Ana Lúcia Nunes de Sousa
A RTICLES
VIDEO ACTIVISM:
digital practices to narrate social
movements during the FIFA World
Cup (2014)
Copyright © 2017
SBPjor / Associação
Brasileira de Pesquisadores em Jornalismo
ANA LÚCIA NUNES DE SOUSA
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain
Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
ABSTRACT - This article aims to analyse media activist practices – developed in the context
of the FIFA World Cup protests, in 2014 – and their possible consequences for journalistic
practice. At present, in Rio de Janeiro, various groups have emerged, using cameras and
cyberspace as political tools. As a result, their network became an extension of the public
square. Through participant observation, semi-structured interviews, digital methods and
a video database created between June and July of 2014, the characteristics of this type
of activism are presented, examining the activists’ relationship with cyberspace, their
production routine and how these practices influenced contemporary journalism. Video
activists created productive routines influenced by journalism but rejected some of the
professional practices used in the field. However, video activism, as a media phenomenon,
was capable of instigating changes in the journalistic practice and formats.
Key words: Brazil, journalism, riots, social networking sites, video activism.
VÍDEO-ATIVISMO: práticas digitais para narrar os movimentos sociais
durante a Copa do Mundo da FIFA (2014)
RESUMO - Este artigo pretende analisar como estas práticas mediáticas ativistas –
desenvolvidas no contexto das manifestações durante o Mundial de Futebol da FIFA, em
2014 - e suas possíveis consequências para as práticas jornalísticas. Naquele momento
surgiram diversos grupos que utilizavam a câmera e o ciberespaço como ferramenta de luta
política. A rede se transformou em uma extensão da praça pública. Através da observação
participante, entrevistas semi-estruturadas, métodos digitais e uma base de datos de videos
produzidos entre junho e julho de 2014, apresentamos as principais características deste
tipo de ativismo, abordando suas relações com o ciberespaço, sua metodologia de trabalho
e como estas práticas influenciaram o jornalismo contemporâneo. Os video ativistas criaram
rotinas produtivas influenciadas pelo jornalismo, mas se afastaram de muitas das práticas
profissionais utilizadas no campo. Entretanto, o vídeo ativismo, como fenômeno midiático,
também foi capaz de inserir modificações nas práticas e formatos jornalísticos.
Palavras-chave: Brasil, jornalismo, protesto, redes sociais na Internet, video ativismo.
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VIDEO ACTIVISM
VIDEO ACTIVISMO: prácticas digitales para narrar los movimientos
sociales durante la Copa del Mundo de la FIFA (2014)
RESUMEN - Este artículo pretende analizar las prácticas mediáticas activistas – desarroladas
en el contexto de las protestas durante el Mundial de Futebol de la FIFA, en el 2014 – y
sus posibles consequencias para las prácticas periodísticas. En aquel momento emergieron,
principalmente en Río de Janeiro, diversos grupos que utilizaban la cámara y el ciberespacio
como herramienta de lucha política. La red se transformó en una extensión de la plaza
pública. A través de la investigación participativa, entrevistas semi-estructuradas, métodos
digitales y una base de datos de vídeos producidos entre junio y julio del 2014, presentamos
las características de este tipo de activismo, abordando sus relaciones con el ciberespacio,
sus rutinas productivas y cómo estas prácticas influyeron en el periodismo contemporáneo.
Los videoactivistas crearon rotinas productivas influenciadas por el periodismo, pero también
se alejaron de muchas de las prácticas profesionles utilizadas en el campo. Entretanto, el
vídeo activismo, como un fenómeno mediático, fue capaz de inserir modificações tanto en
las prácticas como en los formatos periodísticos.
Palabras clave: Brasil, periodismo, protestas, redes sociales en Internet, videoactivismo.
1 Introduction
In recent years, we have witnessed swift and extensive
transformations with respect to technological equipment and its
connection with everyday life. We have moved from a society where
personal relationships prevailed to a hyper-connected society, where
everything is photographed, recorded and narrated on the social
networking sites. Since 2011, streets, and public squares around the
world have been taken over by protests, riots and demonstrations
with a view of demanding true participatory democracy. At the same
time, the virtual world has been submerged with images of these
protests, created by ordinary people with mobile phones or handheld cameras. These people wanted to share what the mainstream
media were not transmitting; to narrate their version of events; or
simply have a camera available when the situation happened.
Filming social movements and uploading and sharing the contents
on social networking sites is not a new phenomenon (CHANAN, 2011;
ATTON, 2002; DOWNING, 2001). At least since 1999 with the birth of
Indymedia during the anti-globalization protests in Seattle (USA) (ATTON,
2013; PICKARD, 2006), this practice has been developing, following a
new wave of social movements (ASKANIUS, 2012; BRUCKMANN; SANTOS,
2005; JONG; SHAW; STAMMERS, 2005).
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This kind of communicative and activist practice has become
more common during recent events. For example, social movements
such as the Arab Spring (CASTELLS, 2012; SKINNER, 2011); Occupy Wall
Street in the United States, (CASTELLS, op. cit; JURIS, 2012; MCDONALD,
2015); 15M, in Spain, (TORET, 2013); Yosoy132, in Mexico (CÁCERES;
ACOSTA, 2013); Gezi Park, in Turkey (DAGI, 2013); June protests,
in Brazil (ESTANQUE, 2014; RECUERO; BASTOS; ZAGO, 2014) and the
Umbrella Revolution, in Hong Kong (HARP et al., 2012) live broadcasts
were made and directed by citizens’ cameras and, above all, by groups
formed by activists using video as a tool for their struggle.
In June 2013, large social protests took place in Brazilian
streets. These communications strategies were multiplied to
expressive levels in the country. Cyberspace (LÉVY, 1999; 2014)
became the main arena for communications created by social
movements, especially on the social networking site Facebook.
Activists launched more than three hundred fan pages aiming to
provide counter-information about the uprising. The videos recorded
in the riots went viral very quickly and in this way, a network was
being created. Formed of groups and individuals who became known
as “video-activists”. As a result, the relationship between professional
journalists working for mainstream media, and the social movements
became conflict-ridden. Thus, the protest coverage produced by
commercial companies in Brazil began to change. These changes went
in two directions: 1) covering the events from outside the protest;
and, 2) using the same type of format used by video activism.
This article aims to reflect upon the role of video-activist media
practices in the uprisings of Rio de Janeiro city, as well as to understand
the characteristics of filmmaking methodology carried out in this
context. In addition, understand to what extent journalistic practice
was, and could be in future events, modified by video activism.
2. Methodology
The results presented in this article come to a mixed
methodology, using digital methods (RIEDER, 2013); qualitative
methodologies, including semi-structured and participant observation
(BRANDÃO,1984); and the analysis of the videos (SOUSA; MAIA, 2016;
and SOUSA, forthcoming) produced by the activist groups that we
follow in this research.
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VIDEO ACTIVISM
This research started by mapping the ten most active video
activist groups both online and offline, in the context of the protests
against the FIFA World Cup in 2014, in Rio de Janeiro (Brazil). The
procedure involved the use of a chart to show the number of ‘likes’
on Facebook fan pages. Also, the number of the videos published,
the number of followers on respective channels on YouTube and the
presence on the streets during the protests. These were recorded
during the period between June 2013 and the days before the field
work - June 2014.
The bulk of qualitative results were based on field
observations, interviews with the video activists, and the analysis of
a video database based on material produced by ten activist groups.
The participant observation was conducted between June 9 and July
15, 2014 during the time of the protests. I took part in the activists’
everyday life during the protests, thus participating in meetings,
training workshops and the process of filming the protests. The
observations were registered both in video and field diaries. Three
groups out of the ten with different approaches were selected for the
participant observations.
1.) Rio40caos was a group which focused on the production
of advocacy video1.
2.) Coletivo Carranca was a group that centered on live
broadcasts and on direct via streaming.
3.) Jornal A Nova Democracia worked with news reports.
Concurrently, we conducted semi-structured interviews
with 20 activists, which were filmed too. All names were coded
for confidentiality purposes, and the interviews used in this article
can be found in Page 19 under ‘Interviews Cited’. The interviews
followed the research’s key points (some of which are production
methodology, identity, narratives, aesthetics) whilst trying to
establish a free dialogue between researcher and activists. Then, the
interviews in Portuguese were transcribed and processed using the
Nvivo to categorize them.
The quantitative results are based on the digital methods with
the use of Netvizz, Gephi, Nvivo software applications and YouTube
data tools to capture, analyse and visualize data from Facebook,
TwitCasting and YouTube. A total of 166 videos were gathered, which
were produced by the ten groups earlier mentioned. We gathered the
number of followers and videos of each channel. Then, a database
was built with all the videos of the initial corpus, resulting in.
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3. Video activism: always on the side of social movements
When communication practices around video and social
movements are approached from an empirical point of view, it is
possible to find diverse experiences and the utilization of different
theoretical frameworks to name them. For example, while some
define the practice as participative video (LUNCH; LUNCH, 2006;
SHIRLEY, 2003; JOHANSSON, 1999), others refer to it as video for
development, radical video, alternative video, community video,
guerrilla video, advocacy video, (ASKANIUS, 2014; PASQUINELLI,
2002), audio-visual combat, to name but a few.
In this work, we will focus conceptually on video activism,
despite the fact that specialized academic literature has not yet
defined a consistent terminology for it, as asserted by Mateos and
Rajas (2014). Harding (2001), Widgington (2005) and Mateos and
Rajas (2014) offer a broader approach to the question. Harding (2001
1) argues that the video activist is someone “who uses video as a
tactical tool to bring about social justice” making use of the camera
as a powerful political instrument. According to Widgington (op. cit.),
the video activist is involved in daily activism, using the camera
to advocate for social justice and social change, and to develop a
close relationship and support the activist community. Mateos and
Rajas (2014) focus on video activism as a process, and identify it
as a political intervention resource by subaltern actors for purposes
of transformation. Nevertheless, other research focuses on more
specific aspects to approach the concept. For Zarzuelo (2012) the
position of the video activist is at the centre of the definition. For
this researcher, the video activist is a protagonist and takes part in
the collective action as a common activist. Wilson and Tanya (2010)
call video activist people who use the video as a tool to deter police
violence, document abuse, the misconduct by police authorities,
and as an effort to influence and set the political agenda. Pasquinelli
(2002) on the other hand, simply argues that video activism is born
from the impossibility of taking part in mainstream media. Through
their cameras, the activists can avoid omissions and manipulations
caused by mainstream media, using technologies for this purpose.
From Mateos and Rajas (2014) to Pasquinelli (2002) it becomes
clear that the political positioning of the activist is a key factor in
defining the video activism process. Mateos and Rajas (2014) draw
attention to the fact that the most important aspect to explain video
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VIDEO ACTIVISM
activism is the type of practice or process, and not the product. Thus,
several practices in different genres and formats may be included and
projected in different platforms, such as the film forum, audio-visual
workshops, street TV, video art, cinema and video productions, news
reports, streaming of protests, etc. The next section will describe
some of these characteristics as a communicative practice.
3.1 Video activism online: from the streets
to social networking sites
In the past, images made by video activism were often
screened privately, mostly within the social movement itself.
Sometimes it was possible to do public screenings, mainly made by
street TV and, in some cases, images could be screened by cable or
community channels in mainstream television.
The first big wave of video activism took place in Seattle, in
1999. This well documented event was marked by the connection
between video and Internet. According to Pasquinelli (2002), this first
media activism cyclone and the birth of Independent Media Center
(Indymedia) would not have been possible without this alliance
between video and the internet. Since then, “the turn to social
networks, the pervasive Internet, and the always accessible mobile
phone” (WELMMAN; RAINIE, 2013, p. 1) have expressively changed
the social and communication practices, and in particular video
activism. Nowadays, the fact that more and more people are having
access to mobile devices, they are able to film and connect to the
Internet, with better image quality. As a consequence, introducing
important changes to the process and practice of journalism. With a
mobile phone, basic filmmaking, editing, uploading and streaming
have been made possible. Any citizen or activist can use video as a
tool to promote social justice.
At present, urban protests, all over the world are being
filmed. Every minute can now be captured by what Pasquinelli (2002)
refers to as a “video activist army”; and transmit live via streaming or
sharing on social networking sites, such as Facebook, YouTube and
Vimeo. These platforms have generated a change in the structures for
production and circulation of the images created by video activism.
The Internet was appropriated by several organizations and social
movements that had no access to mainstream media, allowing the
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distribution of free content to a global audience. Thus, contemporary
activism is increasingly moving into virtual spaces.
In the subsequent section, video activism from an empirical
point of view will be addressed, based on the fieldwork conducted.
The ideas which follow refer to the practice developed in this city.
However, many can be applied to the larger field of video activism.
3.2 A look at video activism in Rio de Janeiro
Although the protests were being observed in all regions of
the country, video activism was more organized in particular cities,
notably Rio de Janeiro. There, the groups were quickly formed and
several independent activists joined this movement. Therefore, those
activists interviewed were from the most active2 groups in the city.
As noted here in the following quote, video activist in some
groups, such as A Nova Democracia Newspaper and the Mariachi group,
explained how the genesis of the movement was a naturally occurring
process:
At first, I was filming by myself. I did not know anyone.
Once I met an old friend in the demonstration. He was
filming too. And soon after I got to know all the people
and this dynamic where everyone knows everyone
started. So, every time an action was about to happen,
people sent messages by mobile phone or Facebook.
Like that, this big group, which was as big as thirty
people, was becoming as an institution. (I-8, personal
interviewee, August 20, 2015)
With reference to the above quote, this “big group”, however,
has personal singularities when it comes to the definition of an activist
or video activist. Among those that still use the definition of militant
to describe a video activist was heard from interviewee I-4, from A
Nova Democracia Newspaper (personal interview, July of 2014) “I am
a militant with a camera”. Another interviewee saw herself as a person
uncomfortable with all social injustice “I see myself as an activist, as a
concerned citizen. There are days that I don’t even bring my camera”
(I-10 personal interview, June 2014). As Pasquinelli (2002), I- 1, from
Carranca group, supports the concept of media activist “I like the
media activist concept because to me everyone is an activist. We are all
political actors. The concept is really good, but today it is a bit vague
since activist can be anything” (personal interview, June 2014).
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VIDEO ACTIVISM
In spite of possible differences, we have observed joint
action among these groups during the protests, in the course of
our fieldwork. They have formed a large block of activists (Image
1) sharing social practices and using the camera as a tool for
political action.
Image 1 – Video activists in a protest in Rio de Janeiro
Note: Facebook reproduction. Photograph by unknown author, 1 May 2014.
These common practices allow us to enumerate some
general features of video activist production during the protests
against the FIFA World Cup, in Rio de Janeiro, among which we
can point:
1.
Regarding the type of videos produced, most of the
groups were doing news reports in video and taking pictures; except
for Carranca and Media Ninja who were specialized in transmitting
live streaming.
2.
The configuration of the groups during
demonstrations is usually joint action during calm moments (Image
1); but when direct conflict erupts, they try to stay in pairs or
maintain visibility to their peers, seeking to guarantee the safety
of the group.
3.
As a general rule, they use press credentials,
identifying the name of the video activist group they belong to.
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4.
They use personal protective equipment, such as
helmets, body armour, gas masks, etc.
5.
During the protests, in general, their mode of
action divides them into two groups: those who behave like
militants with cameras and those who are seeking to behave
like reporters. The first group, in many cases, is in the middle,
when they are not the centre of direct conflict with the police:
shouting slogans, singing, provoking and being provoked by
the police. The second group is more moderate and tries to
avoid conflict, seeking first to ensure compliance with their
work as reporters.
6.
Professionally,
video
activists
are
mostly
journalists and filmmakers. However, it is not uncommon to find
video activists that operate in other professional areas, outside the
action of the protests.
7.
With the exception of A Nova Democracia Newspaper,
a left newspaper established for over ten years in Rio de Janeiro, the
other video activist groups used exclusively militant structures.
8.
They use the Internet and especially social networking
sites as a platform for organization, production and dissemination of
their political activism.
The involvement between the practices of video activists and
the social networking sites is one of the most important aspects for
the understanding of how this type of activism developed during the
protests of 2014. Some aspects of these practices will be analysed in
the following topic.
3.3 The appropriation of Facebook and YouTube by video
activism in Rio de Janeiro
In 2013, 49.4% of the Brazilian population was connected
to the Internet (IBGE: 2013). Of these, 54.7% were accessing the
network through mobile devices such as phones and tablets (IBGE:
2013). But if we analyze the connection rate among young people,
the data indicates that 75.9% of them were regularly connected to
the Internet; and among those students that had studied for fifteen
years, the percentage reached 89.8%. Most of the demonstrators
in 2013 were young, between fourteen and twenty nine years
old; 49% had between ten and fifteen years of schooling, and 43%
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VIDEO ACTIVISM
between fifteen and twenty years of studies completed. Protesters
assembled, organized and protested using the social networking
sites. They also created new media and new ways of doing politics
(SAMPEDRO, 2014). Rheingold (2004) calls these people using
technology “smart crowds”, mixing the virtual and the physical
world. The video activist groups of Rio de Janeiro stood out in a
particular way by their use of the cyberspace and its presence there,
especially on social networking sites.
In Brazil, Facebook is the most used social networking site.
In 2013, it had 76 million users, and its importance was unique
in the context of the protests analysed. One of the activists from
Mariachi interpreted the use of social networking sites in video
activism as important, “we started putting videos on YouTube
and created a Facebook page. At first, this was very important
because it created a network and made our images openly
available, through the act of sharing “(I-6, personal interview, June
2014). For the interviewee six (personal interview, July 2014), the
networks enhanced the work that was already being done, “the
popularization of the Internet greatly enhanced our work. It’s
fundamental. It is through this that we managed to create an echo
in the monopoly of the media”. In a different interview, the role of
the Internet in the protests was also stated:
Before, there was a protest of fifty thousand people. The
mainstream media did not show it and in the end, no one was
aware it was happening. Now if fifty, a hundred thousand or
a million people are on the street, as in June, the mainstream
media may try to hide it, but through social networking sites,
the pages of the groups and YouTube, we will show another
point of view (I-3, personal interview, June 2014).
YouTube channels and Facebook pages created by the video
activism groups proliferated as fast as the social demonstrations
themselves. Although the videos could be shared directly from
Facebook, most of the audio-visual material was first edited, uploaded
to YouTube and then shared on Facebook. Thus, these two social
networking sites were deeply connected with the work of video
activists. In Table 1, the relationship between the “likes” on Facebook,
YouTube followers, number of videos posted, their viralization and
the overall views per channel of the 10 most active video activist
groups are shown.
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Table 1- Most active video activism groups
Group
Likes on
Facebook
Videos
Followers
uploaded
on
on
YouTube
YouTube
Most viral
video on
YouTube
Views on
YouTube
total
1
Jornal
A Nova
Democracia
127 100
16 827
257
399 200
3 663 762
2
Mídia Ninja
256 000
Ocult
89
88 614
1 726 251
3
Coletivo
Mariachi
7 272
6 788
75
256 1980
3 516 588
4
Coletivo
Carranca
5 577
411
19
14 931
26 440
5
Mídia
Independente
Coletiva
15 888
3 302
17
92 134
224 045
6
Voz das Ruas
1 553
708
51
10 098
84 000
7
Linhas de
Fuga
3 287
566
182
350 971
530 626
8
Coletivo
Vinhetando
5 264
24
19
2 392
2 698
9
Coletivo Tatu
2 973
493
19
12 788
64 626
1794
240
58
18 501
57 260
10 Rio 40Caos
Note: Views on YouTube and “likes” on Facebook, collected during May 2014,
referring to the ten groups with more presence in the social protests in Rio de
Janeiro, Brazil. The data was collected by Netvizz, YouTube Datatools and manually.
As can be seen in Table 1, all of these groups have both
Facebook pages and YouTube channels with a large number of
followers. Except for Mariachi, the number of “likes” on Facebook is
more expressive than the number of followers on YouTube. However,
it is not possible to establish direct connections between the two
social networking sites in regard to the number of followers because
they operate on a different logic. On Facebook, for example, the
amount of “likes” on a page does not determine the popularity of the
group in the network. There are other variables, such as interaction
and attention given by the user to the page (engagement), which is
perhaps, more important when ensuring that a publication reaches
more people (CANAVARRO, 2014). However, on YouTube, just one
video viralization ends sometimes determining the popularity of
a channel, increasing both the number of followers and the total
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VIDEO ACTIVISM
number of the page views. This is the case of Mariachi, as despite
having little more than 7 thousand “likes” on their Facebook page,
they had more than 3 million visits on YouTube, due to the viralization
of one of their videos.
The speed and connection between the number of protests
- almost daily - the video production and the viralization on the
network, led to a frenetic production routine. In the table below
(Table 2), we can observe the production capacity of three groups
from Rio de Janeiro. The videos refer to the period during the 2014
FIFA World Cup.
Table 2 - Audio-visual Production of the video activism
groups in Rio de Janeiro between June-July 2014
Video activist group
Number of videos
produced
Carranca (streaming transmissions)
39
Coletivo Mariachi
22
Coletivo Tatu
9
Jornal A Nova Democracia
Linha de Fuga
29
11
Midia Independente Coletiva (MIC)
4
Midia Ninja (streaming transmissions)
43
Rio 40Caos
2
Voz das ruas
2
Vinhetando
5
Total
166
Note: Number of videos produced by the video activism groups between
13/06/2014 and 15/07/2014. Prepared with information collected on the
YouTube and TwitCasting channels of the groups.
In less than a month in Rio de Janeiro, over 166 videos were
produced during social protests and then uploaded to YouTube and other
platforms capable of live broadcast, such as TwitCasting. A genuine
process of mass self-communication to use Castell’s terminology (2009,
p.88), communication that “is made of many to many”, which was more
often that not generated, in real time. The streaming and the edited
videos available on the Internet allowed the protest to be re-lived and
retraced on the network, besides being live on the street.
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In addition, although that is not the subject of this work, it
is important to mention the dangers of techno-optimism. Treré and
Barranquero (2013) assert that since 2011, speeches around the
emancipatory possibilities of the network became popular. Watching
this trend among some video activists in Rio de Janeiro in 2014, these
speeches were beginning to be criticized by some.
We must appropriate the technology to get our message to
the public. If people are on Facebook, we need to use it. But
we must also know that our discourse within these networks
is very limited. There’s surveillance and we are talking about
a private company, therefore, there will be restrictions. (I-3,
personal interview, June 2014).
First and foremost, the Internet is not a completely free tool.
Just as social movements manage to use it as a tool of struggle —
as we have seen — governments have quickly adapted to the new
technology and started to use it to monitor the activists (TILLY; WOOD,
2010). In Rio de Janeiro, the police unit responsible for investigating
activists during the protests was the “Police Department for Computer
Crimes”, which was monitoring several of their Facebook accounts.
Secondly, it was essential not to fall into technological determinism
trap, as argued by Tilly and Wood (op.cit) and Treré and Barranquero
(op.cit) and analyse social movements from a historical and relational
perspective. The protests that took place in Brazil from 2012, which
was at its peak in June 2013 - correspond to a political and social
context in which many factors were involved (SOUSA, 2015), not just
video activism or the virtual social networks.
Thus, we need to reflect on the development of online video
activism in Rio de Janeiro in correlation to these specific factors. To
better understand the video activist dynamics and work methodology,
the following ethnographic analysis of the production methodologies
developed by these activists is presented.
3.4 Record, edit and upload to YouTube and Facebook
In order to understand, it was important to as, what was
the production routine of these video activists? As one of the video
activists, interviewee eight, a member of the A Nova Democracia
Newspaper adequately summarized it:
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VIDEO ACTIVISM
I’ve always adopted a work method of transmitting the news as
soon as possible. In almost all cases, I prepare myself in advance
to go to the protest; I have my camera (with batteries, cards,
etc.), and my protective gear in the backpack. After the protest
I go to my house and sometimes I may spend the whole night
editing video. In other cases, we make a slightly more elaborate
edition, and the next day, the video is already on the network.
I do not waste time, no rest. There have been days we started
editing videos at night and continued until the afternoon of the
next day. We are editing and publishing. Another thing we also do
is to take some more specific cases of police violence, assemble
them quickly and publish them. Then we make a full report of
the protest, but we want that information flow quickly to let the
public know what happened. (I-8, personal interview, July 2014)
Then I go, I participate, I come home super tired and I still try
to create the narrative. The more I feel that the protest needs
to be told, the more I endeavor to edit and upload it quickly to
the Internet. If it’s news, the faster it circulates, the better. (I-2,
personal interview, June 2014)
Almost all video activists in Rio de Janeiro follow this
production routine. Most of them try to edit the material, upload it to
YouTube and share it on Facebook as soon as possible, because only
then can they dispute public opinion. Consider the specific case of the
production of video production “Cineasta canadense sendo roubado
e espancado por PMs no Rio” (Canadian filmmaker being robbed and
beaten by Military Police in Rio), published by the A Nova Democracia
Newspaper (Image 2), in July 13, 2014, through an excerpt from the
diary of field research conducted as part of this investigation.
July 13. The evening before the protest was complex. During the
early hours of yesterday, twenty activists were detained by the
police accused of charges of formation of gangs. However, the
imprisonment of the activists led more people to appear at the
event, which took place on the same day of the final match of the
FIFA World Cup. The concentration began at ten o’clock at Saens
Peña Square, in the region of Maracanã Stadium. I followed the
start of the streaming and at twelve I arrived at the Square. As
usual, the video activists gathered in a group. They talked about
the need to protect themselves at this event because there were
three police officers for each demonstrator, which made it clear
that anyone could be subjected to human rights violations by the
police. At 2 PM, protesters began to form ranks for walking, but
the police surrounded the square and no one could leave. The
demonstration moved within a radius of five hundred meters,
always surrounded by police barriers. Soon after, the police
started to make violent conduct searches and shoot tear gas
and pepper spray toward the demonstrators. Some people were
arrested. The entry and exit of the square was completely closed
until 7 PM. I was in a group with I-7, from Rio40Caos and I-8 from
Mariachi and A Nova Democracia Newspaper. At one point, she
got through the police line, but then was attacked by the police.
Minutes later we found Jason O’Hara, a Canadian filmmaker,
who also collaborated with the A Nova Democracia Newspaper,
being attended by the activist doctors, who provided assistance
during the demonstrations. The police had assaulted and
BRAZILIANJOURNALISMRESEARCH-Volume13-Number 1- Jan-Apr-2017 51
Ana Lúcia Nunes de Sousa
robbed him, so he was taken to the hospital. Around 7 PM, the
activist lawyers negotiated with the police the departure of the
group of protesters. The video activists left in a group and met
in a bar two blocks away from the square. They wanted to know
if everyone was okay and out of the square. At that time, they
collected all the media that might have images of aggression to
Jason and handed them over to I-4. We took a taxi and went to
Copacabana to see how the mood was there, if there were more
protests or not, but there was nothing. Then we went home.
July 14. When I awoke, the video of the aggression to Jason had
already gone viral on Facebook. (Sousa, A.L.N., Field Diary, 13
and 14 July 2014).
The video quickly spread through the social networking sites
before published in the A Nova Democracia Newspaper page on
Facebook (Image 2) and ended being published by the national and
international press.
Image 2 – Publication in the official fan page of A Nova
Democracia Newspaper3
52 Licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0
International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). Available at https://bjr.sbpjor.org.br/
VIDEO ACTIVISM
Translation of the text on the image: FLAGRANT: Police beat
and steal the camera of Canadian filmmaker (Images by Vladimir
Seixas) The following images are a taste of the violence that the
military police of Rio de Janeiro used against demonstrators protesting
peacefully in Saenz Pena Square, north of the city, this afternoon. The
event brought together about 1,000 people and unified numerous
banners, such as “FIFA go home” and “The party in stadiums is not
worth the tears in the slums.” Moments after the dispersion, the
Canadian filmmaker Jason Ohara was beaten by military police, who
then stole the GoPro camera that was attached to his helmet. The
crime, of course, has not escaped AND’s lenses and is already being
widely reported in the international media.
In addition, the video came to be among the ten most
popular on YouTube Brazil. On July 14, it reached more than
370,000 visits. From the Facebook page of A Nova Democracia
Newspaper, the video was shared 3.614 times, had 127 comments,
1433 likes and its range reached 434.304 people. Another
important aspect, perhaps the most important to video activists
is the outcome that the video generated outside of the social
networking sites. The video activists were able to identify the
four police officers directly involved in the aggression, who were
subsequently suspended from the police force. By late afternoon,
a new concentration in the centre of the city commemorated the
results of the action.
Field observation and interviews revealed some specific
aspects of the production routine of video activists: 1) preparation in
advance; 2) working together with other video activists; 3) the quest to
maintain/safeguard individual security, as well as collective security;
4) exhaustive working days; 5) low division of labour, in many cases
the same person is responsible for all stages of production.
4 Video activism: in the frontier between the activism
and the journalism
Journalistic practice is guided by principles of objectivity,
neutrality, and veracity (MOTTA et al, 2004). According to Becker and
Machado (2014), defending a cause distorts journalistic principles.
However, others argue that these values “are sometimes inevitably
inconsistent or contradictory” (DEUZE, 2005, p. 447). Deuze points
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Ana Lúcia Nunes de Sousa
out that these principles are more complex in the contemporary
context. For Tuchman (1972), the journalistic strategies to narrate
news and stories may provide an attempt to obtain objectivity,
however this could not affirm that the video activist groups
achieved this. Conversely, video activists operate from another
standpoint that is not professional, but political. The starting
point of communication generated in the social movements is the
clear positioning on the side of the oppressed, which is confirmed
by interviewee nine “we do not exactly look for neutrality. When
you are there, together, you need to take a stand. We take the
democratic position, showing the violence that is happening there”.
Interviewee one reaffirmed this position to add that “I realised that
as a journalist I would be more helpful as an activist because I could
help the people who are on the street whereas I could not show
their point of view in the mainstream media”.
Thus, the credibility of the video activist narrative does not
come from journalistic impartiality, neutrality or objectivity, but
from immersion in events and proximity with the actors involved.
This can be verified by the narrative, in the storytelling, and visually
through the frames and shots. Videos produced by activists thereby
obtain, an “authenticity” status (PLATON; DEUZE, 2003) due to their
proximity to the subjects of the historical event, who shared – side
by side – the space and time of the protest with these cameras.
Almeida (2015) and Brasil and Frazão (2013) highlighted the
”experiential” aspect and proximity of video activist coverage. For
Brasil and Frazão (2013), video activist coverage flows through the
veins of the crowd.
Video activist practice moves away from the objectivity and
neutrality defended by the journalistic ethos, but approaches other
journalistic standards. Acutality (live journalism), can be conferred
by the absence of a scheduling grid or paid employees; the technical
possibilities of mobile communication and activist energy made live
streaming transmission possible, sometimes with very long duration.
In addition to this, videos and pictures were uploaded on social
networking sites almost minute by minute.
In this research, it was verified that there was a movement
towards and a rejection of journalistic practices and ethos. Once
the video activist production routine was identified and analysed, a
comparison was conducted as depicted in the table below (Table 3).
54 Licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0
International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). Available at https://bjr.sbpjor.org.br/
VIDEO ACTIVISM
Table 3 – Differences observed between journalistic routines
and video activist routines in Rio de Janeiro (June-July 2014)
Journalism
Activism
Centralized and hierarchic
information production
Decentralized and nonhierarchical information
production
Reporting through the main
channel (website, radio, TV) and
sharing the contents on social
networking sites
Reporting mainly through
social networking sites
(Facebook and Twitcasting)
Reporting outside the protest
Reporting inside the protest
Working individually
Working in groups
Using only their own network to
circulate the content
Using the group’s connections
to circulate content
Division of labour more
structured (camera person,
journalist, producer, editor,
presenter, etc.)
Low division of labour (the
same person records, edits
and promotes the video)
4.1 Reconfigurations to the journalistic practice
The relationship between social movements and mainstream
media was historically conflict-ridden. Mostly, these actors accuse
the press of depicting them negatively (BOYLE; SCHMIERBACH, 2009;
GITLIN, 1980; MAN CHAN; LEE, 1984). The Brazilian protests during
the FIFA World Cup were no different. The protesters, in several
cases, did not allow journalists to cover events, forcing them out
of the protests. One of the videos produced by A Nova Democracia
Newspaper and published on April 24, 2014 “Jornalista da Globo tem
acesso de raiva e é rechaçada em Copacabana” - showing a journalist
being heckled by a couple - was one of the most visualised works
produced by video activist groups with more than four million views.
According to Brasil and Frazão (2013), in response to this
dynamic, TV channels opted to stay away from the protests, reporting
from the top of buildings, or using helicopters or drones. However,
the most significant reconfiguration observed in the context of this
research was played out by TV Folha – which was published on
YouTube and transmitted by TV Cultura twice a week – and the
BRAZILIANJOURNALISMRESEARCH-Volume13-Number 1- Jan-Apr-2017 55
Ana Lúcia Nunes de Sousa
cable channel Globo News. These two companies started using the
video activist strategy of recording the protests on mobile phones,
from inside the protest. This can be considered a reconfiguration of
the image quality pattern and seen from two perspectives: 1) using
the mobiles phones to connect and disguising themselves was the
only way for mainstream media to try not to be driven away by
protestors and to cover the manifestation; 2) the popularization of
YouTube and Streaming coverage changed audience consumption:
they were no longer looking for image quality, but for “information
and visual mosaic” (BITTENCOURT; PUHL, 2013, p. 78). For the
mainstream media, the mobile phone only represents a way to
capture images, while for video activists it is the main technology
for their activity.
Another difference is how video activists and mass
communication organizations interacted with the audience.
Malini (2013) highlights how commercial channels had authority,
but not centrality. In other words, their narratives were
popular on social networking sites in the sense that they are
read, which means authority. But in order to measure public
opinion influence it is necessary to pay attention to centrality.
As centrality points out the capacity of a node (profile on the
social networking sites) to attract and distribute connections,
to establish a conversation, to share information. In Malini’s
research, he concludes that activists have more centrality than
the mass communication profiles. Here it can be clearly seen
that these channels tried to change their image recording, but
not their communication model. Media activism therefore, not
only addresses video practices but also all the media practices
performed by activists. Media practices that were based on a
network logic, which means to produce and distribute news from
a sharing, participative and interactive logic, promoting social
exchange around the content, which circulates through different
spaces and actors (BITTENCOURT; PUHL, 2014).
Another reference to this debate, is the appropriation of
video activist narratives by mainstream media. During the protests
it was not uncommon for mainstream television channels to use
images recorded by video activists – mostly without authorization.
This was the case of the video “Cineasta canadense sendo roubado
e espancado por PMs no Rio” (Canadian filmmaker being robbed and
beaten by Military Police in Rio published by A Nova Democracia
56 Licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0
International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). Available at https://bjr.sbpjor.org.br/
VIDEO ACTIVISM
Newspaper, on July 13, 2014. According to I-6, there are many
lawsuits reclaiming authors’ rights by video activists against
mainstream media.
Conclusions: perspectives to the video activism
and journalism research
In the context of this research, video activism was analysed
as an important tool to promote social justice. This social practice is
becoming more and more accessible to a large number of activists,
since the basic technological devices and knowledge needed are
becoming simpler. Despite security and freedom limitations, Internet
availability and social networking sites as places to broadcast the
images, allows the growing popularity of video activism inside and
out of social movements.
The groups of video activism that worked in the counterinformation of the protests developed since 2012 in Rio de Janeiro,
were born from the social movements necessity of going against
the mainstream media. Moreover, from the technical possibilities
generated by the omnipresence of the mobile phone, the Internet and
social networking sites. In order to achieve this goal, these groups
established work dynamics that resemble the production routines of
war correspondents, risking their safety and sometimes their life in
search of the perfect image.
Evidently, online video activism has helped change the
dynamics of social protests in a number of ways. Firslty, they created
another point of view to the protests, previously narrated, almost
exclusively, by the mainstream media; ensured the safety of the
demonstrators, acting as witness cameras for police conduct, and
was used as evidence of human rights violations.
This practice also started changing some journalistic features,
which expose some problems and challenges to the future of journalism.
For example, mass media organizations appropriated part of the video
activist narrative by using mobile phones to cover the protests, however,
they maintained the same centralized and hierarchic information
production and circulation flow. Besides that, the mainstream media
coverage continues to report without engaging in a dialogue with the
social movements. The video activism eruption which took place in Brazil
BRAZILIANJOURNALISMRESEARCH-Volume13-Number 1- Jan-Apr-2017 57
Ana Lúcia Nunes de Sousa
challenged journalism practice to adapt to new narratives generated by
the popularization of the Internet, social networking sites and the mobile
phone. Thus, will journalism continue to depict the social movements
negatively or will it initiate a new age of dialogue?
Evidently such a question may remain unanswered, but its
important to raise such questions, including; How long will the rise of
Brazilian video activism last? Will it be more prepared and experienced
in the next protest wave? Can it win the battle for the public opinion
next time? Will it continue to use social networking sites, which
enforce a commercial logic to manage the flow of information,
based on rules established by big companies? The challenge to the
researchers who study video activism and journalism is to follow the
phenomenon more closely, in every expression, on the streets and
on social network sites. By extending ones analyses further, only
then can videos help to address the phenomenon as a complex and
multidimensional process, including principally, reception studies.
*This papers was translated by Vik Birkbeck and revised by
Suzanne Harris.
NOTES
1 Talking about advocacy video, we are addressing a type of video that
is part of an effort to make visible and give impact to a campaign that
aims to change social behaviour, public policy and laws.
2
When we speak about activity, we are considering both action in the
street and the social networking sites, since some groups were in the
demonstrations filming, but did not upload their videos. Collectives
as Rio40Caos, for example, was focused in film for advocacy video.
So, their images were only used in the courts to defend protesters,
or against human rights violations. Other groups, such as Tatu
Colective, were dedicated to gathering images for other ends, in this
case, doing a documentary.
3 Note: Image taken from the A Nova Democracia Newspaper Fan page,
captured with Nvivo on December 16th, 2015.
58 Licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0
International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). Available at https://bjr.sbpjor.org.br/
VIDEO ACTIVISM
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Interview 2 (I-2), Mariachi.
Interview 3 (I-3), Linha de Fuga.
Interview 4 (I-4), A Nova Democracia Newspapper.
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Ana Lúcia Nunes de Sousa. PhD candidate in
Comunicación y Periodismo at the Universitat
Autònoma de Barcelona (Spain)/Federal University
of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ). She has a CAPES
Fondation schoolarship. She has a degree in Social
Communication with emphasis on Journalism,
a postgraduation in Creative Documentary and
Hypermedia, and master in Communication
and Culture by the Universidad de Buenos Aires
(Angentina). E-mail: [email protected]
RECEIVED ON: 28/05/2016 | APPROVED ON: 15/01/2017
BRAZILIANJOURNALISMRESEARCH-Volume13-Number 1- Jan-Apr-2017 63