Mapping Out the Aesthetics: Looking at Early Maps of Nouvelle France.
Linda BENGUIGUI, Karen FLEMING et Jacquie KOLODIEJCHUK ,
All maps begin with the acquisition of data, followed by the selection and generalization of
the features of this data. The cartographer’s work with lines, colors, lettering, symbols, and other
graphic media is the work that makes the data intelligible to the viewer. Without this we do not have
real cartography – only engineering, mathematics, and printing1. This presentation will look at visual
devices depicted in early maps of Nouvelle France in three comparative sets: first the King-Hamy
and Desceliers world maps, second the first and last maps of Nouvelle France by Champlain, and
lastly two maps attributed to Jean Bourdon that depict Quebec and Montreal.
While we may instinctively tend to view a map as a purely documentary or informative
object, it holds true that a map reveals the subjective view of its maker. The mapmaker decides
which features to include, which to omit, and which way to generalize the features he has chosen to
depict. The design elements of a map can either enhance or overtake the topographical information.
Their interrelationship is negotiated by the mapmaker. A particular aesthetic disposition can be
created by emphasizing certain aspects of symbols, lettering, and colors.
The scale of a map refers to the distance in proportional relationship to the corresponding
distance on the ground. The smaller the area being mapped, the greater its scale, which allows the
mapmaker to include a greater amount of information. Convention has it to place North at the top
of the map however this orientation is not consistently observed in early maps. Most 16th century
maps present a variety of orientations, which may seem peculiar to modern viewers2. The structure, or
composition of the map expresses the desired purpose of the mapmaker and points to the map’s
intended audience. Scholars have categorized maps into three general types : the qualitative map
shows the nature and location of phenomena; the quantitative map conveys a visual impression of
quantity, value or amount of land; and the thematic map emphasizes a specific theme or concept.
Perspective refers to the view taken in order to depict objects and is achieved with line and value. This
includes the aerial (a flat perspective as though from a bird’s eye view), two-dimensional (as though
seen from the front), three-dimensional (with apparent depth and distance), or what is often found,
a combination of these perspectives. Color is a dramatic device that markedly enhances the visual
Arthur H. ROBINSON, The Look of Maps: An Examination of Cartographic Design. (Milwaukee, London: University of
Wisconsin Press, 1952) 3-4.
2 Ibid., Mapmaking: 16 th Century http:// www.nlc-bnc.ca, accessed March 2003 (National Library of Canada).
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effectiveness of specific elements and, in some cases, the map itself. Symbols are perhaps the most
varied and interesting graphic elements of cartography. They are simplified representations that
suggest the natural appearance of the feature at a reduced scale. It is known that the use of
decoration in historical maps reached its high peak in the 16 th and 17th centuries. The illustration of
these maps shifted widely between an impulse for the decorative and a need for the informative.
The first comparison is of the King-Hamy map circa1502 (fig.1) and the Pierre Desceliers
world map of 1550 (fig.2). The King-Hamy map was named after its first finder and publisher,
respectively, as its original maker remains unknown. It is thought to be one of the first maps to
depict Newfoundland with a place name. World maps, such as this one, are scaled down
representations of the earth's surface. They are therefore ideal documents to prove that a discovery
has taken place. The King-Hamy map is also a nautical chart, meant to assist mariners. Given the
difficulties in measuring direction and distance over the open sea, most 16th century navigators
practiced what is called "parallel" or "latitude" sailing. This required the captain to sail along the
coast of Europe until he reached the latitude of the place he wanted to go to. He would then leave
the European coast and use his trustworthy cross-staff to stay on that latitude until he got to the
other side. Thus the distance he traveled would be along one line of latitude and a relatively straight
course. The captain would estimate the distance between Europe and his destination on which
would then be translated onto a map3.
The compass enabled the 16th century seamen to establish direction, maintain a course and
calculate speed of travel. Attempts to assist the mariner cartographically were limited by a lack of
mathematical knowledge and the means to visually translate written information. Improved nautical
charts, such as this one, known as Portolan charts, were created to try to fill this gap. These charts
were developed as practical aids in order to communicate vital information to seamen about coasts
and harbours in a highly graphic manner. Their construction was based on the known direction and
distance from one harbour or coastal feature to the next 4. Portolan charts were the work of
artists/craftsmen and based on firsthand experience, combined with written and verbal reports,
rather than on scientific calculations. Usually drawn on vellum, they were often beautifully executed
and coloured.
Coastlines were drawn in freehand with surprising accuracy but the most striking visual
feature of Portolan charts is the network of rhumb or direction lines which radiate over the whole
area from a system of strategically-placed compass roses. A wealth of coastline names was always
Ibid., Mapmaking: 16 th Century http:// www.nlc-bnc.ca, accessed March 2003 (National Library of Canada)
A.G. HODGKISS, Understanding Maps: A Systematic History of Their Use and Development. (England: Wm Dawson & Son
Ltd, 1981) 104.
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included, drawn inland from the coastline and perpendicular to it. Names of ports were written in
red and other names were written in black, while particularly important places were sometimes
distinguished by a banner or portrayed from a bird's eye view. Islands appeared prominently with
brilliant colourings in reds, blues, purple and gold1.
Early Portolan charts were mainly developed to map the Meditarranean and European
coastlines. During the later evolution of the Portolan charts the compilers were increasingly
concerned with its extension beyond these confines. With successive discoveries, notably of the
African and American coasts, mapmakers began to add their delineation of these newfound
territories. In this instance, we can see an attempt on the part of the cartographer to define the
coastline of the eastern seaboard of America. The rest of the land, still unknown, is depicted as a
brightly coloured blue-green semi-circle in keeping with the properties of Portolan charts previously
outlined.
Eventually Portolan charts lost some of their original purpose as aids to navigation,
becoming so elaborate and decorative that they were clearly not suitable for rough use at sea. We can
trace these developments in a comparison of the King-Hamy map and the world map done by
Pierre Desceliers in 1550. In the previous King-Hamy map, when facts about the western part of
America were unknown, the cartographer left the areas blank and did not resort to his imagination.
The same cannot be said for the Desceliers map. Although it features conventional signs common
to Portolan charts, including a detailed coastline with the name of ports written in red, a compass
and rhumb lines, it also includes a variety of visual symbols. Many are fantastical and include
unicorns, a turbaned human figure and a monstrous looking whale with a double blowhole. In
contrast, more realistic symbols are also represented such as bears and a ship.
It was a long time before cartographers ceased to illustrate ships and whales on the high seas,
natives on the land, and every kind of phantasmagoria everywhere. Ships were depicted on maps
from early times. It seems that ships were used as conventional signs to denote stretches of ocean,
for they occur in this way on maps right up to the beginning of the 19 th century. 2 In fact ships were
often drawn with certain accuracy, each succeeding period showing contemporary ships.
Consequently, a knowledge of the history and design of sailing ships can be of great value in
assigning a map to its period of origin. Monsters gradually disappeared from maps and animals and
figures generally became less fanciful as time passed.
HODGKISS, 104.
Raymond LISTER , Old Maps and Globes: With a List of Cartographers, Engravers, Publishers and Printers Concerned with Printed
Maps and Globes from c.1500 to c.1850. (London: Bell & Hyman, 1979) 64.
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Representations of the physical landscape introduce an inconsistent element in the structure
of the Desceliers map. Mountainous areas are shown in elevation without any real attempt to render
them in any kind of scale or proportion, neither to the rest of the map nor even to one another. Yet
there are certain conventions in their representation, in that they are repeatedly shown as molehills
with a little bit of vegetation. They are also all shaded on their east and southeast sides as if lit by the
sun from the west. Suffice it to say that due to its excessive ornamentation, this map was most
probably meant for presentation rather than navigation. It is believed to have been presented to the
French King Henri II as part of a request to underwrite a new voyage1.
The next comparison looks at two important maps of Nouvelle France by Samuel de
Champlain, Canada’s first major mapmaker. Champlain’s first published general map of Nouvelle
France was drawn in 1612 and published in 1613 (fig.3). His final map, published in 1632, shows the
extent of his knowledge of Canadian geography up to 1619 (fig.4). Champlain’s first published
general map of 1612 can be classified as a nautical chart. We can see the estimates of latitude,
distance, and compass direction, at which Champlain was proficient2. This map was drawn according
to the compass of France, based on magnetic variation as measured in France at that time for it was
meant to be used by French explorers. He has drawn a compass within the map to specify both scale
and direction. This map is not simply an illustration but also a working tool and a navigational aid. It
was considered the best map of Canada, L’Acadie and Norumbega (New England) published at its
time and for many years afterwards. The information known of Nouvelle France has been updated
and obsolete names from the Cartier era such as Hochelaga have been dropped and others have
been added. Montreal, for example, is shown for the first time on this map.
The 1612 map can also be classified as a qualitative map for it shows the nature and the
location of phenomena. Champlain recorded images of several land animals, the ocean with ships,
fish, whales, and even a 'sea cucumber'. On the margin of the map Champlain has engraved, from
his own sketches, different berries, nuts, and flowers native to the land. Since he could not draw the
human figure well, Champlain hired David Pelletier, whose signature can be found on the plate that
depicts two pair of 'sauvages' who curiously resemble undressed Europeans3. Champlain was the
first explorer to heavily rely on Natives’ accounts of the land. He used their maps and solicited their
advice to conduct his explorations inland. It is possible that this collaboration prevented Champlain
from depicting the Natives as mere fantastical bogeymen.
Derek HAYES, Historical Atlas of Canada: Canada’s History Illustrated with Original Maps. (Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre
Ltd, 2002), 29
2 Alan MORANTZ, Where is Here? Canada’s Maps and the Stories They Tell (Toronto: Penguin, 2002) 30.
3 Samuel Eliot MORISON, Samuel de Champlain, Father of New France (Boston: Little, Brown, 1972) 133.
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Champlain’s knowledge of the physical land was not the only information to be included in
the map of 1612. As Derek Hayes writes, "this map is laden with illustrations of the bounty of the
country, all the better for Champlain to sell Nouvelle France to his king"1. The aerial perspective of
the land, the flat outline of the coastline, and conventional mode of depicting mountains and trees
contrasts with the symbols found in the ocean drawn in three dimensions, and the human figures
and flora in the inset. The fact that these symbols take up such a significant amount of space in the
composition indicates Champlain’s interest in promoting France’s exploration of the new land. He
has provided incentives by emphasizing the abundance of natural resources through his use of these
symbols. The latter take visual precedence over the shape of the land mass. Champlain wrote the
following in reference to this map,"l’auteur n’a point encore recongru cette coste"– the author has
not yet seen this coast.10 This anecdote reveals a surprisingly candid admission of a lack of
knowledge on the part of the explorer whose success was determined by his credibility.
In the second map of 1632, symbols such as ships, a sun, fish, whales, a compass, and the
seal of France have been duplicated from the earlier map of 1612. The overall depiction of the
physical land in both maps remains similar. It is still an aerial view of the land combined with
mountains, trees and symbols illustrated in three dimensions. The scale used also remains consistent.
Differences appear in order to show new knowledge of Canadian geography, including Lake
Superior, Lake Erie, and what is perhaps Lake Michigan. The shape of the land mass dominates the
composition in the later map. It conveys a visual impression of the vastness of the physical area
explored and charted. The map of 1632 is designed as a quantitative map. It was conceived to
quantify Nouvelle France's resources which makes fewer details possible. Yet, the waterways are
more detailed due to the increase in knowledge of the area westward, and the importance of the
lakes and river systems that served for transportation. In addition, settlements and plots of cultivated
land are shown and labeled. As a repeated graphic element, Champlain's extensive use of labels in his
final map illustrates his acquisition of knowledge and more importantly his claim to the land. The
uniqueness and variety of Nouvelle France's physical properties, flora and fauna emphasized in the
first map have been supplanted by the sheer abundance of land available for settlement. In
comparing these two maps, one gets a distinct visual sense of the progression of Champlain's goals.
His first map promotes the distinctive qualities of Nouvelle France while his final map promotes the
further exploitation of the area.
Our last comparison looks at two maps attributed to Jean Bourdon. The first is a map of
Quebec by Bourdon from 1634-1635 showing his plan of a stone structure with an inset of
1
HAYES, 54.
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Champlain’s first wooden-built 'Abitation' in the bottom right-hand corner (fig.5). This is a thematic
map of a fortification within a larger geographical area. Emphasis has been placed on the rectilinear
structure of the fort with each of its parts labeled and interrelated. It is a technical drawing of the
fort meant to foreground the importance of its structural elements. Fortifications were necessary to
new settlements. The location of a fort had to be thoughtfully elaborated in order to optimize its
defensive function and its inhabitants quality of life. Champlain chose to settle on the land that was
to be Quebec after exploring various other locations in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. Each trial
proved unsuccessful mainly due to unexpectedly harsh weather conditions. It is generally accepted
that July 3rd, 1608 is the date of birth of the city of Quebec. It is thought that Bourdon, unlike
Champlain, knew trigonometry and made use of this knowledge in his property surveys and maps of
the Saint Lawrence shore 1. It can therefore be surmised that the shoreline drawn in relief is fairly
accurate despite its sketchiness.
The fort is nonetheless more important than the exact topography of the area. Several
different sections of the fort are indicated such as a) for the two towers, b) the armoury and
workmen's quarters, c) Champlain's house, and d) a platform for cannons. The small buildings that
lie outside the fortification are labeled as well and may have been used as defensive outposts or for
storage. In contrast to the aerial perspective used for the fort, these smaller buildings are shown as
flat with only their frontal view displayed. Their structure is not shown as if it was thought
unnecessary to draw detailed plans of these secondary buildings. Bourdon nonetheless deemed it
important that their orientation be indicated. In addition, we can see the soft outline of what appears
to be a vegetable garden. It seems that the primary concern of this plan is not only to show the
structure of the fort itself but also to visually interrelate the disposition of each part of the larger
organization of the fortified settlement.
The inset is a drawing done by Champlain of the initial 'Abitation'. It shows a combination
side/high-angled view of the settlement with an emphasis on the buildings. The fortification walls
are well depicted, however it is the buildings and their distinct architectural elements that are
accentuated. The windows are numerous and details such as a flag and smoke billowing in the wind
indicate that the fort was active and inhabited. An effort to add relief and drama to the drawing has
been applied by way of extensive shading. One can see this most notably on the eaves of the roofs.
This drawing conveys the sense of an active community firmly established within well-constructed
buildings.
1
MORISON, 133.
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What is considered the Bourdon map of Montreal circa 1642 (fig.6) depicts a very small
topographical area with disproportionately large buildings. Several features tell us that we are looking
at a fortified settlement: the prominence of the cannons, the sharp angularity and thickness of the
exterior wall and the two guardhouses at the entrance. The most striking feature of this map is the
singular attention given to the buildings. Each of them has been drawn in a specific location relative
to the other buildings. The map surely does not indicate the exact distance between each building
however it depicts their interrelationship. The latter is decidedly characterized by each building's
function. At the entrance we see two guardhouses, to the left of these is the forge, further down are
the store and the church, then the kitchen and oven and last but not least the Governor's house.
The orientation and scale of these buildings expressively conveys the workings of this
settlement. The scale of the buildings does not correspond to a specific measure nor do their
features factually represent the Governor's house at the time of Montreal's founding. We cannot
know for sure whether the Governor's house had two chimneys however it is safe to assume that
the Governor's house was very likely much larger than the guardhouses. In addition, the location of
the privy may be inaccurate in comparison to archeological findings but nonetheless correct in that it
was set on the edge of the settlement for the purpose of a commodious evacuation of waste into the
nearby waterway. The specific orientation of the buildings has been given serious consideration. The
Governor's house looks onto the settlement, the store and the church face each other and the
guardhouses are turned to the exterior of the fort.
The sketch-like quality of the lines suggests that this drawing was quickly executed by hand
alone. It differs in this way from Bourdon's map of Quebec in which the lines of the fort are straight
and the angles exact most likely achieved by use of rulers and other instruments. In contrast,
structure and engineering are not key elements of this drawing. The maker of this map was
concerned with function: the function of each building and the manner in which each related to the
other. Each building can be understood as a necessary part of the settlement depicted and each
building's relative size and orientation characterizes its function. They are parts of a whole, buildings
within a settlement, the formation of a community.
From these three comparisons, we can see how integral design elements are to cartography.
A map cannot, of course, be evaluated solely on the basis of pure design. There are always
limitations to the amount of information that can be communicated by the graphic elements of a
map. One is not able to organize the shapes freely for relative importance exists with regard to size
and shape and utility more often takes precedence over the aesthetic. The design elements must
somehow be made to relate to the geographical information at hand. However, given that maps are
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made from and for a visual point of view, considerable insight can be drawn from the development
of technique, particularly with early cartography, and historical knowledge can be gained by
evaluating
1
a
map
according
to
its
aesthetics1.
ROBINSON, p. 22.
Bibliography
HAYES , Derek, Historical Atlas of Canada: Canada’s History Illustrated with Original Maps. Vancouver: Douglas &
McIntyre Ltd, 2002.
HODGKISS, A.G., Understanding Maps: A Systematic History of Their Use and Development. England: Wm Dawson
& Son Ltd, 1981.
LISTER, Raymond, Old Maps and Globes: With a List of Cartographers, Engravers, Publishers and Printers Concerned
with Printed Maps and Globes from c.1500 to c.1850. London: Bell & Hyman, 1979.
MORANTZ , Alan, Where is Here? Canada’s Maps and the Stories They Tell. Toronto: Penguin, 2002.
MORISON, Samuel Eliot, Samuel de Champlain, Father of New France. Boston: Little, Brown, 1972.
ROBINSON, Arthur H., The Look of Maps: An Examination of Cartographic Design. Milwaukee, London: University
of Wisconsin Press, 1952.
Ibid., Mapmaking: 16th Century http:// www.nlc-bnc.ca, National Library of Canada, 2003.
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Illustrations
Figure 1:Anonyme
Référence : Anonymous- "Part of a world map known as the King-Hamy map." San Marino, California: Huntington
Library, circa 1502. Reproduced in Derek Hayes Historical Atlas of Canada: Canada's History Illustrated with Original Maps.
Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre Ltd, 2002.
Figure 2 : carte de Pierre Desceliers
Référence: Desceliers, Pierre- "World Map: Faicte A Arques par Pierre Desceliers." London: British Library, 1550.
Reproduced in Derek Hayes Historical Atlas of Canada: Canada's History Illustrated with Original Maps. Vancouver: Douglas
& McIntyre Ltd, 2002.
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Figure 3 : carte de Samuel Champlain
Référence: De Champlain , Samuel- "Carte géographique de la Nouvelle Franse faicte par le Sieur de Champlain Saint
Tongois Cappitaine Ordinaire pour le Roy en la Marine." Ottawa: National Map Collection National Archives of
Canada, 1613. Reproduced in Derek Hayes Historical Atlas of Canada: Canada's History Illustrated with Original Maps.
Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre Ltd, 2002.
Figure 4 : carte de Samuel Champlain
Référence : De Champlain, Samuel- "Carte de la Nouvelle France from Les Voyages de la Nouvelle France occidentale
dicte Canad a faits par le Sr de Champlain." Ottawa: National Map Collection National Archives of Canada, 1632.
Reproduced in Derek Hayes Historical Atlas of Canada: Canada's History Illustrated with Original Maps. Vancouver: Douglas
& McIntyre Ltd, 2002.
28
Figure 5 : carte de Jean Bourdon (1634/1635)
Référence: Bourdon, Jean- "Plan de labitation faicte par le Sr Bourdon." Montreal: Rare books and Special Collections
Division, McGill University Library, 1634/35. Reproduced in Derek Hayes Historical Atlas of Canada: Canada's History
Illustrated with Original Maps. Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre Ltd, 2002.
Figure 6 : carte de Jean Bourdon (1642/1645)
Référence: Bourdon, Jean- "Plan of first settlement at Ville-Marie or Montréal." Montreal: Rare books and Special
Collections Division, McGill University Library, 1642/45. Reproduced in Derek Hayes Historical Atlas of Canada: Canada's
History Illustrated with Original Maps. Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre Ltd, 2002.