THE CASINO EFFECT: DO CASINOS SPUR GROWTH AND WHICH COMMUNITIES BENEFIT? Chad Cotti Department of Economics University of South Carolina Abstract: There has been a dramatic increase and spread of “Las Vegas” style casinos in the United States over the last 20 years. Using data on employment from across the US, this research finds that, in general, counties experience an increase in employment after a casino opens when compared with counties without casinos. The effect on industries related to casinos is somewhat mixed, but in general mildly positive, which would suggest that casinos provide a positive employment spillover into the surrounding local community. Intertemporal estimation suggests that the casino effect grows over time and provide evidence that the results are not influenced by endogenous casino location. Estimates on how the overall effects vary across different population densities show that low-density communities see much larger employment growth than more densely populated areas. Finally, additional estimation finds little impact on employment levels in neighboring counties, although there are some small effects in certain sectors. *Contact Cotti at 920-203-4660 or [email protected]. I would like to thank Scott Adams, Scott Drewianka, John Heywood, James Peoples, McKinley Blackburn and Keith Bender for their helpful suggestions. I would also thank David Mustard and Earl Grinols for their help with the data. Dain Johnson provided valuable research assistance. I. Introduction There has been a dramatic increase and spread of “Las Vegas style” casinos in the United States over the last 20 years. Many communities see casinos as the best option for strong economic growth and development. Yet, the impact of casino introduction on local communities and surrounding areas is unclear and has become a point of much debate across the country. Do casinos create jobs and growth, or do they simply replace jobs in other industries, such as entertainment? Are the effects consistent across all communities, or does the size of the community seem to affect the economic payoff? These are questions that have not been fully addressed in the literature surrounding the effect of casinos on local economies. Moreover, having a strong understanding of the nature of these economic effects of casinos is particularly important when one considers the recent literature, which finds evidence that casino introduction may lead to significant increases in crime (e.g. Grinols and Mustard, 2006). In this paper, I attempt to add to this discussion by comparing changes in countywide and industry specific employment in counties where casinos have opened (or in counties that are adjacent to a county where a casino has opened) to changes in counties without a casino. Understanding how casino introduction affects employment in the community as a whole, and, maybe more importantly, in related industries, is key to evaluating the general impact of a casino on a local economy. Further, an evaluation of how these effects may vary across different population densities will provide valuable insight into how the effects vary across localities and should lead to a better understanding of previous research. 2 Current studies into the impact of casinos on employment and crime have added a great deal to our understanding of the social and economic outcomes surrounding the introduction of casinos into local municipalities. Yet, further research on how these effects vary across heterogeneous communities may alter the interpretation of the findings significantly or at least provide a deeper insight into causal relationships. Specifically, an analysis of how outcomes vary between rural and urban communities and across different related industries should lead to a more detailed understanding of the economic impacts of casino introduction on host communities and the surrounding populations. This paper makes use of a national sample in order to comprehensively add to this on going discussion. The primary finding is that casino introduction significantly increases employment in host counties relative to counties without a casino. As anticipated, analysis of related industries suggests that these positive effects are primarily focused in the entertainment sector of a local economy, of which the casino is a part. A detailed breakdown of selected sub-sectors of the local economy provides additional insight into how the impact of casinos varies across potentially related industries. Separation of the treatment counties by population density indicates that the increase in employment is strongest in low-density rural areas. Further, employment in counties neighboring those with casinos seems to be affected very little, suggesting that gains in employment in host counties do not come at the expense of neighboring communities. Section II discusses the recent history of casinos in the US, as well as the existing literature that evaluates their impact on surrounding communities. Section III discusses 3 the methodology. Section IV summarizes the data. Section V presents the results and discusses the findings. Section VI concludes. II. Background A. Legislation With the exception of Nevada in the 1930’s and Atlantic City, NJ in 1978, casinos had no presence in the United States until Congress passed the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGRA) in 1988. The IGRA formally recognized that, because tribes are sovereign bodies, states have limited regulatory authority to govern them. Further, the IGRA opened the door for formalized Indian casinos by defining regulations that allowed for three classes of gaming to exist on tribal lands. Class I gaming permits traditional Indian games only. Class II allows for bingo or similar gaming to be operated by a tribe as long as the gaming takes place within a state that already permits that type of gaming for any purpose. Class III allows for the management and establishment of full-scale “LasVegas” style casinos with the negotiated permission to allow these games within the state.1 The significance of the IGRA cannot be understated in this discussion. As of 2003, tribal casinos existed in 25 states across the country; ranging from one location in Maine, Nebraska, Texas, and Wyoming, to dozens of establishments in California and Oklahoma (Ader, 2003). The second major shift in legislative politics began in the early 1990s with the legalization of commercial casinos in several states. Beginning with riverboat casinos, which opened in the state of Iowa in 1991, similar casino provisions have led to an influx 1 For a more detailed summary into the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act please see cited work by Evans and Topoleski (2002). 4 of commercial casinos throughout the country. If we exclude Nevada, by 2003 there were well over 100 state regulated commercial casinos operating in 9 states. Taken collectively, it is obvious that casino introduction has become a widespread phenomenon in the United States and requires comprehensive analysis. B. Predictions Due to the status quo illegality that characterizes organized gambling, casino opening is subject to governmental approval and, as such, very political by nature. The typical motivation used in support of the opening of a casino, whether it is tribal or commercial, is economic development. Strong supporters of casinos claim that casinos create jobs, spur economic development, increase the standard of living, and may even lower crime in surrounding areas. Specifically, they feel that the opening of a casino will create a new entertainment center for their community that will attract consumers from a wide range of surrounding areas, which, subsequently, will generate new jobs, promote the construction of infrastructure, and energize the local economy. In particular, it is easy to suspect that the hospitality industry may benefit from a positive business spillover. For example, casinos began opening in Tunica County, MS in 1991 and employment levels grew noticeably in the subsequent years. In particular, the service sector in Tunica grew over 1000% from 1992-2001 (Garrett, 2004). The story of Tunica highlights the potential for new jobs and the creation of tourism, which is the primary advantage to local communities cited by proponents of casino introduction, whether it is tribal or otherwise. According to the 2004 report on Indian Gambling, tribal casinos also show these gains as they now employ nearly a 5 quarter million people in the US nationwide (Meister, 2004). This is a considerable number of employees, which is suggestive of a positive relationship between economic development and casino introduction. On the other hand, those in opposition to casinos feel that they will increase several societal ills, such as crime and gambling addiction, which may lead to increased domestic problems. Moreover, opponents feel that, rather than creating more jobs, casinos act as substitute to other pre-existing forms of entertainment. Thus, casinos may not actually create more jobs, but instead they may “cannibalize” jobs from other related sectors of the local economy. It is not difficult to imagine that a casino opens and several of the existing service/entertainment establishments, such as bars, restaurants, theaters, bowling centers, etc., lose business and therefore jobs through substitution and increased competition for disposable income. Overall, it is unclear what outcome to anticipate. Employment could increase following the casino introduction, reflecting positive impacts on communities. Alternatively, if employment does not change very much overall, but falls in other related sectors of the economy, it may not be obvious that casinos create many jobs. Moreover, the results may differ for urban and rural areas. The introduction of a casino into a predominantly rural area may spur more development and job creation then in urban areas because such casinos may act as a “destination” and draw people to a location that previously had very little tourist appeal. So, following a casino’s opening one might expect an increase in demand for hotels, bars, and restaurants that would not have otherwise existed, such as been observed in Tunica County, MS. While in urban areas, the entertainment and hospitality sectors may already be substantial, and, hence, a casino 6 would provide little noticeable benefit for a community as a whole. Further, in urban areas a larger portion of the casino patrons will likely come from the existing residents of the community. Thus, a net positive flow of dollars into a city may be less obvious. For example, in Detroit, MI casino openings in the late 1990s led to 6000 new jobs (Sabar, 2004), but it is unclear that these jobs did not come at the expense of employment in related sectors. Moreover, these 6000 additional jobs are a much smaller piece of the overall labor market in Detroit then they would be to a county similar to Tunica and, hence, would have a substantially smaller effect on the local economy. Regardless, it is clear that research on both the effects of casinos on related industries and how the “casino effect” differs between urban and rural areas is needed. C. Past Research There is a strong body of empirical research that evaluates the economic and social effects of casinos on their surrounding communities, but the majority of the work comes from case studies of particular regions.2 The preponderance of these studies focus on the impacts of commercial casinos on employment, with mixed results. An early study by Grinols (1994) finds that casino introduction in Illinois had for the most part little effect on overall employment in the area. However, Siegel and Anders (1999) find empirical evidence that riverboat gambling in Missouri acted as a substitute to the entertainment and services industries, supporting the concept that casinos “cannibalize” jobs from other industries and therefore provide very little job creation. On the other 2 There also exists a slew of non-peer reviewed reports and analysis from consulting firms, policy groups, and government agencies, which provides a great deal of information and construct to the discussion that is not formally reviewed in detail here. 7 hand, work by Garrett (2004) investigates employment effects in six counties from the Midwest and Mississippi using a forecasting model. His analysis predicts what the level of household employment would have been in these casino counties if a casino had not opened and then compares it to the observed household employment following the casino opening. He finds that in most counties casino introduction resulted in increased employment, although these results seem to be much stronger in rural areas. This result is casually suggestive that employment effects may differ across population densities. Two more recent studies of casinos are Grinols and Mustard (2006) and Evans and Topoleski (2002). The Evans and Topoleski paper focuses on both the economic and social impacts of casinos on tribal communities and the surrounding area. They employ a difference-in-difference fixed effects analysis using data encompassing all native tribes in the lower 48 states. Their results are somewhat mixed, finding an increase in jobs per adult and a decrease in county level mortality rates. Both outcomes are indicative of a positive impact on the local community. They also isolate negative social outcomes, such as increased violent crime, larceny, and auto theft.3 Grinols and Mustard (2006) primarily focus on social effects of casinos. Specifically, they address how several different measures of crime (assault, robbery, burglary, etc.) are related to casino openings.4 Their findings indicate that casino introduction dramatically increases most forms of crime, particularly noting that the negative impact of crime increases over time. Alternatively, preliminary research by 3 These results are consistent with the contemporary study by Grinols and Mustard (2006). 4 Their treatment group included both tribal and commercial casinos. 8 Navin and Sullivan (2006) find evidence that the effects of crime on a community are not consistent across urban and rural areas. Empirically, I add to the discussion of the economic impact of casinos by undertaking a national difference-in-difference study of how the impact of casino introduction varies across local communities and related sectors. In addition to addressing the impact of casinos on the host community, this paper also endeavors to analyze the effect on related industries, such as the entertainment and hospitality sectors, which has not been studied in great detail or in a comprehensive manner to this point. Further, I hope to contribute to the literature by empirically estimating if the casino effect varies across different population densities, and if impacts spillover into neighboring counties. III. Methodology In this section, I describe in detail the statistical model that is used in this analysis. As outlined below, the primary data set includes employment data for all U.S. counties for the years 1990 – 1996. During this time frame, several counties saw casinos open within their borders, while many did not. So, to estimate the impact of casinos on employment at many different industrial levels, a “difference-in-difference” estimator was utilized. This model compares the employment outcomes of counties before and after a casino opens (the treatment group) with the employment outcomes over the same period in counties where a casino did not open during that time (the control group). Moreover, because it may take some time for the full impact of a casino opening to be realized, an alternative specification was under taken to measure the effect of casino 9 introduction over time. Specifically, two different fixed effects regression models were utilized in this analysis, although different variations were employed to estimate results across heterogeneous treatment groups. The first method captures the basic impact of casinos on counties and assumes that the effect is time-invariant: (1) Yit = i + tCit + γ’Xct + it. where X is a vector of county-specific demographic characteristics, it is the idiosyncratic error, and Yit is the dependent variable, log employment, in county i during quarter t. Cit is a casino dummy that is equal to one if county i has a casino in operation at time t and zero otherwise. Fixed effects for county and quarter are captured by i and t, respectively. The county fixed effects are imperative in this context, as they help control for the potential nonrandom selection of casino introduction into a county. The second model allows for effects to vary over time: (2) Yit = i + t'Lit + γ’Xct + it where Lit is a vector of casino opening dummy variables which includes three years of leads and five years of lags, set to capture any intertemporal effects created by a casino opening.5 Even though we may not anticipate any strong lead effects from casino 5 Unlike the other lags, which correspond to the exact number of years the casino has been open, lag 5 indicates that a casino has been open five years or more. 10 openings, the inclusion of leads will help to discover if any issues of endogeneity are present in the analysis.6 This issue is discussed further in the results section. Lastly, all standard errors where corrected to allow for non-independence of observations from the same county through clustering. This follows the work of Arellano (1987) and Bertrand et al. (2004). Without such corrections, the standard errors would likely be understated and significance perhaps overstated. IV. Data As a way of alleviating cited weaknesses in the previous literature, Grinols and Mustard (2006) utilize data from all 3165 counties in the United States. They cite the prevalence of small sample sizes or geographically narrow subsets as a need for more comprehensive research. In order to alleviate similar concerns in this employment based study, the Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages (QCEW) was utilized as the primary source of relevant data. The QCEW is appropriate for this policy analysis, as it contains nationwide county-level panel data on employment levels across all North American Industrial Coding System (NAICS). I extract quarterly data for every county from January 1990 to December 1996.7 This data period is useful because it allows for identification of the effects of casino introduction during the time span that encompasses the majority of casino openings in the United States. 6 This follows similar works that investigates this issue (e.g. Evans and Topoleski, 2002; Grinols and Mustard, 2006). 7 The QCEW data begins in 1990. Information on the timing of casino introduction was obtained via Earl Grinols, Baylor University, and David Mustard, University of Georgia, who gathered the information by contacting state gaming authorities and by consulting both Casino: The International Casino Guide and select casino websites, such as www.casinocity.com. This data source runs through 1996, so the sample for this analysis was restricted to this year. 11 The QCEW classifications are finely disaggregated and easily allow identification of a wide range of industrial sectors and sub-sectors. Data on sectors and sub-sectors that one may suspect are related to casinos were isolated for this analysis. The inclusion of analysis on related industries permits a more detailed understanding of the overall impact of a casino on a community and has frequently been left out of other employment studies. The industrial sectors included in this paper are: Total, all industries; Arts, entertainment, and recreation; Performing arts and spectator sports; Museums, zoos, and parks; Other recreation (which includes golf, skiing, marinas, fitness centers, and bowling); Accommodation and food services; Accommodations; Food service and drinking places; Full service restaurants; Limited service eating places; Drinking places, alcoholic beverages; and Hotels/motels, excluding casino hotels. Overall, this sample contained over 600,000 county-quarter observations. As with any analysis of this type, the identification of a treatment group of counties that opened a casino during the designated time frame is a necessity. Utilizing information on the timing of casino introduction, which was obtained by Earl Grinols and David Mustard, a total of 161 casino openings, encompassing both commercial and tribal casinos, were isolated for this analysis.8 A secondary treatment group of neighbor counties, defined as all counties that border a county with a casino, was also identified. Atlantic County, NJ and all counties in Nevada were excluded from the analysis due to the unique nature of the casino industry in these areas. The remainder of U.S. counties composed the control group in all analyses. 8 Since American Indian casinos take on several different classes of operation, Indian casinos are treated as opening when they receive a Class III license, which is the level of operation most consistent with typical “Las Vegas” style casinos. 12 In order to control for time-varying characteristics within the sample, a number of county level variables were included. These consist of U.S. Census Bureau data on total county population, population density per square mile, and population distributions by race, age, and sex.9 Of course, the inclusion of more covariates would be ideal, but because many of the controls which could be useful in this type of model are potentially impacted by the intervention, they can not be added. That said this is only a limitation to the degree that the fixed-effects model is unable to deal with differences between the treatment and control groups. Table 1 provides some summary statistics on casino and non-casino counties. Casino counties are defined as having a casino in operation for at least one quarter during the sample period, while non-casino counties do not have a casino present at any time during the sample period. V. Results A. Basic Effects 1. Overall Employment and Super-Sectors The top panel of Table 2 presents the standard employment effects of casino introduction on a county as a whole, as well as two related super-sectors: the arts, entertainment, and recreation super-sector, which is referred to as entertainment, and the accommodation and food services super-sector, which is referred to as hospitality. Estimates suggest that a casino increases total employment in a county by an average of 8.1% relative to counties without a casino. This result suggests that, on average, casinos 9 Census data was provided by Earl Grinols, Baylor University, and David Mustard, University of Georgia. 13 play a significant role in increasing employment and promoting economic development in a county. I would like to point out that certain estimates presented in Table 2, and subsequent tables in the paper may seem quite large, but these estimates need to be evaluated with respect the range of populations in the treatment group. For example, an 8% average increase in total employment is completely reasonable when one considers that fully 25% of the counties in the treatment group have a total employment (NAICS 10) of less than 4100 workers prior to a casino opening. Therefore, estimates are influenced strongly by the low population counties, which may have 15 or 20 percent increases in employment following a casino opening. This is an issue which is taken up in more detail later in the paper. From a policy and economic growth perspective, it is critical that an analysis of the effects of casinos should address the potential spillover effects of casino introduction on related industries. Previous studies have found that casinos “cannibalize” jobs from other forms of entertainment and recreation, while providing little economic benefit to the surrounding hotel and restaurant industries (Siegel & Anders, 1999; NGISC, 1999). Still other research finds results that casinos may promote growth in other industries, such as hotels, restaurants, bars, and other forms of entertainment (e.g. Taylor at el, 2000). As discussed earlier, one goal of this research is to comprehensively isolate how casino introduction impacts related industries. Analysis of the entertainment and hospitality super-sectors find results in favor of a positive “spillover” story. Estimates, detailed in Table 2, suggest that casinos increase employment in the entertainment sector by 54% relative to the control group. This is 14 definitely a significant increase, but again these results are tempered when one considers that the casino itself is captured in these estimates, and a great deal of casinos locate in rural counties which typically have very few entertainment jobs to speak of prior to the casino opening (over 30% have less than 200 workers in the entertainment sector prior to casino entry). Estimates for the hospitality sector show a positive point estimate of 2.6%, although they do fall short of significance at the .10 level. The basic empirical specification described in Section III controls for county characteristics by adding certain covariates to the model, but if casinos are more likely to locate in states whose economies are improving, then estimates in the top panel of Table 2 may overstate the actual effect of casinos on employment. Subsequently, to examine the sensitivity of the results to more complete controls for time effects, state-specific year-effects were added to the model. As detailed in the in the bottom panel of Table 2, it is evident that these estimates are not appreciably different from the results provided above. 2. Sub-Sector Analysis In order to more accurately differentiate if there is a positive effect on employment within the related super-sectors, rather than an internal tradeoff, a detailed analysis of sub-sectors within the entertainment and hospitality industries was undertaken. Results, provided in Table 3, tell a relatively intuitive story about how casino introduction may affect related sub-sectors of the local economy. Specifically, estimates do not provide any proof of a decline in employment in any of the three non-gambling 15 related entertainment sub-sectors (NAICS code 711, 712, and 7139).10 To the contrary, estimates from the performing arts and spectator sport sector show an increase in employment of approximately 20%. Of course, it is likely the case that this estimate captures increases in employment directly associated with the performing arts activities at the casino itself. Moreover, it is unclear if such gains are present in the pre-existing or non-casino related performing arts industry. As is the case in many sectors, further estimation at finer levels of sectoral disaggregation would be useful, but is unattainable due to data suppression.11 Estimates from analysis of both the museum, zoos, and parks sector, as well as the other recreational centers sector (which includes golf courses, skiing resorts, marinas, fitness centers, and bowling alleys) do not show the presence of a strong casino effect, as estimates are small and insignificantly different from zero. That said, it is noteworthy that in both cases they have non-trivial negative coefficients. In any case, there is no strong evidence to suggest that there is any negative spillover or businessstealing effect present within the entertainment industry. On the other hand, the aforementioned earlier work on this topic has found both positive and negative effects of casino introduction on the hospitality industry. So it is possible that substitution or complimentary effects of casinos may differ within the hospitality sector. Estimates of the impact of casino opening on sub-sectors of the hospitality industry are detailed in Table 3 and seem to suggest that casinos either have little effect or possibly act as a mild stimulant to employment growth in these sub-sectors. For 10 An analysis of the gambling sector specifically (NAICS 7132) would be insightful, but such estimation is prevented by suppression of the data at very fine levels of disaggregation where a small number of establishments are present. 11 The BLS suppresses the QCEW data fields when the number of establishments is too low to guarantee anonymity of the firm(s). 16 example, there is strong growth in the accommodations sector, with a 6.4% increase in employment over the control counties. It needs to be pointed out, however, that due to the frequency of casino-owned hotels, it is difficult to determine if these results actually reflect gains to firms outside of the casino “complex.” An analysis of the hotel/motel industry excluding casino hotels is necessary to determine if a true spillover benefit is present. Fortunately, the QCEW data contains sufficient detail to separate casino hotels from the rest of the hotel/motel sector and allow for a more detailed analysis. Estimates for the hotel industry, excluding casino hotels, show a marginally significant 3.8% increase in employment, indicative that the surrounding accommodation industry does benefit directly from the casino’s presence. Similar industry level estimation of the bar and restaurant sector demonstrate no large impact on employment levels, as the point estimate is -1.3% and is not statistically significant. Yet, as confirmed by analysis of bars and restaurants separately, there are consistent negative estimates throughout the bar and restaurant sector, which may suggest a mild amount of demand substitution between bars/restaurants and casinos. That said, in general, these findings, coupled with those from the analysis of the entertainment sub-sectors, provide no strong evidence to suggest that casinos harm related industries through substitution, and, further, they indicate that certain industries may benefit from casino introduction. B. Time Effects It is easy to anticipate that it may take a few years before the full effect of casino introduction may be realized. For example, consumers need to be informed, casino management needs time to ascertain how to best market their product, and, particularly in 17 rural areas, an infrastructure to support the casino must be developed. Equation (2) attempts to capture the effects of casinos over time. Coefficient estimates and standard errors for this specification are detailed in Table 4. Estimates are consistent with the results estimated with Equation (1), and indicate that casino introduction increases employment in the county overall, as well as in the entertainment sector.12 More specifically, this estimation provides evidence that the effect of casinos on employment seems to change over time. Graphically, the results show a clear change in the trend in employment relative to the control group following a casino opening (see Figure 1). For example, overall county employment only increased an estimated 2.1% in the year in which a casino opened, but 3 years after opening, was 10.2% greater. This growth in employment is indicative of the type of development many communities point to when promoting the benefits of casinos for local economies. Of course, endogeneity is always a concern when conducting analysis of this type, because casino opening may be correlated with non-random growth in the treatment group. Specifically, estimated results would overstate the true impact of casinos on employment if industrial sectors in host counties are growing faster than average for this time period. Likewise, the results will be biased downward if employment was growing slower then the control group. In order to determine if there is any evidence to suggest that the estimates are bias due to trending in the treatment group, the aforementioned intertemporal analysis also included three year leads. If employment in counties where casinos opened was growing faster then in the control group we would expect the 12 Similar analysis was also conducted on sub-sectors of both the entertainment and hospitality super-sectors. The results were consistent with those reported in the timeinvariant analysis. 18 coefficients of the lead dummies to be positive and statistically significant. The results, presented in Table 4, show no strong evidence for trending in either direction in the entertainment sector or for employment overall. This is further supported as we are unable to reject the null hypothesis that the leads are all jointly equal to zero.13 On the other hand, there is some evidence to suggest that employment in the hospitality sector maybe trending downward relative to the control group, which would suggest that estimates of the effects of casinos on employment are biased downward; a point to be aware of when evaluating the hospitality results. Overall, it is my hope that this test, taken in conjunction with the earlier test for model sensitivity to state-specific trends, will alleviate any strong concerns that the reported positive estimates are being driven by casinos endogenously locating in areas which are positively trending with regards to the control group. C. Population Density Effects The basic effects generated thus far are from a nationwide sample, but the data allow us to say more about how the outcomes may differ across regions. Specifically, several past studies have remarked that the effects of casino introduction may vary by population density (e.g. Evans and Topoleski, 2002), while other research has casually observed that rural communities seemed to realize greater gains than urban areas (e.g. Garrett, 2005). There has been little work done at a comprehensive level, however, that provides empirical results to speak to a difference in rural versus urban effects. It is 13 The p-values for these Wald tests are reported in the last row of Table 4. 19 important to capture such differences in order to truly assess the policy implications of the aforementioned results. In order to estimate how employment effects differ by population density the sample was separated into thirds according to county population density. Counties were placed into the bottom-third density group if their population densities were less then 32 people per mile, which was the 33rd percentile for counties in the treatment group. Topthird counties had a population density that exceeded 202 people per mile, which was the 66th percentile for counties in the treatment group.14 I estimate results consistent with the methodology outlined in equation (1); except the treatment and control groups are separated by density and all analysis is conducted on high-density (top-third) and lowdensity (bottom-third) counties separately. All “middle” density or middle-third counties were excluded from this analysis. The results for these two estimations are presented in Table 5 and are quite clear. Total employment effects are only strong in the low-density counties, with a 14.5% increase, versus a statistically insignificant 0.8% increase in high-density areas.15 The large disparity between groups suggests that casinos have a much stronger positive effect on a county, as a whole, if they are located in a rural area. The findings are different for the entertainment sector, where the employment effects are positive and significant across both population densities. Again this is not surprising as the casinos themselves are part of the entertainment sector. Differences in the hospitality sector are noteworthy as well, 14 Treatment group counties were utilized in determining the separation points in order to provide a relatively balanced sample size of treatment counties in each stratum. 15 Estimation of density effects with an intertemporal model consistent with equation (2) provided very similar results, and, as in earlier estimation, the effect of the casino on employment grew with time. 20 with low population density areas seeing in increase in employment of 5.0%, while high density areas realize no significant effect. This result is consistent with the idea that casinos provide some range of fixed employment growth, which is not strongly correlated with the population base, and therefore, will provide relatively more growth to rural communities. D. Neighbor Effects In their study on crime, Grinols and Mustard (2006) test the hypothesis that crime could be attracted to the casino county from neighboring border counties, and, hence, not actually create “new” crime. This hypothesis is also worth investigating with regard to employment as well. If casinos cause a significant increase employment in the host county but cause significant job loss in the surrounding counties, then the benefit of the casino could be significantly over-stated. In order to identify how casinos affect counties that neighbor counties with casinos, an analysis consistent with equation (1) was undertaken. All counties that border counties with casinos are considered “neighbors” and considered the treatment group, with all non-border non-casino counties utilized as the control. Results of this analysis are detailed in Table 6, and it is evident that the effect of casino introduction on overall employment in neighboring counties is insignificant and basically zero, but this is not to say that there is no fringe effect. While the results show no impact on overall employment, analysis of related sectors does provide interesting outcomes. The entertainment sector in a neighboring county realizes an increase in employment, while the hospitality sector may be negatively affected in a small way. 21 Estimates show a 5.6% increase in entertainment employment and 1.3% decreases in hospitality employment respectively. More detailed analysis of the hospitality industry finds that the losses in employment are centered in the bar and restaurant industries, with the accommodations sector actually showing an increase in employment of 3.1%. These results are largely suggestive that employment in neighboring counties is on the whole not largely affected. Although, they do indicate that there is a mild gain for the entertainment and accommodations sector, which is consistent with the notion that casinos lead to more tourism in an area. Conversely, results also indicate that restaurants and bars are somewhat negatively impacted in neighboring counties, which may imply that local residents are spending more time in the casino county than they were prior to the casino opening. Apart from this suggestive evidence, there is little to support the notion that employment gains in the host county are coming at the expense of neighboring border counties. VI. Conclusion Prior to 1988 casinos were an isolated phenomenon in the United States. But following changes in state and federal legislation in the late 1980s and early 1990s, the door was opened for casinos to locate across the country. This paper sought estimates of the effect of casino openings on overall employment in host counties, as well as in several related industries, as a means of gauging the impact of casinos on economic development. The main finding is that, overall, casinos lead to more employment, and as such, likely due lead to some economic growth. Moreover, the results do not provide strong evidence to suggest that this increase in jobs is offset through substitution of jobs 22 in other related industries, as has been suggested in prior research. To the contrary, some related industries see an increase in employment, which could be indicative that these firms benefit from some complementary demand, maybe through increased tourism, etc. Intertemporal analysis tells a similar story and indicates that this effect grows, at least initially, over time. Further investigation on how the impact of casinos varied between high and low population density communities found that the effects are much stronger in the lowdensity areas. Particularly, estimates show that low population density areas benefit from more than high-density areas, which only realized gains in the entertainment sector. These results are an important finding for policymakers to consider as they decide whether to utilize a casino as a means of spurring economic growth in their communities. If very dense communities see a much smaller increase in jobs per capita, then the overall effectiveness of casinos as an economic stimulus measure is questionable. Exploration into how employment in neighboring counties was affected by the introduction of a casino suggests that overall employment is not affected significantly, but there is evidence to suggest mild positive spillovers in the entertainment and accommodations industries and possibly a small negative impact on restaurants and bars. Overall, the findings in this paper indicate that casinos provide an economic boost to host communities, with few negative affects on employment. Of course, this is not to say that casinos have no down side. From a policy perspective, the gains to employment and economic development need to be balanced against the previously documented increases in crime that communities tend to see following a casino opening (Grinols & Mustard, 2006). Ultimately, as is evident by their strong revenues, casinos are supplying 23 an important product to consumers, and, hence, are not going to be a passing fad in American culture. For this reason, the economic and social effects of casinos on local communities will continue to be an important issue of future research. 24 References Ader, Jason N. Bear Stearns 2002-2003 North American Gaming Almanac. Las Vegas: Huntington Press, 2003 Arellano, M., “Computing Robust Standard Errors for Within-Groups Estimators.” Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics, 1987, 49(4), pp. 431-434. Bertrand, M., Duflo, E., Mullainathan, S., “ How Much Should We Trust Differences-inDifferences Estimates?” Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2004: 119(1), pp. 24975. Casino: The International Casino Guide, 6th Edition., (Port Washington, NY: B.D.I.T., Inc., 1997). Evans, William, and Julie Topoleski. “The Social and Economic Impact of Native American Casinos.” NBER Working Paper No. 9198. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2002 Garrett, Thomas A. “Casino Gaming and Local Employment Trends.” Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis: Review, January/February 2004, 86(1), pp. 9-22. Gazel, Ricardo. “The Economic Impact of Casino Gambling at the State and Local Levels.” Annals of the American Academy of Political Science. 556 (March 1998): 66-84. Gerstein, Dean et al. Gambling Impact and Behavioral Study: Report to the National Study Commission. Chicago, IL: National Opinion Research Center at the University of Chicago, April 1999. Grinols, Earl. “Bluff or Winning Hand? Riverboat Gambling and Regional Employment and Unemployment.” Illinois Business Review, Spring 1994, 51(1), pp. 8-11. Grinols, Earl, and David Mustard. “Casinos, Crime, and Community Costs.” The Review of Economics and Statistics, February 2006, 88(1) Kearney, Melissa. “The Economic Winners and Losers of Legalized Gambling.” National Tax Journal. Vol. LVIII, No. 2, June 2005. Meister, Alan. Indian Gaming Industry Report: 2004-2005. Analysis Group, Inc. Newton, MA: Casino City Press, 2004 National Gambling Impact Study Commission (NGISC).”Gambling Impact and Behavioral Study: Report to the National Gambling Impact Study Commission.” Washington, D.C., 1999. 25 Navin, John, and Timothy Sullivan, “Casinos and Crime: A tale of Two States.” Working Paper, Southern Illinois University-Edwardsville, March 2006. Sabar, Ariel. “Detroit casinos offer promise, problems,” Baltimore Sun, January 13, 2004 Siegel, Donald, and Gary Anders. “Public Policy and the Displacement Effects of Casinos: A Case Study of Riverboat Gambling in Missouri.” Journal of Gambling Studies, Summer 1999, 15(2), pp. 105-21. Taylor, Jonathan B., Matthew B. Krepps, and Patrick Wang. “The National Evidence on the Socioeconomic Impacts of American Indian Gaming on NonIndian Communities.” Harvard Project on American Indian Economic Development Working Paper No. 00-1. Cambridge: Harvard University, April, 2000. 26 Table 1-Summary Statistics: Casino vs. Non-casino Counties Casino County Variable Non-Casino County Mean Median Std. Dev. Mean Median Std. Dev. 151,900 41,900 296,658 77,170 22,286 266,278 Population Density (Pop/sq. mile) 218 39 501 221 39 1,466 Total Employment (NAICS 10) 55,856 11,576 126,371 27,434 5,394 110,008 Employment Entertainment (NAICS 71) 1,573 634 2,684 767 160 2,665 Employment Hospitality (NAICS 72) 7,322 2,710 13,427 3,990 1144 11,208 Population 27 Table 2 – Effects of Casino Introduction on Log Employment, Overall and Super-sectors Time Invariant Method Employment Effects Estimate Robust Std. Error t Sample Size County, Total (NAICS 10) 0.081 0.016 4.93 87,172 Entertainment (NAICS 71) 0.536 0.063 7.90 43,379 Hospitality (NAICS 72) 0.026 0.021 1.27 51,134 Sector Employment Effects with State-Specific Time trends Estimate Robust Std. Error t Sample Size County, Total (NAICS 10) 0.075 0.017 4.55 87,172 Entertainment (NAICS 71) 0.478 0.057 8.37 43,379 Sector Hospitality 0.036 0.020 1.82 51,134 (NAICS 72) Note: Reported are coefficient estimates from a fixed effects model. Standard errors are corrected to allow for non-independence of observations from the same county through clustering. 28 Table 3– Effects of Casino Introduction on Log Employment, Detailed Analysis of the Entertainment and Hospitality Industries, Time Invariant Method Employment Effects Estimate Robust Std. Error t Performing Arts/Spec. Sports (NAICS 711) 0.201 0.080 2.52 5,997 Museums/Zoos/Parks (NAICS 712) -0.032 0.058 -0.55 11,624 Other Recreation (NAICS 7139) -0.015 0.046 -0.31 23,190 Accommodations (NAICS 721) 0.064 0.028 2.26 37,603 Hotels, non-casino (NAICS 72111) 0.038 0.023 1.66 20,553 Bars and Restaurants (NAICS 722) -0.013 0.011 -1.25 67,769 Full Service Restaurant (NAICS 7221) -0.006 0.013 -0.42 57,601 Limited Service Restaurant (NAICS 7222) -0.013 0.018 -0.75 59,601 Sector Sample Size Bars -0.007 0.026 -0.30 19,419 (NAICS 7224) Note: Reported are coefficient estimates from a fixed effects model. Standard errors are corrected to allow for non-independence of observations from the same county through clustering. 29 Table 4 - Effects of Casino Introduction on Log Employment, Overall and Related Supersectors, Time Variant Method Employment Effect County, Total (NAICS 10) Entertainment (NAICS 71) Hospitality (NAICS 72) Lead 3 -0.014 (0.010) -0.012 (0.054) -0.002 (0.019) Lead 2 -0.016 (0.011) 0.029 (0.061) -0.030 (0.017) Lead 1 -0.019 (0.016) 0.060 (0.066) -0.047 (0.020) Open 0.021 (0.016) 0.277 (0.070) -0.019 (0.022) Lag 1 0.068 (0.018) 0.607 (0.086) 0.002 (0.029) Lag 2 0.092 (0.021) 0.734 (0.098) 0.020 (0.036) Lag 3 0.102 (0.026) 0.758 (0.111) 0.002 (0.033) Lag 4 0.129 (0.038) 0.803 (0.113) 0.016 (0.052) Lag 5 + 0.126 (0.038) 0.771 (0.127) 0.043 (0.073) Sample Size 87,172 43,379 51,114 P-Values on Wald test, leads are jointly 0 0.4055 0.4796 0.0568 Note: Reported are coefficient estimates from a fixed effects model, with standard errors in parentheses. The standard errors are corrected to allow for non-independence of observations from the same county through clustering. Estimates provided in bold are significant at the .05 level or greater. 30 Table 5 – Effects of Casino Introduction by Population Density, Overall and Related Super-sectors Employment Effects Sector Low Population Density Counties High Population Density Counties Estimate n Estimate n County, Total (NAICS 10) 0.145 (0.035) 37,468 0.008 (0.008) 12,156 Entertainment (NAICS 71) 0.443 (0.122) 7,309 0.460 (0.082) 11,557 Hospitality (NAICS 72) 0.050 (0.038) 11,842 -0.010 (0.013) 11,695 Note: Reported are coefficient estimates from a fixed effects model. Standard errors are in parentheses and have been corrected to allow for non-independence of observations from the same county through clustering. Estimates in bold are significant at the .05 level or greater. 31 Table 6 – Effects of Casino Introduction on Log Employment in Neighboring Counties Employment Effects Sector Estimate SE t Sample Size County, Total (NAICS 10) 0.003 0.004 0.66 84,873 Entertainment (NAICS 71) 0.056 0.016 3.49 41,684 Hospitality (NAICS 72) -0.013 0.007 -1.90 49,246 Accommodations (NAICS 721) 0.031 0.013 2.38 35,858 Bars and Restaurants -0.017 0.007 -2.29 65,593 (NAICS 722) Note: Reported are coefficient estimates from a fixed effects model. Standard errors are corrected to allow for non-independence of observations from the same county through clustering. 32 Figure 1 - Employment Estimates, Before and After Casino Opening % Change in Employment over Control 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 -10 Lead3 Lead2 Lead1 Overall OPEN Lag1 Entertainment Lag2 Lag3 Lag4 Lag5 Hospitality 33
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