ok able Oxford AQA History Stuart Britain and the Crisis A LeveL of Monarchy 1603–1702 and AS Component 1 eBook Available David Farr SERIES EDITOR Sally Waller 2 Available from Oxford AQA History for A Level These titles have been entered into an approval process with AQA 8 Breadth Studies: Component Breadth Studies: Component 1 1 Tsarist and Communist Russia 1855-1964 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835467 3 Challenge and Transformation: Britain c1851-1964 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835466 6 The Tudors: England 1485-1603. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835460 4 Stuart Britain and the Crisis of Monarchy 1603-1702. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835462 8 The Making of a Superpower: USA 1865-1975. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835469 7 The Quest for Political Stability: Germany 1871-1991. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835468 0 The British Empire c1857-1967 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835463 5 Industrialisation and the People: Britain c1783-1885 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835453 6 12 Depth Studies: Component 2 Wars and Welfare: Britain in Transition 1906-1957. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835459 8 The Cold War c1945-1991. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835461 1 Democracy and Nazism: Germany 1918-1945 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835457 4 Revolution and Dictatorship: Russia 1917-1953 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835458 1 Religious Conflict and the Church in England c1529-c1570. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835471 0 International Relations and Global Conflict c1890-1941. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835454 3 The American Dream: Reality and Illusion 1945-1980. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835455 0 The Making of Modern Britain 1951-2007. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835464 2 The Crisis of Communism: the USSR and the Soviet Empire 1953-2000. . . 978 019 835465 9 The English Revolution 1625-1660. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835472 7 France in Revolution 1774-1815. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835473 4 The Transformation of China 1936-1997. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 978 019 835456 7 Ready to order? Find out more It’s easy to see the Oxford AQA History for A Level titles on inspection, free for 30 days. Please send your full name and school address to [email protected] or contact our Customer Services team on 01536 452620. To find out more about the Oxford AQA History for A Level, visit www.oxfordsecondary.co.uk/aqahistory where you can download more sample material and watch exclusive specification support films from Sally Waller. www.oxfordsecondary.co.uk/aqahistory Contents Introduction to features AQA History specification overview Introduction to the Oxford AQA History series Timeline Introduction to this book pArT one: AS AnD A LeVeL AbSoLuTISm cHALLengeD: brITAIn 1603–49 SecTIon 1 v vi viii x xii Monarchs and parliaments 1603–29 1 1 The political nation and the social basis of power 1 The Political Nation Social basis of the Political Nation’s power The importance of land ownership and other rival forms of wealth Summary 2 James I and charles I: character, court and favourites The characters of James I and Charles I How James I’s and Charles I’s characters shaped their monarchies and styles of rule The favourites of James I and Charles I Summary 3 The finances of the crown and attempts at reform The financial weakness of the Crown Attempts to reform and strengthen royal finance during James I’s reign Attempts to reform and strengthen royal finance during Charles I’s reign, 1625–29 Summary 4 religion and religious divisions The importance of the Church in early modern Britain Challenges to James I and the Church of England from Catholics Challenges to James I and the Church of England from Puritans James I and the development of Arminianism Charles I and religion, 1625–29: the favouring of Arminianism Summary 5 relations and disputes with parliaments, 1604–29 James’ attitude to Parliament, parliamentary privilege, finance, religion and foreign policy State of relations between Charles and Parliament and the reaction of the Political Nation Summary 6 The state of relations between crown and parliament by 1629 and reaction of the political nation The state of relations between Crown and Parliament by 1629 The Three Resolutions 1629 1 6 8 8 9 9 The extent of the breathdown between Crown and Parliament and the Political Nation by 1629 Summary 52 54 SecTIon 2 Revolution 1629–49 55 7 Divisions over religion: Arminianism and Laudianism; puritanism, and millenarianism to 1640 55 Arminianism and Laudianism Puritanism The emergence of millenarianism Summary 55 59 63 64 8 political divisions: the personal rule and the Short parliament 65 Charles’ Personal Rule, 1629–40 The multiple-kingdom crisis of 1637–42: Extent of opposition to the Personal Rule in Scotland, Ireland and England The Short Parliament and continued opposition in 1640 Summary 65 67 74 74 9 political divisions: the Long parliament, pym and the outbreak of civil war 77 17 The Long Parliament The leadership and importance of John Pym Growing divisions in the Long Parliament Events culminating in the outbreak of civil war, 1642 Summary 77 80 81 86 89 17 10 The First civil War: england, Scotland, Ireland 91 11 14 16 22 25 26 27 27 28 31 32 33 35 37 37 44 50 Civil war in Scotland Civil war in Ireland First Civil War in England, 1642–46 Summary 11 The Second civil War Events culminating in the Second Civil War The Second Civil War, 1648–49 Summary 12 Social divisions: political and religious radicalism, the Levellers and millenarians 91 92 93 100 101 101 106 108 111 The emergence of political and religious radicalism in the 1640s Levellers The Diggers Millenarian groups Summary 111 111 115 117 118 13 The failure to secure a post-war settlement, 1648–49: divisions between army and parliament and the regicide 121 Failure to secure a settlement after the Second Civil War The basis for regicide Summary 122 124 127 51 51 51 iii Contents (continued) pArT TWo: A LeVeL monArcHy reSToreD AnD reSTrAIneD: brITAIn 1649–1702 SecTIon 3 From republic to restored and limited monarchy 1649–78 129 14 The consolidation of the republic: Scotland and Dunbar; campaigns in Ireland; charles II and Worcester 129 Establishment and consolidation of the republic The Rump at war Charles II’s invasion of England and defeat at Worcester, 1651 Summary 15 political divisions and experiments: republicanism and the rump; millenarianism and the nominated Assembly Political divisions and the Rump The failures of the Rump Parliament and reasons for its dissolution Millenarianism and the Nominated Assembly or ‘Parliament of Saints’ Summary 16 cromwell, the protectorate, major-generals, and relations with the political nation The Instrument of Government, 1653 Cromwell the Protector and his aims Cromwell and the First Protectorate Parliament, September 1654–January 1655 The rule of the Major-Generals, 1655–57 The end of the Major-Generals Republican divisions and relations with the Political Nation, 1658–60 Summary 129 130 134 135 137 137 137 141 144 145 145 146 147 147 149 152 155 17 charles II and the nature of restored monarchy; rule through parliament and ministers, clarendon, the cabal and Danby 157 Charles and the restored monarchy between 1660 and 1667 Summary 18 The emergence of court and country ‘parties’ 169 The development of the ‘Court party’ and ‘Country party’ Summary 169 174 19 religious divisions and conflicts The restoration of the Church of England, 1660 Protestant dissent and the defeat of millenarianism Conflict over Catholic influence at court Summary iv 157 168 175 175 177 180 182 SecTIon 4 The establishment of constitutional monarchy 1678–1702 183 20 political developments and conflicts: exclusion and absolutism 183 The Exclusion Crisis: its aims, methods and failure James II and his attempts at absolutism, 1685–88 The attempts to restore Catholicism across the three kingdoms Summary 184 191 193 194 21 The ‘glorious revolution’ and its consolidation in england, Scotland and Ireland 195 Events leading up to the Glorious Revolution of 1688–89 The ‘revolution’ of 1689 and the position and power of monarchy The consolidation of the revolution in the multiple kingdoms Summary 22 Divisions within the political nation: Whigs and Tories The emergence of Whigs and Tories as ‘parties’ Summary 195 199 201 203 205 205 209 23 religious changes: Anglicanism, protestantism, catholicism and toleration 211 Religious toleration under William III (1688–1702) Summary 24 government under William III and mary 211 214 215 Importance of political parties and ministers during William and Mary’s rule (1689–1702) The changing influence of Crown and Parliament Summary 215 217 222 25 The condition of britain and its monarchy by 1702 223 The significance of the Act of Settlement Change and balance of power between Crown and Parliament The balance of power between Crown and Parliament Summary conclusion glossary bibliography Acknowledgements Index 223 225 225 228 229 231 234 235 237 Part One Absolutism challenged: Britain 1603–49 Monarchs and parliaments 1603–29 1 1 The Political Nation and the social basis of power Extract 1 A changing economy and social structure shaped, even if they did not cause, the political upheaval of civil war and revolution in the 1640s. The economic dominance of the great landowners diminished as the commercial sector grew in strength; similarly the landowners’ political influence lessened as society diversified. London in all its transformations provided fertile ground for change, with its burgeoning suburbs and its increasingly self-confident tradesmen. Adapted from E ngland in Conflict 1603–1660 Derek Hirst (Bloomsbury 1999) The historian Hirst sees the early seventeenth century as one of growing social and economic change, particularly in the metropolis of London, and this change helped to bring about the crisis that most marks the Stuart Age – civil war and revolution. While England was still an agricultural economy dominated by a small elite group of landowners, the developments in trade and industry, combined with religious developments, brought tensions within the ‘Political Nation’ eventually to breaking point. King Council Parliament Chancery Exchequer Courts County officials Justice of peace Lord Sheriffs Assize judges Parish officials Constables Churchwardens Overseers of Town officials the Political Nation the monarch The term ‘Political Nation’ refers to those people in early modern Britain who had economic, political and social influence. Economic standing, predominantly based on land ownership, lay at the root of the Political Nation’s influence, because it was their wealth that gave them their political and social power. The monarch was the head of the Political Nation. LEarNING OBJEctIVES In this chapter you will learn about: • thedefinitionofthePoliticalNation • theimportanceofthemonarchas head of the Political Nation • thesocialbasisofthePolitical Nation’s power • theimportanceoflandownership in the Political Nation’s power • rivalformsofwealth,including merchants. KEy QuEstIon As you read this chapter, consider the following Key Questions: • Howfardidthemonarchychange? • Towhatextentandwhywaspower more widely shared during this period? • Howimportantwastherole of key individuals and groups and how were they affected by developments? KEy tErm Stuart age: a term for the period 1603–1714, during which the Stuarts were monarchs of England, Scotland and Ireland actIVIty WhatargumentsdoesHirstput forwardinExtract1? 1 SECTION 1 | Monarchs and parliaments 1603–29 actIVIty ExplainthemetaphorsKishlansky says are often used to describe the monarchyinExtract2. crOSS-rEfErENcE For a definition of the term ‘Political Nation’, see the Introduction pagexii. Extract 2 ThemonarchwasaddressedasMajestyorHighness,tosignifyhisposition atop the political hierarchy. All bowed before the king, but the king bowed only before God. The most common metaphors used of the monarchy were with fathers of families and with the head of the body. Adapted from A Monarchy Transformed: Britain 1603–1714 by Mark Kishlansky (Penguin 1996) The institution of monarchy remained the most important constant throughout the Stuart Age, as Kishlansky stresses, ‘atop the political hierarchy’. During this period, the system of personal monarchy was customary: the characters and personalities of each monarch did much to shape the period and the monarch’s relationship with the rest of the Political Nation, particularly through the institution of Parliament. KEy PrOfILE Stuart monarchs of Great Britain James I (reigned 1603–25) James Stuart became King James VI of Scotland in 1566. In 1603, when Elizabeth I, the last Tudor monarch, died childless, James succeeded to the English throne as King James I, having a claim through his great-grandmother, Margaret Tudor, who was the sister of Henry VIII and had married the Scottish king, James IV. A successful ruler, James I was pragmatic and practical enough to realise that he needed to work with Parliament. He did, however, dissolve Parliament several times in frustration during his reign. fig. 1 James I Charles I (reigned 1625–49) Charles I was the younger son of James I, with whom he had a strained relationship. His older brother, Henry, was increasinsgly viewed by the English political elite as the model prince, partly due to increasing dissatisfaction with James I. Henry died aged 18 years, and Charles became heir to the throne at the age of 11. Charles was temperamentally unsuited to kingship and was unprepared for the role. He did not get along with Parliament. Charles II (reigned 1660–85) Charles II was the eldest son of Charles I and spent his formative years in exile in mainland Europe after the defeat and execution of his father. Restored to the throne in 1660 as a result of the collapse of the postCromwell regimes, Charles II’s main goal was to remain on the throne. fig. 2 Charles II 2 cHaPtEr 1 | The Political Nation and the social basis of power Similar to his grandfather in his sociable nature, Charles II was also, like James I, a pragmatic king. James II (reigned 1685–88) James II was Charles II’s younger brother. Like his father, Charles I, he was principled and stubborn, and this underpinned his political failings. It was James II’s Catholicism, however, and his determination to establish his religious values as a dominant political force that sparked a revolution against him. Cross-referenCe For more on the role of religion during the Stuart Age, especially the relationship between Protestantism and Catholicism, see Chapter 4. William III (reigned 1689–1701) and Mary II (reigned 1689–94) William of Orange was a Dutch Protestant whose claim to the English throne was through his wife, Mary, who was the eldest daughter of James II. The Political Nation invited William and Mary to take over from James II to protect Protestantism and the strength of its influence. fig. 3 William III and Mary II Through their prerogative, monarchs led the Political Nation in shaping the politics, economics and social life of the country. The monarchs’ prerogative gave them powers over the following key areas: • foreigndiplomacy,asHeadofState • declarationofwar,ascommander-in-chiefofthemilitary • legislation,throughtherighttocallanddissolveParliament • religion,astheSupremeGovernor(head)oftheChurchofEngland. Such was the extent of the powers held by monarchs that they were almost absolutist, which meant they could rule almost freely with unrestricted political power. However, finances lay at the root of the monarch’s power, and the limits on the monarchs’ income prevented them from becoming truly absolutist. A century of inflation, or a general rise in prices, meant that English monarchs increasingly found that their income could not meet their expenses, especially in relation to foreign policies such as warfare and international diplomacy. Substantial funds could only be raised through parliamentary subsidies. Parliament was normally reluctant to vote for subsidies, however, because the money would have to be raised by taxing the Political Nation. Although in theory members of Parliament represented all people in the area in which they had been selected, in reality they tended to represent only the concerns of the voters who had selected them – generally, the landed aristocracy and gentry, as well as wealthy lawyers and merchants. Because only the wealthy had to pay a parliamentarysubsidy,they(andbyextensiontheirMPs)hadavestedinterest in not granting subsidies to the monarch. The limited availability of parliamentary subsidies therefore forced monarchs to exploit their prerogative income, which was money they received due to their position as monarch. KEy tErmS prerogative: the power of the Crown, derived from the idea that the divine right to rule is given by God to monarchs. Prerogative powers of the early modern British monarchs included the right to call and dissolve Parliament. The monarch could also declare war. Theoretically, the monarch still holds such powers today subsidy: a form of economic support for a particular undertaking; in this case, a sum of money to promote or aid Crown policies, such as warfare. The Crown subsidy came in the form of parliamentarytaxation,witha taxonlandandotherformsof property 3 SECTION 1 | Monarchs and parliaments 1603–29 main forms of crown income types of income Definition Crown lands The crown had sold much land or rented it out on long leases at a fixedrent,thustheirincomewasreducedbecausetheycouldn’t update rents in line with inflation. Taxesfromgoodsimportedintothecountry.Thecrowncouldalso temporarilyselltherighttocollectsuchtaxestoraisefundsquickly. The crown had the right to control an estate that was inherited, byancientright,byanheirundertheageof21. Funds approved by Parliament for emergencies such as war. Customs duties Feudal dues Parliamentary subsidy crOSS-rEfErENcE See Chapter 3 for more about the financial weaknesses of the Crown. Prerogative income also raised concerns in Parliament, because if a monarch became financially self-sufficient, then that monarch could establish themselves as absolute, meaning they did not need Parliament at all. The issue of finance could thus be said to be at the centre of most tensions betweentheCrownandParliament(andthuswithinthePoliticalNation) across the whole of the Stuart Age. Parliament’s control of significant financial resources was the key limit on the development of an absolute monarchy in England. Another limit on the development of absolutism was that the monarch needed the Political Nation to help control the general population. The Crown did not possess the force or civil service to impose its will independently: it had fewer than 2000 paid officials. Instead, the monarch relied on members of the Political Nation to ensure that both central and local government could function. For example, the monarch relied on Justices of the Peace, who were chosen from ranks of the nobility and gentry, to enforce the Crown’s will in the localities. The Political Nation was responsible for collecting taxes, training the militia, enforcing laws and conducting trials. Holding office in the name of the Crown gave members of the Political Nation status and further contributed to their power. a cLOSEr LOOK the unwritten constitution Part of the reason for the blurred nature of the English political system during the Stuart Age was the nature of the country’s constitution. England historically has had no written constitution that documented the rules by which the state was run. Instead, the country had an unwritten constitution that was a mixture of parliamentary laws, the common law, and documents such as Magna Carta, as well as tradition and custom. The disadvantage of an unwritten constitution was that it was open to interpretation, but this was also its advantage. In a society that valued consensus, the ability to interpret the constitution in different ways enabled compromise. actIVIty Using what you have learned in this chapter so far, construct a chart listing the monarch’s powers and the limitations they had to their powers. Powers of the monarch Limitations to the power of the monarch KEy QuEStION Towhatextentandwhywaspowermorewidelysharedduringthisperiod? 4 cHaPtEr 1 | The Political Nation and the social basis of power Together, the monarch and rest of the Political Nation had power over the majority of the population. Despite disagreements between the Crown, Parliament, and other elements of the Political Nation, all who were involved shared an interest in cooperating in order to maintain power over the population at large. 1. Society King 2. Power King Political Nation Political Nation Rest of population Rest of population actIVIty What can be said about the social basisofpowerfromthisdiagram? fig. 4 This diagram illustrates the size of sections of society compared to the power they held Other groups that formed the Political Nation For the historian Keith Wrightson, the Political Nation was composed of ‘an elite of wealth, status and power, internally differentiated and yet united by their shared interests as substantial landowners and agents of government’. The Political Nation covered a range of social groups: • thearistocracy • thelessergentrywhosestatuswasbasedonlandownership • newergroups,includinglawyersandmerchants,whosewealthwasbased on income not derived from land ownership. Some historians refer to this group as the pseudo-gentry because of the non-land-based nature of their wealth. There were approximately 4,110,000 people living in England in 1603. By 1640 there were approximately 120 peers and 20,000 gentry; therefore, the whole Political Nation could be said to constitute about 1 in 200 of the adult male population. The vast majority of the population did not belong to the Political Nation. actIVIty Copy the first of the two triangles in Fig. 4. Beside each section of society add furtherdetailstoexplainthepositionandpowerofthepersonorgroup. The minimum requirement for being seen as part of the Political Nation is generallysaidtohavebeenanannualincomeof40shillings(£2),asthis was needed to qualify to vote for one’s local member of Parliament. In most cases,however,MPsweresimplyselected(ratherthanactually‘elected’) by agreement among the members of the Political Nation, particularly by those families who, because of their wealth, headed the Political Nation in a local area. 5 SECTION 1 | Monarchs and parliaments 1603–29 The political power of this group also stemmed from the positions of authority they held in their local areas, such as Justice of the Peace. Men towards the top of the Political Nation were more likely to hold positions of national importance, such as being in the House of Lords or being a Member of Parliament. Millions KEy tErm patriarchal: a society controlled by men. The concept is related to patriarchalism, a popular seventeenth-century belief that God gave power to fathers and that male monarchs could be seen as fathers of their people. This concept was used to reinforce obedience to the king 6 5.2 5.0 5 4.1 4 3 2.3 2 1 0 1522 1601 1651 1701 Year fig. 5 Growth in English population KEy tErmS Great chain of Being: contemporary phrase for the idea of an ordered society set in place by God; the idea held that everyone was linked to each other and must accept their place in society, whether they were born a poor peasant, a wealthy aristocrat, or somewhere in between paternalist: the idea that it is a fatherly duty of those above others in society to look after the interests of those beneath them, especially in times of hardship 6 a cLOSEr LOOK Seventeenth-century Britain was very much a patriarchal society. Some women did have social, economic and political influence, depending on their economic standing, but although women could be part of the Political Nation, there were limits on how they could wield their power. Women could not hold any of the formal offices through which the Political Nation exercised their control. Despite the historically recent example of Queen Elizabeth I, who reigned from 1558 to 1603, women had to exercise their power in less overt political forums. Personal interaction with other people at court was the key way in which women, and many men, could assert their influence. Social basis of the Political Nation’s power Even though the seventeenth-century Political Nation had no police force or real army to impose control, its dominance was generally accepted by those beneath them in the social hierarchy. This remained the case even in the face of enormous pressure resulting from a sharp increase in population. Between 1500 and 1650, the population of England nearly doubled. This growth led to several negative consequences, including: • priceinflation(particularlywithregardtofood) • foodshortage • landshortage • unemployment • greaterrelianceonthestateforpoorrelief. All of these consequences strained the hierarchical society. A subclass of the poorest of the poor developed and, as agricultural production could not meet the increased demand for food, some died from famine during harvest failures in the 1620s. At the other end of society, however, the rich got richer. Landowners and landlords could charge higher prices because of the increased population’s growing demands. And yet there remained little challenge to the social order. The concept of the ‘Great Chain of Being’ maintained that it was for the benefit of all to accept the social position in whichGodhadplacedthem. During this period society was seen as a greater whole with inter-dependent parts that created a sense of order. Part of the elites’ paternalist duty in participating in the Political Nation and the great chain of being was to ensure that, in times of hardship, those at the bottom of society were looked after (thoughsomemembersofthenobilityandgentrytooktheirresponsibilities moreseriouslythanothers). Naturally, however, such an unequal society would have tensions. There were riots, particularly during times of hardship, but those in authority tended to treat the rioters relatively leniently, partly in recognition of the economic pressures the rioters were under. In general, the riots were only minor disturbances, and the participants’ demands were usually for the enforcement of laws to protect their positions, rather than calls for an overturning of the established order. cHaPtEr 1 | The Political Nation and the social basis of power Activity Look at Fig. 6. With a partner, discuss what key ideas about society this drawing is trying to convey. fig. 6 A contemporary representation of the Great Chain of Being KEy QuEStION Howimportantwereideasandideology? Extract 3 When order seemed truly threatened, England’s rulers were ready enough to maintain it by repression. What is more significant, however, is that they preferrednotto,andthatsuchexerciseofnakedpowerwasrarelyrequired. Inthelightofthefrequentlyexpressedfearsofmembersofthegoverning class, it is indeed ironic that when a serious breakdown of authority in the state occurredin1642,itwastheresultofastruggleforpoweramongEngland’s rulers themselves. Riots posed no lasting threat in a society in which few men imagined any alternative social order. Adapted from E nglish Society 1580–1680, by Keith Wrightson (Routledge, 2002) 7 SECTION 1 | Monarchs and parliaments 1603–29 actIVIty analysing historical extracts InExtract3,whatviewdoesWrightsonexpressabouttheuseofrepressionin StuartBritain? the importance of land ownership and other rival forms of wealth Land remained central to power and wealth across the century as the economy remained predominantly agrarian. Ownership of land during a time of increasing population enabled landowners to benefit from the increasing price of food. Other professionals who could be considered non-landed elite, or pseudogentry, worked in the Church, medicine, music, surveying, architecture or the visual arts. Many of these professionals, over time, used their acquired wealth to purchase land for their families to become part of the landed gentry. While in general those of higher status in the different levels of the Political Nation were the most wealthy, it was not always the case that the aristocracy had more income than merchants. Some London merchants could have annual incomes of£100,000,whilesomeofthearistocracycouldhaveaslittleas£200ayear. StuDy tIP Before writing an answer to this type ofquestionyoushouldbeginby looking at the chart you compiled in the Activity on page 4. Decide whether you wish to agree with the view of thequotationoradoptanalternative thesis (or argument) in your essay. Ensure you look at both the strengths and limitations of the powers of the monarch in your answer whilst upholding your own judgement, which should appear at the beginning and again in the conclusion. StuDy tIP It is crucial to distinguish between different types of wealth when answeringthistypeofquestion. You might consider whether it was ‘wealth’ or ‘land’ which was more important and how the two were often combined. You could, forexample,balanceyouranswer around the word ‘only’ and give points that both agree and disagree with the statement, whilst making your own judgement clear. 8 Summary As Derek Hirst argued in Extract 1, the gentry and merchant class grew in importance and became a significant force within the Political Nation during this period. Central to this process was the growth of trade which led to the development of towns and the explosion of London as a metropolis across the century. Urban growth saw the development of non-landed forms of wealth and some of the people entered the ‘Political Nation’. a LEVEL PractIcE QuEStION Early seventeenth-century monarchs had very limited powers. Assess the validity of this view. actIVIty Based on what you have read in this chapter, write two paragraphs on what you understand by the ‘Political Nation’ in the seventeenth century. aS LEVEL PractIcE QuEStION ‘Only landed wealth provided political power in the early seventeenth century.’ Explain why you agree or disagree with this view. Approved by AQA Written and checked by subject experts Fully revised and updated for the new 2015 specification The Oxford AQA History series has been developed by a team of passionate history teachers and authors with examining experience. Written to match the new AQA specification, this new edition has been revised and fully updated to cover AS and A Level content together. This textbook covers in breadth issues of change, continuity, and cause and consequence in in this period of British history through key themes such as how far did the monarchy change during Stuart Britain, why were there disputes over religion, how effective was opposition, and how important were ideologies and individuals. Its aim is to enable you to understand and make connections between the six key thematic questions covered in the specification. n Includes tried-and-tested features including Timeline and A Closer Look n Plenty of Practice Questions and Study Tips prepare you for the new exam questions, with support for essay writing and evaluating historical interpretations Series editor Sally Waller is a respected author, enthusiastic History teacher, and she has many years of examining experience. She is currently teaching History at Cheltenham Ladies’ College. What’s on the cover? Oliver Cromwell was a divisive figure in Stuart Britain. He was a New Model Army commander during the First English Civil War, and later became Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland. n Helps you assess the value of historical extracts and the debate among historians on particular issues and developments n A wide range of activities allow you to develop analytical skills and understanding through individual, group discussion and research work. To see the full range of Breadth and Depth History textbooks available in this series, including eBooks, visit www.oxfordsecondary.co.uk/aqahistory 1 How to get in touch: web www.oxfordsecondary.co.uk email [email protected] tel +44 (0)1536 452620 fax +44 (0)1865 313472 eBook Available ISBN 978-0-19-835462-8 9 780198 354628 eBook Available
© Copyright 2026 Paperzz