao did not want to be under Chinese rule, and moved further, to the south
of Mae Kong River. The Ai Lao split into two main groups, one settled around Mae Kong
River, which is the north of Thailand in the present time and the other one moved further to
the south, to Sukhothai, the first Kingdom and capital of Thailand.
Sukhothai was the first independent Thai Kingdom, and was dominant during from
1177 till 1350. This is considered to be the golden age of Thai culture and arts. The
Sukhothai period was the most flourishing period of Thailand, symbolized by the smiley face
of the Buddha statue. During that time in history, this land lived by the saying "Plenty of fish
in the river, plenty of food in the rice field" and was referred to as “Suwannaphum” (golden
land). King Tammaracha 2nd (Leu-Thai-song) was the last King of the Kingdom before the
Sukhothai was absorbed by the kingdom of Ayutthaya in 1350.
Ayutthaya, the capital of the Thai Kingdom, was founded by King Ramathibadee 1st
(U-Thong) in 1350. The Ayutthaya Kingdom was created through family relations, when Uthong married the daughter of King Sukhothai. As an epidemic spread throughout the
Kingdom and killed many people, U-thong gathered his people and his family, and took
them to the island where the three rivers meet, and founded the new Kingdom of
Ayutthaya. Thai society became strictly hierarchical during the Ayutthaya period. There
were, roughly, three classes of people: the top class contained the King and the royal family;
the middle class consists of the officials; and the bottom of the social scale holds the
23
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
majority: commoners and slaves. Ayutthaya was the dominant Kingdom for 417 years and
was the longest-lived Kingdom of Thailand. The Ayutthaya period was a great era for
international trade and Thailand was one of Southeast Asia's richest trading
places. However, the wealth of Ayutthaya brought back many rivals. For almost the entire
period, the Kingdom was involved in war against Cambodia, Lanna, Lanchang (Laos), Pattani,
and Burma. Eventually, the Burmese invaded Ayutthaya in 1765 and caused the biggest loss
in Thai history. Burmese soldiers burnt everything, including temples, manuscripts, and
religious sculptures, and destroyed the 417 years old Kingdom within eight days. Soon after
the invasion, King Taaksin Maharaj fought back for the independence and defeated Burma
in 1767. At first he tried to rebuild the Ayutthaya Kingdom, but since it was completely
devastated, he led his people down to the west of the Jao-Praya River, and established his
capital at Thonburi.
Thonburi is situated opposite Bangkok. The location near the mouth of the Chao
Phraya River is suitable for trading which is very important for the economy since the
country suffered considerably from the war with Burma. Under King Taaksin’s reign, the
seaport trade between Thailand and other countries boomed, especially with China. China
became the biggest trading partner and lender, since the Kingdom needed weapons, and
money to build the new capital. Additionally, King Taaksin had a Chinese father; his personal
connections helped accomplish the trade and loan agreements. He was also interested in
cultural revival, in literature and the arts. He was deeply religious and studied meditation at
an advanced level. However, political and economic conflict ended his reign, and his
general, Chao Phraya Chakri, was chosen king. He officially honored King Taaksin as “The
great” (Maharaj) for his achievements and his prowess, that rescued and united the Thai
nation during the Burmese invasion.
Rattanakosin is situated to the east of Thonburi. After Cho Phraya Chakri was
crowned King Rama I in 1782, he decided to move the capital from Thonburi to the eastern
side because Thonburi was smaller, and threatened by floods. Rattanakosin was
inaugurated on April 6, 1782, together with the coronation of Rama I, King Phutta YodFa
Chulalok, who is the primogenitor of Chakri, the dynasty of the current King Rama IX,
24
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Bhumibol Adulyadej. There were many significant changes during the Rattanakosin period,
for instance, the major reproduction of Ayutthaya classical literature during the reign of King
Rama II, King Phuttha lertlard; King Rama IV, King Mongkut, who lived as a Buddhist monk
for 27 years and was interested in western science, introduced Thammayuthi Buddism,
which focuses on the philosophy of Lord Buddha, and reshaped the behavior of Thai monks.
He also created new laws to improve women's and children's rights, opened new waterways
and roads, and created the first printing press. King Rama X, King Chulalongkorn, introduced
schools, roads, and railways, opened Thailand's first post office, freed the slaves, and
developed relations with European nations and the USA. The monarchy was ended during
the reign of King Rama VII, King Pokklao. The King himself introduced the westernized
government system to the country and changed Siam's form of government from an
absolute monarchy to a democracy. Ever since, Thailand is ruled by an elected government.
The country's name was officially changed from "Siam" to "Thailand" in 1946, including a
new Thai national anthem.
3.1.2 Second pillar
Represent by the white band in the flag, religion (satsana) is commonly understood
as Buddhism, since the majority of the Thai population is Buddhists. The state religion of
Thailand is Theravada Buddhism, which originated in India, and over 95% of the Thai
population is Buddhist (Mulder, 1990). Buddhism plays a big role in Thai life and has
enormously influenced Thai culture, norms, social values and traditions. Thai Buddhists
believe in reincarnation: every person has several lives, and each act in previous and present
lives (karma) will affect the current life and future life to an extent. The concept of karma,
the law of cause and effect, suggests that selfishness, revenge and violence lead to great
suffering, while love, respect and unselfish thought would give you a better state of mind.
The true path to peace is to eliminate all desire, defined as 'nirvana'.Thai Buddhism
preaches that one has to travel in reincarnation circles for many years to understand the
lessons of desire elimination. Nirvana is a state free of suffering, or further rebirth, in which
a person simply is, and is completely at one. The best karma that one can do for oneself and
the parents is ordination. It is a tradition that when a man reaches 25 years, he should
25
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
ordinate and learns Buddhist practice in the temple, in which he is educated to be a “full”
human with an awareness of selfishness, violence and Dangerous Allurements.
3.1.3 Third pillar
Represented in blue, the King (phramahakesat), or monarchy, constitutes a strong
and unifying national symbol (Teachout, 2005). "The Thai picture of the world would be
incomplete without the King's image in the center, for the King embodies the values of
national unity. His person molds the society of villages into a nation sharing common values
and moving toward a common destiny (Moore, p. 15, 1974). The King's symbolic image is
ubiquitous, as evidenced by pictures of him hung above the head at home, the social
practice of playing, and respectfully standing for, the King's song before the commencement
of movies or other forms of entertainment (Teachout, 2005). Thais say the King is the
strongest symbol of Thai identity because of the fact that the development of the country
has depended on the help of the King for more than 200 years. Since the constitution of the
monarchy in the Ayuttaya period, the King was the only one who ruled the country. In the
old days, the King was a god who was respected, trusted and cherished. In the present
period of Rattanukosin, the period of democracy, the King has to obey the constitution, and
the present King is still working hard to develop the country. Thais tend to rely more on the
help of the King and the Royal family than on a government perceived as corrupted. The
reputation that has been built over hundreds of years has made the King revered, honored,
and loved by Thais, especially the current King Bhumibol (Rama IX), who came to power in
1946 and is now the world's longest reigning monarch.
3.2 Thai language
The Thai language is tightly linked to that culture and identity, for example in the
way it stipulates different ways to address people in order to show varying degrees of
respect or acknowledgement of a person's social rank. In general, it is also strongly related
to the institutions of the King and Buddhism. The Thai language (Pa saa Thai) is part of the
Tai language family. It consists of mostly monosyllabic words. In 1283, King Ramakamhaeng
of Sukhothai created the first Thai script, basing it on Mon, Khmer, Pali and Sanskrit scripts
which were themselves derived from an older South Indian script. Phonologically, the
26
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
language’s tonal character has been impacted by Chinese. The influence in Thai script and
tone reflects that the Thai adopted religion from South India and traded with China since
the Sukhothai Empire (1249- 1438). The modern Thai language, especially its syntax and
vocabulary, has also been influenced by English, since Hollywood movies and other sources
of entertainment have a big impact on modern life.
Thai script
The Thai alphabet uses forty-four consonants and fifteen basic vowel characters.
These are horizontally placed, written from left to right, with no intervening spaces, to form
syllables, words, and sentences. Vowels are written above, below, before, or after the
consonant they modify, although the consonant always comes first when the syllable is
spoken. The vowel characters (and a few consonants) can be combined in various ways to
produce numerous compound vowels. The pronunciation of a word is independent of its
meaning for instance same word could be pronounced the same but mean differently. The
Thai language is tonal, and uses five different tones to indicate meaning, question and
mood. These five tones called mid, low, high, rising, and falling. Because tone can
differentiate between different words, it is easy to be misunderstood or cause confusion
when one pronounces a word incorrectly. The grammar of the Thai language is quite simple,
as words are not modified or conjugated for tense, plural, gender, or subject-verb
27
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
agreement. Also, Thai does not use articles such as "a", "an", or "the". Tenses, levels of
politeness, verb-to-noun conversion, and other structural features are accomplished with
the addition of various modifying words (called "particles") to the basic subject-verb-object
format. (Wilaiwan, 2010)
Standard Thai is spoken nationwide, with regional dialects differing widely. There are
four major dialects, corresponding to the southern (Pa saa tai), northern (Pa saa neua),
north-eastern (Pa saa e-saan), and central regions of the country; the latter is called Pa saa
klang (Bangkok Thai) and is taught in all schools, is used for most television broadcasts, and
is widely understood in all regions. Within standard Thai, language use varies depending on
the social circumstances. We can divide it into four different varieties, in addition, these
four types relate to the three pillars of identity. These varieties are sociolects, not dialects,
and should not be confused with the four primary geographical dialects. These four varieties
share the same grammar, but differ in lexical choices. The first variety is used in
conversation or writing addressed to the King and the royal family. For instance, “sa whĕy”
means eat and is used in this variety; we will see that the other varieties use other lexemes.
The second variety is used with Buddhist monks, the word for ‘eat’ is “chũn”. The third
variety is for formal circumstances, official speaking and writing, communication with older
people and to show general respect to the person you are talking to. “Rub pra taan” is this
variety’s means to convey ‘eat’. Finally, the fourth type of language use applies in common
everyday situations, and reflects a close relationship with the person with whom you
interact. The word for ‘eat’ is “kin” in this variety.
3.3 Culture and society
Thai culture has developed for over 600 years and is reflected in the behavior,
customs and beliefs of the Thai people today. The culture shares its roots with ancient India,
China, and many other countries in Southeast Asia, and has been heavily influenced by
Hinduism and Buddhism. However, culture is a complex phenomenon and could refer to
many things in society, such as food, art, belief, music, clothes, etc. This paper will offer a
28
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
description of Thai culture in the fields of behavior and belief, and also addresses the Thai
smile, a symbol of the country.
3.3.1 The “Wai” and “Graab”
Thai Wai
The Wai is the way Thai people show respect to each other; greeting, apologizing or
thanking, co-occurs with a gesture like in the above pictures, a slight bow with the palms
together as in a prayer position, and bended knees for women. The Wai has three different
levels depending on the level of whom you greet. The highest respect goes to Buddhist
monks and the King, with the two thumbs touching between the eyebrows. The second level
of Wai, with the two thumbs raised to the nose is used to show respect to parents, older
people, teachers or anyone who has higher social status. The third position is used to show
respect to anyone who is slightly older than you or to brother and sisters. In this position, it
is not necessarily to bow as much as in the previous two positions, and the position of the
two thumbs can be anywhere between chest and the edge of your chin. You shouldn’t Wai
anyone who is younger than you since Thai people believe that would shorten the life of the
younger person.
29
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Thai grab
“Graab” is similar to Wai in the way of showing respect. However, “Graab” creates a
deeper feeling of respect, almost like worship and isn’t a common greeting like Wai.
Normally, Graab is used on special occasions, for instance mother’s day, father’s day,
teacher’s day, Buddhist practice, and to show the highest respect to the King Its basis lies in
the fact that Thais believe that the head is the significant place where the guardian angel
remains and the foot is the lowest and dirtiest organ of the body. It is considered rude if you
stand over someone’s head or point at something with your foot. Thus, when one bows to
the ground and touches the feet with the head, this means that the addressee is considered
a very important and precious person.
3.3.2 Thai Demeanour
Thais place great emphasis and value on forms of courtesy, such as politeness,
respect, good behavior and self-control, in order to maintain friendly relations. There are
many “socially accepted” rules for proper behavior, influenced by the Buddhist religion. The
social rules request that people should avoid loud talk, excessive, demonstrative gestures,
open criticism, or any behavior that makes people lose face. In Thailand, public dispute or
showing anger must be avoided in any case since it is conceived as a form of violence that
hurts and offends the other person, which in turn could cause further violence and tragedy.
30
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Criticism towards the King is not only illegal but also unacceptable for most Thai people. It is
wiser to avoid a strong opinion about the king, unless it is positive.
3.3.3 Addressing People
The common initial forms of address such as Mr., Mrs., Ms., or Miss that are used
worldwide are also used in Thailand. However, Thai people do not use such forms in the
spoken language, or in formal written documents. The best word with which to address
someone respectably is “Khun”. Khun doesn’t specify the gender of the addressee, but
shows respect and politeness to the person. Khun is usually put in front of the first name
(given name), for instance if you were named William van den Bosch you will hear yourself
introduced as Khun William. Furthermore, the polite way to address people has to end with
“Krub” or “Kha” whenever you finish a sentence. If you are a man you would use the word
“Krub” to end your sentence for example, Khun William, what would you like to eat krub?
Similar for females, if you are a woman you would use the word “Kha” to end your sentence
for example, Khun William, what would you like to eat kha?
3.3.4 Hierarchical society
The influence of Indian culture on Thai culture shows in the hierarchical
relationships. Social relationships are defined as one person being superior to the other. The
King ranks the highest class, parents are superior to their children, teachers to their
students, bosses to employees, richer persons to poorer persons and highly educated
people rank higher than lower educated ones. The social levels also include the role of wives
and husbands, with husbands ranking higher. The status can be determined by clothing and
general appearance, age, job, family name, and social connections. When you are
introduced in a Thai group, it is likely that you are asked questions that might seem very
personal in other cultures, since Thais will immediately try to place you within a hierarchy,
so that they know how you should be treated.
31
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Chapter 4
Methodology
This research was conducted in the Netherlands between February and July 2011 in order to
determine whether the different types of immigrants significantly differ in their
acculturation and identification as Thai people in the Netherlands. In order to answer these
research questions, the researcher selected Thai migrants with the two types of
backgrounds sketched in Chapter 1. The research took place in four cities: Amsterdam, Den
Haag, Utrecht and Eindhoven, where a Thai festival, events, a student conference and
Buddhist practice were organized during the time of the study. The participants are divided
into two groups, identified as students and workers. Students entered the country for
education purposes, and workers immigrated to the Netherlands for low-paid jobs or to
follow a Dutch spouse. These two groups of participants have clear differentiations in family
background, educational profile, and the purpose of immigration to the Netherlands.
4.1 Research Design
4.1.1 Sample Description: Ethnographic field work
Since the study deals with sensitive issues, relating to legal and individual issues,
ethnographic field work is the logical choice for the methodology to be used. Ethnographic
field work aims to find out things that people are often not actively aware of, and things
that belong to the implicit structures of their life. The voice they project in conversation and
discussion must be taken seriously. Field work took place between February and July 2011.
Before the start of the session, the interviewer was introduced to the participants, from the
middle of 2010 on, to build a comfortable environment and relationship. This was necessary
because some participants were sensitive about their background and wary of interviews.
The interview started with some informal talk during a Thai festival, a student conference
and a dinner, during which the interviewer didn’t begin with questioning the participants,
but instead used the conversation to set up the interview. Interviews were conducted with
12 participants, five males and seven females. The average age of the participants was 31
years. Six of the participants, all female, migrated to the Netherlands with a Dutch spouse;
the other half migrated for study purposes. The aim of descriptive research is to uncover
32
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
specifics of the social relationships and personal attitudes that stimulate the answers
participants give in the questionnaire, and also to further interpret some of the results of
the quantitative research. Moreover, this method allows a flexible approach, thus, when
important new issues arise during the study, further investigation may be conducted.
4.1.2 Quantitative data
Quantitative data were also collected, through a survey of the attitudes of a larger
group of Thai immigrants. Questionnaires were handed out to a total of sixty participants,
33 students and 27 workers. The questionnaire contained 23 questions, which divided over
three sections. The first section aimed to identify the type of acculturation that Thai
immigrants opted for, in order to understand how Thai immigrants adapt to the host
country. This section contained two questions that were taken from Berry’s Bidimensional
Acculturation Model (1997), which identifies the four types of acculturation in immigrants
discussed in Chapter 2.
Berry acculturation model (1997)
The second section contained eleven questions which studied the identity of participants on
the scale of Psychological acculturation (PAS). These questions were adapted from Stevens
et al’s (2004) psychological acculturation patterns that studied an individual’s sense of
emotional attachment to the native culture, in this case Moroccan immigrants in the
Netherlands. This questionnaire was itself developed from the psychological acculturation
scale of Tropp et al (1999), used for the study of Anglo American and Latino-Hispanic
33
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
cultures. The final section contained ten questions that explored Thai communities and to
see to what degree Thai immigrants rely on these communities. These questions were
adapted from a social support questionnaire of the Syrian center for tobacco study (Ward,
et. al, 2006).
4.2 Contact and participants
4.2.1 Contact
Before I started this research I was aware that I was only in contact with Thai
students, not with workers. I then started to attend many Thai organizations which gathered
various kinds of Thai immigrants. By visiting, calling and emailing contact persons of Thai
student organizations, Thai restaurant owners, cleaning services and Thai temples, I gained
access to my respondents. Interviewing or handing out questionnaires to Thai students was
not difficult, as I had been a member of a Thai students’ organization since 2008, but the
most difficult part was to gain the confidence of the Thai workers, because some of them
live in the Netherlands illegally, work illegally, are involved in the prostitution business, and
feel offended by educated people. Thus I started to introduce myself and get acquainted
with the workers from August 2010 on, starting with visits to Buddhist practice, and dinners
at the restaurants where they work. I invited them over my place and went to a Thai fair
with them. By the beginning of 2011, we were “friends” and shared some private stories. In
the meantime, I attended a Thai students’ meeting and communicated with them via phone
and Facebook regularly. Later, in February 2011, I started to interview and hand out
questionnaires to the workers and students. The data collection ended in July 2011.
4.2.2 Participants
The thesis included 60 Thai participants of which twelve also took part in the
ethnographic field work. Ages ranged from 23 to 48 years, with a mean age of 31.5 years.
The participants were divided into two groups, identified as students and workers. Students
entered the country for education purposes; workers include both participants who
immigrated to the Netherlands for low-paid jobs and those that followed a Dutch spouse.
The group of students included 33 participants, 17 of them female and 16 male. The average
age of the student group was 27.9 years. The group of workers included 27 participants, 24
34
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
of them female. The average age of this group was 35.8 years. The duration of their stay in
The Netherlands ranged from one to ten years, with an average of 2.9 years. The group of
students had lived in the Netherlands for an average of 1.4 years; for the workers this
average was 4.7 years.
Twelve participants were chosen for ethnographic field work. The selection was
based on the principle that I wanted to gather a variety of opinions, family backgrounds, and
integration experiences. After the first session of data collection finished, I introduced
myself to them as “friend”, not “researcher”. After several phone calls and interactions on
social networks, such as Facebook, I was allowed to join their activities, conferences and
dinners. What follows is a brief introduction of the twelve participants.
Pitoon (Male, 28) described himself as an international person who has no ethnic
identity since he lived abroad for many years. He was born and raised in Chonburi, a small
province near the Gulf of Thailand. He has been living in the Netherlands for two years and
finds himself fully integrated into Dutch culture and society. He said that it is more
compatible with his own ideals than Thai culture, which he finds way too superficial,
hypocrite and conservative.
Yanin (Male, 24) grew up in a rich family that owns one of the biggest hospitals in
Thailand. He has never worked and gets full financial support from his family to study in the
Netherlands, which he has been doing since 2003. All of his friends in the Netherlands are
Thai students whom he met at Thai student conferences. He doesn’t want to be friends with
other kinds of Thai immigrants since they have nothing in common with him. At the same
time, Yanin doesn’t hold negative views about somebody having a prostitution background,
and is against social stereotypes.
Kitikoon (Male, 28) always felt that Thai culture has much room for improvement
and is oldfashioned. Kitikoon’s parents are rich and attempted to raise him to be a posh
man. Somehow Kitikoon doesn’t agree with the way he was raised and seeks his own
35
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
friends and community. He thinks that the hierarchical society of Thailand is a shallow
system, concerned too much with money and image.
Chol (Male, 29) grew up with strict rules, as his family has held high-ranking political
positions for more than 200 years, since King Rama the first, so protecting the family fame is
the most important task for each family member. Chol was raised with the same pattern as
other members in the family, studying at the same high school and graduating with at least
a Bachelor degree. Chol is the president of a Thai student association and is a PhD student in
economy. He is proud of his achievements and appreciates that he could complete the
family task. He recently broke up with a girl who had been approved by his parents and
secretly dated a Dutch classmate. Chol admitted that sometimes he wants to do something
very wild to compensate for his controlled life.
Kukiat (Male, 33) was born and raised in ii-saan, the poorest area of Thailand. In
contrary to other ii-saan people, he doesn’t agree that it is necessary to come to Bangkok
for work and study. He is proud of his ii-saan background and never wants to settle
anywhere else. He will soon finish his PhD in Renal Physiology, and is excited to bring back
his knowledge to improve conditions in his home land.
Sinitnat (Female, 27) moved to live here at the end of 2009 after her mom remarried with a Dutch guy in 2007. She always misses home in Bangkok and finds it difficult
to live in the Netherlands. She doesn’t have Dutch friends and is not interested in learning
the Dutch language, culture or even eat Dutch food. She feels that Dutch people are rude
and stingy.
Noi (Female, 48) is Sininat’s mother. She once worked as a science teacher in Surin,
Thailand, but she has to work as a cleaner in the Netherlands because of language
problems. Noi can speak basic Dutch and recently passed her inburgering course. The fact
that she immigrated to the Netherlands for the purpose of marriage allows her to meet
many Thai women, but Noi doesn’t feel comfortable around them because most of the Thai
women have a background in prostitution, and care only about money.
36
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Pawadee (Female, 25) came to study in the Netherlands in August 2009 with her
friend. Personally, she is not interested in the country, culture or language, but she doesn’t
have any problems living here since she spent her childhood in Singapore, a country with an
international culture. She flies back to Thailand around three times a year which means she
has never spent even two weeks of holidays in the Netherlands. The reason is that her life in
Thailand is much more comfortable, with her own driver, housekeeper and chef. She has no
intention to work in the Netherlands, though she had job offers from Phillips and Heineken,
and she wants to help her father extend the family company.
Pui (Female, 29) married an Italian husband and moved to the Netherlands three
years ago. She works as a chef in a Chinese restaurant in Eindhoven. Before Pui married, she
worked at a bar in Patpong (the red light area in Bangkok). Pui was raised in a poor peasant
family in ii-saan. In the Netherlands, Pui knows several women who worked in Patpong but
she doesn’t want to socialize with them. Pui found them arrogant and selfish; also, Pui want
to start her new life here and wants to be known as a girl who comes from a rich family in
Bangkok. She is getting a divorce from her Italian husband, and plans to marry a young
Dutch guy who she met at work.
Trisai (Female, 27) recently got her Master’s degree in Finland and came to look for a
job in the Netherlands in July 2010. She is fascinated by Dutch social values, culture and art.
However, her parents disagree with her ideas and want her to come back to work in the
family import and export business.
Sawitree (Female, 39) was born and raised in Bangkok. After her university
graduation, she moved to live in Sweden with her family. That is where she met her Dutch
husband and decided to move to the Netherlands with him in 2004. Sawitree knows several
Thai women in the Netherlands, but she decided not to develop the friendship with those
women since they were prostitutes and only interested in gambling and partying.
Nun (Female, 48) came to the Netherlands on a tourist visa in 1999 and decided to
stay illegally ever since. She is a single mom but since she moved to the Netherlands she had
37
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
to leave her son with her parents. Nun is planning to go back to Thailand in 2012 because
she is suffering from kidney disease and is not able to go to a doctor as she doesn’t have
health insurance. Nun is living with a Dutch partner but he doesn’t have a good income and
doesn’t want to support her financially, so she doesn’t regret leaving him behind.
4.3 Materials
The participants completed a survey. In addition to personal background information
(age, gender, year of immigration, marital status, occupation and purpose of immigration),
these included three sections: type of acculturation (integration, assimilation, separation
and marginalization), identity of participants on the Scale of Psychological Acculturation
(PAS) and links to Thai communities. The type of acculturation was measured by two yes or
no questions: “Is it important to maintain Thai cultural identity and characteristics?” and “Is
it considered to be of value to maintain relationships with Dutch people?” These questions
were based on Berry’s (1997) Bidimensional model, which identifies types of acculturation.
The questions that relate to participants’ identity and their links with the Thai community
were measured with 5- point scales (strongly agree, agree, moderately agree, disagree and
strongly disagree). The measure of identity relied on the Scale of Psychological Acculturation
(PAS), adapted from Stevens et al’s (2004) psychological acculturation patterns, a study of
the individual’s sense of emotional attachment to the culture of the community. The PAS
was translated into Thai and handed to each participant.
D-PAS (Dutch Psychological Acculturation Scale)
Dutch people understand me.
I understand Dutch people.
I feel comfortable with Dutch people.
I have a lot in common with Dutch people.
I feel proud to be a part of Dutch culture.
I share most of my beliefs and values with Dutch people.
M-PAS (Moroccan Psychological Acculturation Scale)
I feel comfortable with Moroccan people.
38
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
I understand Moroccan people.
Moroccan people understand me.
I have a lot in common with Moroccan people.
I share most of my beliefs and values with Moroccan people.
I feel proud to be a part of Moroccan culture.
Confirmative Factor Analyses on the Adapted PAS for Adult and Adolescent Moroccan Immigrants from Stevens
et al, 2004.
This part included twelve statements such as “I feel comfortable with Thai people”,
“I feel proud to be a part of Thai culture”, “Dutch people understand me” and “I share most
of my beliefs and values with Dutch people”. The support of communities was based on a
questionnaire developed for a study by the Syrian center for tobacco (STCS) (2006). This
section was composed of ten questions, such as “There is a special Thai person with whom
you can share joys and sorrows”, “You can count on your Thai friends when things go
wrong”, “the Thai community in the Netherlands could make you feel better when you feel
out of place or homesick” and “the Thai community, e.g. temples or students’ association,
makes your life in the Netherlands happier”
After all surveys had been filled in, the ethnographic fieldwork was undertaken.
Ethnographic fieldwork aims to find out things that people are often not actively aware of,
things that belong to the implicit structures of their life; it is a “study of language to find its
roots in anthropology, which offers a distinct ontology that situates language deeply in
social life” (Blommaert & Dong, 2009). The field work included interviews with twelve
participants and observations of their activities, behavior, attitudes, lifestyle, etc. All their
output and acts were taken into account, and transcribed, for instance: Conversation about
Thai community with Pui (female, 29; all Thai utterances translated into English)
Pui: I don’t know ummmm (look away) they like me when they want to borrow
money but they gossip about me behind my back (looks into interviewer’s eyes and stresses
her voice)
39
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
The voices of participants, including group discussion they were involved in and individual
talk, were divided to eight sound files. However, not entire conversations were recorded
since they usually also involved other subjects that are not related to this thesis. The sound
files were therefore modified and rearranged before the transcription procedure. The
duration of sound files was around 2- 7 minutes.
40
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Chapter 5
Results
The results in this chapter are consistently divided into analyses of the quantitative data and
of the interview data. The results are presented in three sections. The first examines the
type of acculturation in the two Thai immigrant groups. The second section describes the
degree of maintenance of Thai identification, and the final section explores the relations of
Thai immigrants within their own community. The interview data extend the quantitative
data, and help explaining the reasons behind the four answers which yielded significant
differences between the two groups of participants.
5.1 Descriptive data analyses
5.1.1 Types of acculturation
The first section contained two questions that identify the type of acculturation.
According to the integration model of Berry (1997), immigrants who want to hold on to their
ethnic identity and are also willing to build a relationship to the host country choose the
acculturation type called ‘integration’. Fifty five participants answer “Yes” to the question
“Is it important to maintain Thai cultural identity and characteristics?”
Of the five
participants who answered “No” to this question, four were students. These informants
disagree that it is important to maintain a Thai ethnic identification.
N
Mean
SD
Students
33
.879
.331
Workers
27
.963
.192
41
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Of the two groups of participants, 29 students and 26 workers agreed that it is important to
maintain Thai cultural identity and characteristics. There was no significant difference in
these two groups Sig (.248), P≤ .05
Figure 1 show the answers in acculturation
All 60 participants answered “Yes” to the second question “Is it considered to be of value to
maintain relationships with other groups?” Hence, the results of the first section showed
that Thai participants chose to hold on to their Thai ethnic background and at the same time
valued having a relationship with the Dutch, thus their preferred type of acculturation is
integration.
5.1.2 The maintenance of Thai identification
This section followed Stevens’ confirmative factor analyses which used six items
measuring the participant’s sense of emotional attachment and belonging; the questions
were rated on a 5 point Likert scale. The questionnaire was translated into Thai and handed
out to each participant.
Means
Questions
Q-3. Thai people understand
SD
Students Workers Students Workers
(33)
(27)
(33)
(27)
3.42
3.0
0.751
0.832
42
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
me.
Q-9. I feel comfortable with
3.18
3.55
0.769
0.577
3
3.51
0.707
0.643
Dutch people.
Q-10. I feel proud to be a part
of Dutch culture.
The independent samples t-test analyses revealed significant differences between
the two groups on three questions. For the statement “Thai people understand me”,
students (M= 3.42, SD= 0.751) scored significantly higher than workers (M=3.0, SD=0.832); t
(58) = -2.073, p= 0.43. Workers agreed significantly more often with the statements “I feel
comfortable with Dutch people” (students: M= 3.18, SD= 0.769; workers: M=3.55, SD=0.577;
t (58) = 2.089, p= 0.41) and “I feel proud to be a part of Dutch culture” (students: M= 3.0,
SD= 0.707 and workers: M=3.51, SD=0.643; t (58) = 2.943, p= 0.005.
The opinions of students about the degree to which they feel comfortable among
Thai people and whether or not Thai people understand them are significantly different
from the results of the workers. Workers feel more comfortable around Dutch people and
feel more pride about being part of Dutch culture. However, “Thai people” may not have
been interpreted as Thai citizens in general, but more as members within their own groups.
This will be elaborated in the discussion of the interview data.
5.1.3 The relations of Thai immigrants towards their own community
On three answers in the third section of the questionnaire significant differences
were found between the students and the workers.
Means
Questions
(SD)
Students
Workers
(33)
(27)
Q-12. You prefer to discuss your problem that you
3.5
2.81
found in the Netherlands with Thai friends rather than
(1.173)
(1.039)
with Dutch friends.
43
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Q-15. You can count on your Thai friends when things
4.06
3.33
go wrong.
(0.899)
(1.177)
Q-19. You feel comfortable with Dutch friends as well
3.06
3.70
as Thai friends.
(0.933)
(0.912)
Students (M= 3.5, SD= 1.173) prefer to discuss their problems with Thai friends
rather than with Dutch friends significantly more often than workers (M=2.81, SD=1.039); t
(58) = -2.629, p= 0.011. To the question “You can count on your Thai friends when things go
wrong”, students(M= 4.06, SD= 0.899) answered significantly more positive than workers
(M=3.33, SD=1.177); t (58) = -2.713, p= 0.009. Finally, the scores on the statement “You feel
comfortable with Dutch friends as well as Thai friends” were significantly different, with
students (M= 3.06, SD= 0.933) scoring lower than workers (M=3.70, SD=0.912); t (58) =
2.682, p= 0.01.
At first sight it seems that students are more attached to their own group and have
less friendly contact with Dutch people. However, the interview data showed that this has
nothing to do with cultural differences or family background, but more with the fact that
they have different interests.
Furthermore, workers merge easier into Dutch society
because they have more personal relations, usually takes to their Dutch spouses. These
findings are explained further in the interview part below.
5.2 Interview interpretation
The second step of the interpretation of the data aims to find out the reasons for
different answers in the two groups of participants. The interview was focused only on the
answers that were found to significantly differ, i.e. to questions about the maintenance of
Thai identity and about the relations of Thai immigrants within their own community.
5.2.1 The maintenance of Thai identity
Question: Thai people understand me.
I found that these two groups of participants mostly communicate within their
group, so students mainly socialized with students and the group of workers only
44
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
communicates among themselves. The reason is not as complicated as I thought, as I
thought it had to do with different backgrounds or the social hierarchy. The cause of
separation is simply that they share no interests. Yanin (24) explained that he knows several
Thai women in the Netherlands but the friendship is quite shallow since he shares nothing in
common with them. He said that those women are much older than him and are interested
in domestic activities like cooking, raising kids and marriage matters. So when he socialized
with them he could only listen to their talks and not able to exchange in conversation. Thus,
“Thai people” in this context refers to the Thai people within a group. The results show that
Thai students think that they understand each other more than the group of workers, who
have less group-internal understanding. According to Nun (48), it is sometimes hard to
explain what she wants to her friend.
“Now I don’t have so many friends anymore, they don’t understand why I like to stay
home and grow strawberries and Thai herbs. They think my husband is stingy, you know like
common Dutch (Laugh). I just don’t like to waste money and time in the clubs and casinos.
Maybe, I have become more Dutch than Thai now”.
Somehow, in Nun’s opinion, wasting money in casinos and clubs are typical of Thai
identity, while living a simple domestic life and saving money is part of Dutch identity. In
addition, Nun thinks this image might be attached to those women who formerly worked in
the clubs, so that they got used to partying every night, and it is hard to get rid of this
behavior. In contrary, Pawadee (25) found that the Dutch identity involves alcoholic drinks
and clubs, while Thais enjoy simple things and tasty food. She said that Thai students
understand her very well and are compatible with her more than her international friends.
She said that Thai friends share a similar sense of humor and favorite activities, especially
eating tasty food. When they have trouble at school or miss home, they like to cook Thai
food and watch Thai series together.
“My Dutch classmates sometime invite me to their party but I don’t like clubbing. I
found it too loud and I don’t drink. I usually hang out with Thai friends. We normally eat out,
45
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
cook together and watch Thai series on YouTube. My Dutch classmates do not like to eat out
but I’d rather spend money on nice food than drinks”.
Question: I feel comfortable with Dutch people.
The answer to this question is somewhat related to the previous one, “Thai people
understand me”. Thai students enjoy the company within the group and find it more
difficult to socialize with Dutch friends. However, Thai workers find it complicated to
communicate within their own group, since conflicts have occurred; they feel more
comfortable with people outside their group. Moreover, the group of workers immigrated
by following their Dutch spouses, so they have better possibilities to get familiar with and
understand Dutch people than Thai students, who have no attachment to the country of
education. Yanin (24) said that he feels more comfortable with Thai friends than with Dutch
ones because the similarity in language, beliefs and values makes him feel at home.
“It is like we eat the same food and talk the same language so you know I can be
myself like when I’m at home. I can make word jokes and talk about movie stars or music
and they laugh so they know exactly who I am. But I don’t get Dutch jokes, I don’t like Dutch
food and I don’t watch Dutch TV so I feel like I’m an outsider among the Dutch group. And
I’m tempted to explain my jokes to them because they won’t understand me anyway.”
Yanin’s opinion differs from that of Noi (48), who is married to a Dutch guy and has
been living in the Netherlands since 2007. Noi admits that sometimes she feels
uncomfortable making new Thai friends because some of them have a background in
prostitution. Some Thais have may think that she was a prostitute and treat her badly.
“Well, you know, I meet lower class people at work, like Thai prostitutes or low
educated people, I don’t mind them but I have to admit that we are different. We have
different interests so it makes me bored when I get involved in their conversation…......... I
have dark skin and come from ii-saan area, thus the first judgment I get from Thai people is
that I am a prostitute and Frank (her husband) must have got me in a bar (laugh). The
46
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
thought alone doesn’t bother me, but the way Thai people look at me is really disgusting.
(stress the tone and look away)
Question: I feel proud to be a part of Dutch culture.
The results for this question align with the previous question, which shows that Thai
workers feel more comfortable with Dutch people while Thai students have less interest to
interact with the Dutch. According to the interviews, Dutch people accept Thai workers
without any doubts about their backgrounds, social positions or educational achievement.
In addition, Dutch society is individualistic, so Thai workers feel they can express themselves
independently, without worries about social image and social ranks. On the other hand, Thai
people usually socialize with Thais from the same social category, for instance having similar
levels of education, family backgrounds, financial positions, etc. Some of the Thai
immigrants experienced social pressure until they emigrated. They admitted that it is almost
impossible to be accepted and respected in Thai society unless you are rich. The fact that
Thai people are generally keen on Western culture benefits them as they experience a high
degree of social acceptance in The Netherlands.
“ Aoooi (Thai exclamation) kon baan nok!! (slightly insulting word for people from
outside Bangkok) that’s the way their look at me, until they see the euro in my pocket and
the label on my dress, then they shut their mouth and treat me like a princess” (laughing
hard). Nun (48)
In my opinion, it seems like Thai workers are proud to be a part of Dutch culture
because when they identify themselves as Thai immigrants in the Netherlands, they are
accepted easier in Thai society than they were before emigration. It is like “being Dutch” is a
good label to re-enter Thai society with. Thus it is not clear whether they are proud to be a
part of Dutch culture because of successful social integration or whether it is for their own
benefits.
47
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
5.2.2 The relations of Thai immigrants towards their own community
Question: You prefer to discuss your problems in the Netherlands with Thai friends
rather than with Dutch friends.
After I saw the lower scores for the Thai workers, I assumed that they wouldn’t want
to discuss their problems with Thais because they don’t have many Thai friends or feel
uncomfortable socializing with Thais. In any case, this result differed from what I expected;
apparently, it is not a matter of being mentally comfortable, but of preferring to solve the
problems themselves. According to Pui (29), it’s not a matter of trust, but since most of her
problems relate to financial issues, she wouldn’t want to discuss this with Thai friends who
she often knows to have limited money as well. She wouldn’t discuss her problems with
Dutch friends either because she feels that financial issues are very sensitive in Dutch
culture. The results for the Thai students are in agreement with the previous answers,
which show that Thai students feel more comfortable within their group, and think that Thai
people understand them better than Dutch people do.
Question: You can count on your Thai friends when things go wrong.
There are two factors that influenced the results: the age of group members and the
nature of the community group. In general, the older participants have more serious
problems. This certainly applies to the Thai workers. Most of them are older than the
students, thus their problems are mostly about marriage, work, children and financial
issues, while the problems faced by Thai students mostly have to do with their exams, which
seem easier to solve than family-related problems. The interview data showed that Thai
students usually discuss their study problems with their Thai friends while Thai workers
chose to keep their problems quiet. Sawitree (39) told me that she has never expected any
help from Thai people in the Netherlands because she knows that most of them already
have heavy problems on their own shoulders. Also, her problems sometimes involve
personal matters, thus making them public may make things worse, e.g. if her friends
couldn’t find a solution but would instead spread her stories through the community. In
contrast, Thai students like to ask for help from friends. In the words of Sininart (27):
“Studying in the Netherlands is very difficult and I wanted to give up so many times. But
48
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
when I talked to Thai friends here, I found that they also have a difficult time like me, so I
got a lot of advice from them, which helped me very much. Without the help of friends, I
would have given up and gone home ages ago.”
Student Sport day, sponsored by Thai embassy
The nature of the community is a second issue that can trouble friendship among the
Thai workers. During my ethnographic field work, I found that the community of Thai
students is organized on a more official level. The Thai embassy is involved and supports the
community financially, while the communities of Thai workers, apart from the Thai temples,
are organized privately, on the basis of individual initiative. Thus, the group of Thai students
is one big community, united and well organized, but groups of Thai workers are many, have
few members, and are unofficial. The fact that the community of Thai students is supported
by the embassy means there is enough funding to organize activities and meetings regularly,
which provide the students with many opportunities to talk and to share their problems
between each other. On the other hand, as each community of Thai workers relies on
49
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
funding by group members, they couldn’t meet regularly and so has less opportunity to
discuss their problems with friends continuously.
Question: You feel comfortable with Dutch friends as well as Thai friends.
From the interviews with Thai workers, it emerged that they are friends with the
families of their spouses or with Dutch people to whom they were introduced by their
spouses. Thus, the Dutch friends who they know had already been “selected”, have a strong
connection to them, and share some similarities which are beneficial to forging friendship
bonds. Thai students, on the other hand, do befriend their Dutch classmates, but if the
personal characters, opinions etc are not compatible, the friendship usually stops at the end
of the course. Time spent together also influences the friendship between Thai and Dutch.
Thai workers have more chances to meet with, talk to, and learn from Dutch friends than
Thai students do, since their friends are part of the family circle, while Thai students see
Dutch friends only according to the class schedules, so that the opportunities for getting
close to Dutch friends are more limited.
Though these circumstances may have helped Thai workers to get to know Dutch
people better and feel more comfortable with them, I also learnt that Thai students make
fewer attempts to be friends with the Dutch. Many Thai students feel uncomfortable
around Dutch friends because of the differences in language, interests, attitudes and
behavior. Pawadee (25) said that her Dutch classmates already have close friends and are
not quite open to a new friendship. Sometimes, Dutch classmates invite her for lunch or
other activities, but she rarely joins them because they only speak Dutch which she doesn’t
understand. Pawadee also told me that she has nothing in common with her Dutch
classmates, so that she would rather watch TV at home than going out with her Dutch
friends.
50
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Chapter 6
Conclusion and Discussion
The results of the quantitative data show that Thai people in the Netherlands are willing to
integrate into Dutch society, but they are also proud to maintain a Thai identity. Therefore,
the acculturation strategy of Thai immigrations can be classified as integration. However,
the two groups of Thai immigrants, workers and students, turned out to have slightly
different opinions about Thai people and Dutch society. The interviews yielded more details
about their attitudes towards Thai characteristics, identity and networks. They also showed
that Thai students make friends with Thai students and that Thai workers similarly prefer to
make friends within their own group. The main reasons that students and workers both
prefer not to make friends outside their own groups have to do with differences in interests,
family backgrounds, education backgrounds, age, personal attitudes, etc.
More than 75% of the Thai students who participated in this study are from wealthy
families or educated middle class families, while more than 70% of the Thai workers in the
Netherlands come from rural areas and poor families, and have worked in the sex industry.
The differences in background between the two groups could have been expected to have
led to conflicts between them, but it turned out to be the other way around. During the
interviews, I found that many workers exchange contacts with students and sometimes
worked together. The two groups don’t have any major arguments or problems with each
other, and show enthusiasm for cooperation, for instance in organizing Thai festivals,
religious practices and a food fair. On the other hand, the relationship between the two
groups is not deep enough to call it friendship; they are more like acquaintances who only
see each other once in a while. On a daily basis, they socialize only within their own group.
This surprising finding could imply that people are more friendly with each other if they only
have a shallow relationship; when it comes to friendship, people have to put in more effort
and attention, which would involve much more self-identification. (Scarr and McCartney,
2009)
51
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Surprisingly, conflicts that did exist among Thai immigrants in the Netherlands were
found in the group of Thai workers. Though most of the Thai workers have similar
backgrounds, which should help them to understand each other better, this also seems to
lead to a high degree of competition for social image and hierarchy within this group.
According to my observations, the root of the conflicts lies in the opportunities afforded by
migration. Thai workers mostly come from rural areas, where respect for money and social
hierarchy dominates life, so that when they emigrate to Western Europe, where nobody
knows them, it is as if they are allowed more to build their own life. Thus, many of the Thai
workers attempted to get a higher position in the social hierarchy, based on their own
assumptions of how rich people should behave. When most of the group members want to
rank highest, the level of competition is raised. This competition within the group creates
many problems, such as financial problems, gossip, and personal strife. For instance, since
many of the workers assume that rich people who come from a good family must have a lot
of money and use a lot of luxury goods, they accumulate debts from spending too much
money on unnecessary things, all to build a desired social image. When one has debts, and
starts to borrow money from other group members, who secretly are competitors, gossip
will spread, and ends in loss of friendship. Thus the Thai workers are not as appreciated
within their own group and are not as united as the group of Thai students.
Many topics on races problems in a group of Thai workers have been found on their community weblog.
52
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
The question is why Thai workers risk friendship ties, and put so much effort and
money in creating a new social identity. The answer may have something to do with their
society of origin. Back in the mother land, many of the Thai workers had lived under intense
pressure from their family and social environment. Thus, building a new identity could seem
like an escape from their bad time in Thailand and, in their opinion, earn them respect and
confidence. According to Pui (29), who was born and raised in Nakorn Ratchaseema, her
neighbors compared her to other girls who have white boyfriends. “They’d like to ask how
much I get from my man so when I said no, I didn’t live with him for money, they laugh at
me as if I am a stupid woman. And it upsets my mom too. My mom lives in a narrow world
and never studied so she believes from what she sees in a Hollywood movie that white
people are all rich and kind. She cried when I told her that my husband asked me to share
for everything, and that we are living in a rental apartment because she thought I am the
least fortunate woman in the world. I wish she could come here one day so she can see
what the reality is”.
Thai workers are not willing to change their status only because of financial matters,
but on a personal level they also have to face the social norms that pressure them to move
to another location, if they leave their husband. Nun (48) said that she chose to be a single
mom because her ex-husband is not a responsible man. He likes to drink, he hit her and he
never helped her with her work. For her, the time during which she was separating from her
husband was a nightmare because neighbors and her family branded her a bad woman,
though they know about the character of Nun’s ex. They believed, however, that is a
common way of life and they accepted the double standard between men and women.
“Husband is like our owner, who we have to serve like a King. I had to work in the farm,
raise children and do every house work while my ex was drinking. When I was tired and
asked him to help, he hit me so why do I have to service that bastard? The time I left him
everybody accused me badly so I thought I have to live somewhere else. But now they love
me again because I carry Euros, I am happy too, not because of money but my Dutch
boyfriend helps me with my work and never hits me” Nun said. In interpreting these stories,
it is important to note that for the Thai workers “value of Thai society” really refers to the
53
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
value of their hometown, not to Thai society as a whole. Thus, the data presented in this
thesis should be seen as opinions about more local levels of society, not as attitudes about
Thai society in a big picture. Moreover, comparing the workers and the students, it appears
that these two immigrant groups have different pictures of and opinions about Thai society.
Thai students travel together during their free times.
Within the group of Thai students, there seem to be no conflicts and value problems
like the ones that plague the group of workers. It seems like this group has developed a very
smooth way to integrate into the host country, and could easily benefit Dutch society
because of their financial independence. However, all is not what it seems. Thai students
are not as open to Dutch society as the Thai workers. Thai students usually spend time with
their Thai friends and participate in Thai activities most of the times. They do not have
problems with acculturation to their new country, and are willing to integrate into the
Netherlands, because they do not expect to live here for a long time. Many of the students
do not want to live and work in the Netherlands after their graduation because their lives in
Thailand are much easier. In my opinion, the fact that Thai students do not want to stay in
this country after graduation, but workers intend to do so in order to provide financial
support for their Thai family, could be a disadvantage for the Netherlands, as they are losing
54
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
the high educated immigrants who could support the national economy, but keep the
immigrants who may depend more on the welfare system.
With regards to these problems, organizers in each community should take action.
For instance, , leaders of the Thai students group should cooperate with the Dutch student
community to organize activities, culture trips or academic meetings together, to foster
more understanding and better cultural knowledge. As for the Thai workers, community
organizers should work together to organize community activities more regularly. The
activities could be based on the new philosophy of “Sufficiency economy”, created by King
Bhumibhol:
“Sufficiency Economy is a philosophy that guides the livelihood and behavior of people at all
levels, from the family to the community to the country, on matters concerning national
development and administration. It calls for a ‘middle way’ to be observed, especially in
pursuing economic development in keeping with the world of globalization” (Krongkeaw,
2003).
Activities that follow this philosophy, in my opinion, could be sports games, work
with non-profit organizations, Buddhism practice, cooking workshops, etc. These activities
may help Thai workers raise their self-confidence and self-respect.
55
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
References
Berry, J.W. (1997). Immigration, Acculturation, and Adaptation. Applied Psychology: An
International Review, 46, 1, 5-68.
Berry, J.W. (2003). Conceptual approaches to acculturation. In K. M. Chin., P. Balls Organista,
& G.Marin (Eds.), Acculturation: Advances in theory, measurement, and applied
research (pp. 17-38). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
Bourhis, R.Y. et. Al.(1997). Towards and interactive Acculturation Model: A Social
Psychological Approach. International Journal of Psychology, 32, 6, 369- 386.
Bourhis, R. Y., Moїse, L. C., Pereault, S., & Senécal, S. (1997). Towards an interactive
acculturation model: A social psychological approach. International Journal of
Psychology, 32, 369–386.
Hagendoorn, L., Veenman, J. and Vollebergh, W. (Eds.) (2003), Integrating Immigrants in the
Netherlands: Cultural versus Socio-Economic Integration. Aldershot. Ashgate UK.
Huddy, L. (2001). From social to political identity: A critical Examination of Social Identity
Theory, Political Psychology, Vol. 22, No.1, 127-156.
Khanitthanun, W. (1984), Thai language. The roots, history and development. Thammasat
University, Bangkok Thailand.
Kashima, E.S., and Loh, E. (2006). International students’ acculturation: Effects of
international, conational, and local ties and need for closure. International
Journal of Intercultural Relations, 471-483.
Krongkaew, M. (2003), The Philosophy of Sufficiency Economy, School of Development
Economics, National Institute of Development Administration (NIDA). Issue 3, article
292.
Marin, G., Sabogal, F., Marin, B. V., Otero-Sabogal, R., & Perez-Stable, E. (1987).
Development of a short acculturation scale for Hispanics. Hispanic Journal of
Behavioral Sciences, 9, 183-205.
Moore, F. (1974). Thailand: Its people, its society, its culture. New Haven: Hraf Press.
Mulder, N. (1990). Inside Thai society: An interpretation of everyday life. Bangkok: Duang
Kamol.
56
The characteristics and acculturation of Thai immigrants in the Netherlands – 2012
Oppedal, B. (2006). Development and Acculturation. In: D.L. Sam& J.W. Berry (eds.) The
Cambridge Handbook of Acculturation Psychology. Cambridge:
Cambridge
University Press.
Redfield, R., Linton, R., and Herskovits, M. (1936). Memorandum on the study of
acculturation. American Anthropologist, 38. 149-152.
Scarr, S. and McCartney, K. (2009), How People Make Their Own Environments: A Theory of
Genotype → Environment Effects. Source: Child Development, Vol. 54, No. 2 (Apr.,
1983), pp. 424-435, Stable URL:
http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/1129703?uid=3738736&uid=2134&uid=2&u
id=70&uid=4&sid=21100830926081
Suksomboon, P. (2007). International migration, multi-local livelihoods and human
security:Perspectives from Europe, Asia and Africa. Remittances and ‘Social
Remittances’: Their Impact on Lived Experiences of Thai Women in the Netherlands
and Non-Migrants in Thailand. Institute of Social studies, the Netherlands.
Sittitanyakit, P. (2004). Thai history. Tathata publication. Bangkok. Thailand.
pp 401
Teachout, S. (2005). Thai Language Maintenance in New York City: Wat Thai and the
Preservation of Thai Identity. Master thesis: Department of International and
Transcultural Studies Teachers College. Columbia University.
Vermeulen, H. and Penninx, R. (Eds.) (2000), Immigrant Integration. The Dutch Case.
Amsterdam: Het Spinhuis.
Ward , KD. et. al. (2006). The tobacco epidemic in Syria. The Aleppo Household Survey (AHS),
Vol 15. Aleppo, Syria.
Wadsworth, B. C., Hecht, M. L., and Jung, E. (2008), The Role of Identity Gaps,
Discrimination, and Acculturation in International Students’ Educational Satisfaction
in American Classrooms. Communication Education Vol. 57, No. 1, January 2008, pp.
64- 87.
Witte, L. (2009), ‘I feel like a banana; yellow from the outside, white from the inside’
Master’s thesis: Ethnic identifications of second generation Dutch Chinese people.
Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam.
57