Summary

ok
able
Oxford
AQA History
Stuart Britain and the Crisis
A LeveL of Monarchy 1603–1702
and AS
Component 1
eBook
Available
David Farr
SERIES EDITOR
Sally Waller
2
Available from
Oxford AQA History for A Level
These titles have been entered into an approval process with AQA
8 Breadth
Studies:
Component
Breadth Studies:
Component
1 1
Tsarist and Communist Russia 1855-1964 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835467 3
Challenge and Transformation: Britain c1851-1964 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835466 6
The Tudors: England 1485-1603. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835460 4
Stuart Britain and the Crisis of Monarchy 1603-1702. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835462 8
The Making of a Superpower: USA 1865-1975. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835469 7
The Quest for Political Stability: Germany 1871-1991. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835468 0
The British Empire c1857-1967 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835463 5
Industrialisation and the People: Britain c1783-1885 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835453 6
12 Depth Studies: Component 2
Wars and Welfare: Britain in Transition 1906-1957. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835459 8
The Cold War c1945-1991. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835461 1
Democracy and Nazism: Germany 1918-1945 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835457 4
Revolution and Dictatorship: Russia 1917-1953 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835458 1
Religious Conflict and the Church in England c1529-c1570. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835471 0
International Relations and Global Conflict c1890-1941. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835454 3
The American Dream: Reality and Illusion 1945-1980. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835455 0
The Making of Modern Britain 1951-2007. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835464 2
The Crisis of Communism: the USSR and the Soviet Empire 1953-2000. . . 978 019 835465 9
The English Revolution 1625-1660. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835472 7
France in Revolution 1774-1815. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835473 4
The Transformation of China 1936-1997. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835456 7
Ready to order?
Find out more
It’s easy to see the Oxford AQA History for A
Level titles on inspection, free for 30 days.
Please send your full name and school address
to [email protected] or contact our
Customer Services team on 01536 452620.
To find out more about the Oxford AQA History for A
Level, visit www.oxfordsecondary.co.uk/aqahistory
where you can download more sample material and
watch exclusive specification support films from
Sally Waller.
www.oxfordsecondary.co.uk/aqahistory
Contents
Introduction to features
AQA History specification overview
Introduction to the Oxford AQA History series
Timeline
Introduction to this book
pArT one: AS AnD A LeVeL
AbSoLuTISm cHALLengeD: brITAIn 1603–49
SecTIon 1
v
vi
viii
x
xii
Monarchs and parliaments 1603–29
1
1 The political nation and the social basis of power
1
The Political Nation
Social basis of the Political Nation’s power
The importance of land ownership and other rival
forms of wealth
Summary
2 James I and charles I: character, court and
favourites
The characters of James I and Charles I
How James I’s and Charles I’s characters shaped their
monarchies and styles of rule
The favourites of James I and Charles I
Summary
3 The finances of the crown and attempts
at reform
The financial weakness of the Crown
Attempts to reform and strengthen royal finance
during James I’s reign
Attempts to reform and strengthen royal finance
during Charles I’s reign, 1625–29
Summary
4 religion and religious divisions
The importance of the Church in early modern Britain
Challenges to James I and the Church
of England from Catholics
Challenges to James I and the Church of England from
Puritans
James I and the development of Arminianism
Charles I and religion, 1625–29: the favouring of
Arminianism
Summary
5 relations and disputes with parliaments,
1604–29
James’ attitude to Parliament, parliamentary privilege,
finance, religion and foreign policy
State of relations between Charles and Parliament and the
reaction of the Political Nation
Summary
6 The state of relations between crown and
parliament by 1629 and reaction of the
political nation
The state of relations between Crown and Parliament by 1629
The Three Resolutions 1629
1
6
8
8
9
9
The extent of the breathdown between Crown and
Parliament and the Political Nation by 1629
Summary
52
54
SecTIon 2
Revolution 1629–49
55
7 Divisions over religion: Arminianism and
Laudianism; puritanism, and millenarianism
to 1640
55
Arminianism and Laudianism
Puritanism
The emergence of millenarianism
Summary
55
59
63
64
8 political divisions: the personal rule and the
Short parliament
65
Charles’ Personal Rule, 1629–40
The multiple-kingdom crisis of 1637–42: Extent of opposition
to the Personal Rule in Scotland, Ireland and England
The Short Parliament and continued opposition in 1640
Summary
65
67
74
74
9 political divisions: the Long parliament, pym
and the outbreak of civil war
77
17
The Long Parliament
The leadership and importance of John Pym
Growing divisions in the Long Parliament
Events culminating in the outbreak of civil war, 1642
Summary
77
80
81
86
89
17
10 The First civil War: england, Scotland, Ireland
91
11
14
16
22
25
26
27
27
28
31
32
33
35
37
37
44
50
Civil war in Scotland
Civil war in Ireland
First Civil War in England, 1642–46
Summary
11 The Second civil War
Events culminating in the Second Civil War
The Second Civil War, 1648–49
Summary
12 Social divisions: political and religious
radicalism, the Levellers and millenarians
91
92
93
100
101
101
106
108
111
The emergence of political and religious radicalism
in the 1640s
Levellers
The Diggers
Millenarian groups
Summary
111
111
115
117
118
13 The failure to secure a post-war settlement,
1648–49: divisions between army and
parliament and the regicide
121
Failure to secure a settlement after the Second Civil War
The basis for regicide
Summary
122
124
127
51
51
51
iii
Contents (continued)
pArT TWo: A LeVeL
monArcHy reSToreD AnD reSTrAIneD: brITAIn 1649–1702
SecTIon 3
From republic to restored and limited monarchy
1649–78
129
14 The consolidation of the republic: Scotland and
Dunbar; campaigns in Ireland; charles II and
Worcester
129
Establishment and consolidation of the republic
The Rump at war
Charles II’s invasion of England and defeat at
Worcester, 1651
Summary
15 political divisions and experiments:
republicanism and the rump; millenarianism
and the nominated Assembly
Political divisions and the Rump
The failures of the Rump Parliament and reasons
for its dissolution
Millenarianism and the Nominated Assembly or ‘Parliament
of Saints’
Summary
16 cromwell, the protectorate, major-generals,
and relations with the political nation
The Instrument of Government, 1653
Cromwell the Protector and his aims
Cromwell and the First Protectorate Parliament,
September 1654–January 1655
The rule of the Major-Generals, 1655–57
The end of the Major-Generals
Republican divisions and relations with the Political Nation,
1658–60
Summary
129
130
134
135
137
137
137
141
144
145
145
146
147
147
149
152
155
17 charles II and the nature of restored monarchy;
rule through parliament and ministers,
clarendon, the cabal and Danby
157
Charles and the restored monarchy between
1660 and 1667
Summary
18 The emergence of court and country ‘parties’
169
The development of the ‘Court party’ and ‘Country party’
Summary
169
174
19 religious divisions and conflicts
The restoration of the Church of England, 1660
Protestant dissent and the defeat of millenarianism
Conflict over Catholic influence at court
Summary
iv
157
168
175
175
177
180
182
SecTIon 4
The establishment of constitutional monarchy
1678–1702
183
20 political developments and conflicts: exclusion
and absolutism
183
The Exclusion Crisis: its aims, methods and failure
James II and his attempts at absolutism, 1685–88
The attempts to restore Catholicism across the
three kingdoms
Summary
184
191
193
194
21 The ‘glorious revolution’ and its consolidation
in england, Scotland and Ireland
195
Events leading up to the Glorious Revolution of 1688–89
The ‘revolution’ of 1689 and the position and power
of monarchy
The consolidation of the revolution in the multiple kingdoms
Summary
22 Divisions within the political nation:
Whigs and Tories
The emergence of Whigs and Tories as ‘parties’
Summary
195
199
201
203
205
205
209
23 religious changes: Anglicanism, protestantism,
catholicism and toleration
211
Religious toleration under William III (1688–1702)
Summary
24 government under William III and mary
211
214
215
Importance of political parties and ministers during
William and Mary’s rule (1689–1702)
The changing influence of Crown and Parliament
Summary
215
217
222
25 The condition of britain and its monarchy
by 1702
223
The significance of the Act of Settlement
Change and balance of power between Crown
and Parliament
The balance of power between Crown and Parliament
Summary
conclusion
glossary
bibliography
Acknowledgements
Index
223
225
225
228
229
231
234
235
237
Part One
Absolutism challenged: Britain 1603–49
Monarchs and parliaments
1603–29
1
1 The Political Nation and the social basis of power
Extract 1
A changing economy and social structure shaped, even if they did not cause,
the political upheaval of civil war and revolution in the 1640s. The economic
dominance of the great landowners diminished as the commercial sector
grew in strength; similarly the landowners’ political influence lessened as
society diversified. London in all its transformations provided fertile ground
for change, with its burgeoning suburbs and its increasingly self-confident
tradesmen.
Adapted from E ngland in Conflict 1603–1660 Derek Hirst (Bloomsbury 1999)
The historian Hirst sees the early seventeenth century as one of growing
social and economic change, particularly in the metropolis of London,
and this change helped to bring about the crisis that most marks the
Stuart Age – civil war and revolution. While England was still an
agricultural economy dominated by a small elite group of landowners,
the developments in trade and industry, combined with religious
developments, brought tensions within the ‘Political Nation’ eventually to
breaking point.
King
Council
Parliament
Chancery
Exchequer
Courts
County officials
Justice of peace
Lord
Sheriffs
Assize judges
Parish officials
Constables
Churchwardens
Overseers of
Town officials
the Political Nation
the monarch
The term ‘Political Nation’ refers to those people in early modern Britain
who had economic, political and social influence. Economic standing,
predominantly based on land ownership, lay at the root of the Political
Nation’s influence, because it was their wealth that gave them their political
and social power. The monarch was the head of the Political Nation.
LEarNING OBJEctIVES
In this chapter you will learn about:
• thedefinitionofthePoliticalNation
• theimportanceofthemonarchas
head of the Political Nation
• thesocialbasisofthePolitical
Nation’s power
• theimportanceoflandownership
in the Political Nation’s power
• rivalformsofwealth,including
merchants.
KEy QuEstIon
As you read this chapter, consider the
following Key Questions:
• Howfardidthemonarchychange?
• Towhatextentandwhywaspower
more widely shared during this
period?
• Howimportantwastherole
of key individuals and groups
and how were they affected by
developments?
KEy tErm
Stuart age: a term for the period
1603–1714, during which the
Stuarts were monarchs of
England, Scotland and Ireland
actIVIty
WhatargumentsdoesHirstput
forwardinExtract1?
1
SECTION 1 | Monarchs and parliaments 1603–29
actIVIty
ExplainthemetaphorsKishlansky
says are often used to describe the
monarchyinExtract2.
crOSS-rEfErENcE
For a definition of the term ‘Political
Nation’, see the Introduction
pagexii.
Extract 2
ThemonarchwasaddressedasMajestyorHighness,tosignifyhisposition
atop the political hierarchy. All bowed before the king, but the king bowed only
before God. The most common metaphors used of the monarchy were with
fathers of families and with the head of the body.
Adapted from A Monarchy Transformed: Britain 1603–1714
by Mark Kishlansky (Penguin 1996)
The institution of monarchy remained the most important constant
throughout the Stuart Age, as Kishlansky stresses, ‘atop the political
hierarchy’. During this period, the system of personal monarchy was
customary: the characters and personalities of each monarch did much
to shape the period and the monarch’s relationship with the rest of the
Political Nation, particularly through the institution of Parliament.
KEy PrOfILE
Stuart monarchs of Great Britain
James I (reigned 1603–25) James Stuart
became King James VI of Scotland in
1566. In 1603, when Elizabeth I, the last
Tudor monarch, died childless, James
succeeded to the English throne as King
James I, having a claim through his
great-grandmother, Margaret Tudor, who
was the sister of Henry VIII and had
married the Scottish king, James IV. A
successful ruler, James I was pragmatic
and practical enough to realise that he
needed to work with Parliament. He did,
however, dissolve Parliament several
times in frustration during his reign.
fig. 1 James I
Charles I (reigned 1625–49) Charles I was the younger son of James I, with
whom he had a strained relationship. His older brother, Henry, was
increasinsgly viewed by the English
political elite as the model prince, partly
due to increasing dissatisfaction with
James I. Henry died aged 18 years, and
Charles became heir to the throne at the
age of 11. Charles was temperamentally
unsuited to kingship and was unprepared
for the role. He did not get along with
Parliament.
Charles II (reigned 1660–85) Charles II
was the eldest son of Charles I and spent
his formative years in exile in mainland
Europe after the defeat and execution of
his father. Restored to the throne in 1660
as a result of the collapse of the postCromwell regimes, Charles II’s
main goal was to remain on the throne. fig. 2 Charles II
2
cHaPtEr 1 | The Political Nation and the social basis of power
Similar to his grandfather in his sociable nature, Charles II was also, like
James I, a pragmatic king.
James II (reigned 1685–88) James II was Charles II’s younger brother. Like
his father, Charles I, he was principled and stubborn, and this underpinned
his political failings. It was James II’s Catholicism, however, and his
determination to establish his religious values as a dominant political force
that sparked a revolution against him.
Cross-referenCe
For more on the role of religion
during the Stuart Age, especially the
relationship between Protestantism
and Catholicism, see Chapter 4.
William III (reigned 1689–1701)
and Mary II (reigned 1689–94)
William of Orange was a Dutch
Protestant whose claim to the
English throne was through his
wife, Mary, who was the eldest
daughter of James II. The Political
Nation invited William and Mary
to take over from James II to
protect Protestantism and the
strength of its influence.
fig. 3 William III and Mary II
Through their prerogative, monarchs led the Political Nation in shaping the
politics, economics and social life of the country. The monarchs’ prerogative
gave them powers over the following key areas:
• foreigndiplomacy,asHeadofState
• declarationofwar,ascommander-in-chiefofthemilitary
• legislation,throughtherighttocallanddissolveParliament
• religion,astheSupremeGovernor(head)oftheChurchofEngland.
Such was the extent of the powers held by monarchs that they were almost
absolutist, which meant they could rule almost freely with unrestricted
political power.
However, finances lay at the root of the monarch’s power, and the limits
on the monarchs’ income prevented them from becoming truly absolutist. A
century of inflation, or a general rise in prices, meant that English monarchs
increasingly found that their income could not meet their expenses,
especially in relation to foreign policies such as warfare and international
diplomacy. Substantial funds could only be raised through parliamentary
subsidies.
Parliament was normally reluctant to vote for subsidies, however, because
the money would have to be raised by taxing the Political Nation. Although in
theory members of Parliament represented all people in the area in which they
had been selected, in reality they tended to represent only the concerns of the
voters who had selected them – generally, the landed aristocracy and gentry, as
well as wealthy lawyers and merchants. Because only the wealthy had to pay a
parliamentarysubsidy,they(andbyextensiontheirMPs)hadavestedinterest
in not granting subsidies to the monarch.
The limited availability of parliamentary subsidies therefore forced monarchs
to exploit their prerogative income, which was money they received due to their
position as monarch.
KEy tErmS
prerogative: the power of the Crown,
derived from the idea that the
divine right to rule is given by
God to monarchs. Prerogative
powers of the early modern British
monarchs included the right to
call and dissolve Parliament. The
monarch could also declare war.
Theoretically, the monarch still
holds such powers today
subsidy: a form of economic support
for a particular undertaking; in
this case, a sum of money to
promote or aid Crown policies,
such as warfare. The Crown
subsidy came in the form of
parliamentarytaxation,witha
taxonlandandotherformsof
property
3
SECTION 1 | Monarchs and parliaments 1603–29
main forms of crown income
types of income
Definition
Crown lands
The crown had sold much land or rented it out on long leases at a
fixedrent,thustheirincomewasreducedbecausetheycouldn’t
update rents in line with inflation.
Taxesfromgoodsimportedintothecountry.Thecrowncouldalso
temporarilyselltherighttocollectsuchtaxestoraisefundsquickly.
The crown had the right to control an estate that was inherited,
byancientright,byanheirundertheageof21.
Funds approved by Parliament for emergencies such as war.
Customs duties
Feudal dues
Parliamentary subsidy
crOSS-rEfErENcE
See Chapter 3 for more about the
financial weaknesses of the Crown.
Prerogative income also raised concerns in Parliament, because if a monarch
became financially self-sufficient, then that monarch could establish
themselves as absolute, meaning they did not need Parliament at all. The
issue of finance could thus be said to be at the centre of most tensions
betweentheCrownandParliament(andthuswithinthePoliticalNation)
across the whole of the Stuart Age. Parliament’s control of significant
financial resources was the key limit on the development of an absolute
monarchy in England.
Another limit on the development of absolutism was that the monarch
needed the Political Nation to help control the general population. The Crown
did not possess the force or civil service to impose its will independently: it
had fewer than 2000 paid officials. Instead, the monarch relied on members
of the Political Nation to ensure that both central and local government could
function. For example, the monarch relied on Justices of the Peace, who were
chosen from ranks of the nobility and gentry, to enforce the Crown’s will
in the localities. The Political Nation was responsible for collecting taxes,
training the militia, enforcing laws and conducting trials. Holding office in the
name of the Crown gave members of the Political Nation status and further
contributed to their power.
a cLOSEr LOOK
the unwritten constitution
Part of the reason for the blurred nature of the English political system
during the Stuart Age was the nature of the country’s constitution. England
historically has had no written constitution that documented the rules by
which the state was run. Instead, the country had an unwritten constitution
that was a mixture of parliamentary laws, the common law, and documents
such as Magna Carta, as well as tradition and custom. The disadvantage of
an unwritten constitution was that it was open to interpretation, but this
was also its advantage. In a society that valued consensus, the ability to
interpret the constitution in different ways enabled compromise.
actIVIty
Using what you have learned in this chapter so far, construct a chart listing the
monarch’s powers and the limitations they had to their powers.
Powers of the monarch
Limitations to the power of the monarch
KEy QuEStION
Towhatextentandwhywaspowermorewidelysharedduringthisperiod?
4
cHaPtEr 1 | The Political Nation and the social basis of power
Together, the monarch and rest of the Political Nation had power over the
majority of the population. Despite disagreements between the Crown,
Parliament, and other elements of the Political Nation, all who were involved
shared an interest in cooperating in order to maintain power over the
population at large.
1.
Society
King
2.
Power
King
Political
Nation
Political
Nation
Rest of population
Rest of
population
actIVIty
What can be said about the social
basisofpowerfromthisdiagram?
fig. 4 This diagram illustrates the size of sections of society compared to the power
they held
Other groups that formed the Political Nation
For the historian Keith Wrightson, the Political Nation was composed of ‘an
elite of wealth, status and power, internally differentiated and yet united by
their shared interests as substantial landowners and agents of government’. The
Political Nation covered a range of social groups:
• thearistocracy
• thelessergentrywhosestatuswasbasedonlandownership
• newergroups,includinglawyersandmerchants,whosewealthwasbased
on income not derived from land ownership. Some historians refer to this
group as the pseudo-gentry because of the non-land-based nature of their
wealth.
There were approximately 4,110,000 people living in England in 1603. By
1640 there were approximately 120 peers and 20,000 gentry; therefore, the
whole Political Nation could be said to constitute about 1 in 200 of the adult
male population. The vast majority of the population did not belong to the
Political Nation.
actIVIty
Copy the first of the two triangles in Fig. 4. Beside each section of society add
furtherdetailstoexplainthepositionandpowerofthepersonorgroup.
The minimum requirement for being seen as part of the Political Nation is
generallysaidtohavebeenanannualincomeof40shillings(£2),asthis
was needed to qualify to vote for one’s local member of Parliament. In most
cases,however,MPsweresimplyselected(ratherthanactually‘elected’)
by agreement among the members of the Political Nation, particularly by
those families who, because of their wealth, headed the Political Nation in
a local area.
5
SECTION 1 | Monarchs and parliaments 1603–29
The political power of this group also stemmed from the positions of
authority they held in their local areas, such as Justice of the Peace. Men
towards the top of the Political Nation were more likely to hold positions of
national importance, such as being in the House of Lords or being a Member
of Parliament.
Millions
KEy tErm
patriarchal: a society controlled
by men. The concept is related
to patriarchalism, a popular
seventeenth-century belief that
God gave power to fathers and
that male monarchs could be seen
as fathers of their people. This
concept was used to reinforce
obedience to the king
6
5.2
5.0
5
4.1
4
3 2.3
2
1
0
1522
1601
1651
1701
Year
fig. 5 Growth in English population
KEy tErmS
Great chain of Being: contemporary
phrase for the idea of an ordered
society set in place by God; the
idea held that everyone was linked
to each other and must accept
their place in society, whether
they were born a poor peasant, a
wealthy aristocrat, or somewhere
in between
paternalist: the idea that it is a
fatherly duty of those above
others in society to look after the
interests of those beneath them,
especially in times of hardship
6
a cLOSEr LOOK
Seventeenth-century Britain was very much a patriarchal society. Some
women did have social, economic and political influence, depending on
their economic standing, but although women could be part of the Political
Nation, there were limits on how they could wield their power. Women
could not hold any of the formal offices through which the Political Nation
exercised their control. Despite the historically recent example of Queen
Elizabeth I, who reigned from 1558 to 1603, women had to exercise their
power in less overt political forums. Personal interaction with other people
at court was the key way in which women, and many men, could assert
their influence.
Social basis of the Political Nation’s power
Even though the seventeenth-century Political Nation had no police
force or real army to impose control, its dominance was generally
accepted by those beneath them in the social hierarchy. This remained
the case even in the face of enormous pressure resulting from a sharp
increase in population. Between 1500 and 1650, the population of England
nearly doubled.
This growth led to several negative consequences, including:
• priceinflation(particularlywithregardtofood)
• foodshortage
• landshortage
• unemployment
• greaterrelianceonthestateforpoorrelief.
All of these consequences strained the hierarchical society. A subclass of
the poorest of the poor developed and, as agricultural production could
not meet the increased demand for food, some died from famine during
harvest failures in the 1620s. At the other end of society, however, the rich
got richer. Landowners and landlords could charge higher prices because of
the increased population’s growing demands. And yet there remained little
challenge to the social order. The concept of the ‘Great Chain of Being’
maintained that it was for the benefit of all to accept the social position in
whichGodhadplacedthem.
During this period society was seen as a greater whole with inter-dependent
parts that created a sense of order. Part of the elites’ paternalist duty in
participating in the Political Nation and the great chain of being was to ensure
that, in times of hardship, those at the bottom of society were looked after
(thoughsomemembersofthenobilityandgentrytooktheirresponsibilities
moreseriouslythanothers).
Naturally, however, such an unequal society would have tensions. There
were riots, particularly during times of hardship, but those in authority tended
to treat the rioters relatively leniently, partly in recognition of the economic
pressures the rioters were under. In general, the riots were only minor
disturbances, and the participants’ demands were usually for the enforcement
of laws to protect their positions, rather than calls for an overturning of the
established order.
cHaPtEr 1 | The Political Nation and the social basis of power
Activity
Look at Fig. 6. With a partner, discuss
what key ideas about society this
drawing is trying to convey.
fig. 6 A contemporary representation of the Great Chain of Being
KEy QuEStION
Howimportantwereideasandideology?
Extract 3
When order seemed truly threatened, England’s rulers were ready enough
to maintain it by repression. What is more significant, however, is that they
preferrednotto,andthatsuchexerciseofnakedpowerwasrarelyrequired.
Inthelightofthefrequentlyexpressedfearsofmembersofthegoverning
class, it is indeed ironic that when a serious breakdown of authority in the state
occurredin1642,itwastheresultofastruggleforpoweramongEngland’s
rulers themselves. Riots posed no lasting threat in a society in which few men
imagined any alternative social order.
Adapted from E nglish Society 1580–1680, by Keith Wrightson (Routledge, 2002)
7
SECTION 1 | Monarchs and parliaments 1603–29
actIVIty
analysing historical extracts
InExtract3,whatviewdoesWrightsonexpressabouttheuseofrepressionin
StuartBritain?
the importance of land ownership and other rival
forms of wealth
Land remained central to power and wealth across the century as the economy
remained predominantly agrarian. Ownership of land during a time of
increasing population enabled landowners to benefit from the increasing price
of food.
Other professionals who could be considered non-landed elite, or pseudogentry, worked in the Church, medicine, music, surveying, architecture or the
visual arts. Many of these professionals, over time, used their acquired wealth
to purchase land for their families to become part of the landed gentry. While
in general those of higher status in the different levels of the Political Nation
were the most wealthy, it was not always the case that the aristocracy had more
income than merchants. Some London merchants could have annual incomes
of£100,000,whilesomeofthearistocracycouldhaveaslittleas£200ayear.
StuDy tIP
Before writing an answer to this type
ofquestionyoushouldbeginby
looking at the chart you compiled in
the Activity on page 4. Decide whether
you wish to agree with the view of
thequotationoradoptanalternative
thesis (or argument) in your essay.
Ensure you look at both the strengths
and limitations of the powers of
the monarch in your answer whilst
upholding your own judgement, which
should appear at the beginning and
again in the conclusion.
StuDy tIP
It is crucial to distinguish between
different types of wealth when
answeringthistypeofquestion.
You might consider whether it
was ‘wealth’ or ‘land’ which was
more important and how the two
were often combined. You could,
forexample,balanceyouranswer
around the word ‘only’ and give points
that both agree and disagree with the
statement, whilst making your own
judgement clear.
8
Summary
As Derek Hirst argued in Extract 1, the gentry and merchant class grew in
importance and became a significant force within the Political Nation during
this period. Central to this process was the growth of trade which led to the
development of towns and the explosion of London as a metropolis across the
century. Urban growth saw the development of non-landed forms of wealth
and some of the people entered the ‘Political Nation’.
a
LEVEL
PractIcE QuEStION
Early seventeenth-century monarchs had very limited powers. Assess the validity
of this view.
actIVIty
Based on what you have read in this chapter, write two paragraphs on what you
understand by the ‘Political Nation’ in the seventeenth century.
aS
LEVEL
PractIcE QuEStION
‘Only landed wealth provided political power in the early seventeenth century.’
Explain why you agree or disagree with this view.
Approved by AQA
Written and checked by subject experts
Fully revised and updated for the new 2015 specification
The Oxford AQA History series has been developed by a
team of passionate history teachers and authors with
examining experience. Written to match the new AQA
specification, this new edition has been revised and fully
updated to cover AS and A Level content together.
This textbook covers in breadth issues of change,
continuity, and cause and consequence in in this period of
British history through key themes such as how far did the
monarchy change during Stuart Britain, why were there
disputes over religion, how effective was opposition, and
how important were ideologies and individuals. Its aim is to
enable you to understand and make connections between
the six key thematic questions covered in the specification.
n Includes tried-and-tested features including Timeline
and A Closer Look
n Plenty of Practice Questions and Study Tips prepare
you for the new exam questions, with support for essay
writing and evaluating historical interpretations
Series editor
Sally Waller is a respected
author, enthusiastic History
teacher, and she has
many years of examining
experience. She is currently
teaching History at
Cheltenham Ladies’ College.
What’s on the cover?
Oliver Cromwell was a
divisive figure in Stuart
Britain. He was a New Model
Army commander during the
First English Civil War, and
later became Lord Protector
of the Commonwealth of
England, Scotland and Ireland.
n Helps you assess the value of historical extracts and
the debate among historians on particular issues and
developments
n A wide range of activities allow you to develop analytical
skills and understanding through individual, group
discussion and research work.
To see the full range of Breadth and Depth History
textbooks available in this series, including eBooks, visit
www.oxfordsecondary.co.uk/aqahistory
1
How to get in touch:
web
www.oxfordsecondary.co.uk
email [email protected]
tel
+44 (0)1536 452620
fax
+44 (0)1865 313472
eBook
Available
ISBN 978-0-19-835462-8
9 780198 354628
eBook
Available