Black Flight: Lethal Violence and the Great Migration, 1900-1930
Author(s): Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck
Source: Social Science History, Vol. 14, No. 3 (Autumn, 1990), pp. 347-370
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1171355
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BlackFlight:LethalViolenceandthe
GreatMigration,1900-1930
STEWART
E. TOLNAY
& E. M. BECK
AFTER DECADES of relativeresidentialstability,
southernblacks
in striking
numbersfollowing
the turnof the
began migrating
twentieth
Reconstruction
and Redemption
saw a fair
century.
amountof short-distance
movement
as blacktenantfarmers
exin searchof favorable
financial
changedone landlordforanother
Some blacksmovedacrossstatelines,generally
arrangements.
towardtheSouthwest,
in pursuitof KingCottonand thelivelihood itpromised.However,thesepopulation
movements
pale in
StewartE. Tolnayis associateprofessor
of sociologyat theStateUniversity
of
New Yorkat Albany.His previousresearch
hasbeenconcentrated
intheareaof
historical
ofAmerican
and
demography,
especiallythehistory
fertility
patterns
hisworkhas addressedracialviolencein theAmerican
change.Mostrecently,
Southduringthelatterpartof thenineteenth
andtheearlypartof thetwentieth
centuries.
E. M. Beck is associateprofessor
of sociologyat theUniversity
of Georgia.
His current
researchfocuseson racialviolence,discrimination,
and economic
changesin thewhitelowerclass in theSouth.Recentarticleson thesetopics
haveappearedinSocial ForcesandLaw andSocietyReview.
This researchwas partially
fundedby grantsfromtheNationalScienceFoundation(SES-8618123)andtheUniversity
ofGeorgiaResearchFoundation.
The
authorswishto thankCynthiaHoliny,LindaKelley,and JosephParkfortheir
assistanceinpreparing
thelynching
datausedinthisarticle.An abbreviated
versionofthisarticlewas presented
atthenational
"ThoseWhoStayed
symposium
Home duringtheGreatMigration,
at Jackson
StateUniversity,
1915-Present,"
Jackson,Mississippi, 14-15 September1989.
Social Science History14:3 (Fall 199o). Copyright? 199o by theSocial Science
HistoryAssociation. ccc oi45-5532/90/$1.50.
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348
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
HISTORY
ofsouthern
withthemassivemigration
blacksduring
comparison
halfofthiscentury.
thefirst
theSouth
DuringthefirstIo yearsof thetwentieth
century,
The levelof netoutlost 170,oo000
blacksthrough
netmigration.
increasedsubstantially
duringthe seconddecade to
migration
even
and
further
450,000,
duringthe 1920S to 750,000 (U.S.
Bureauof theCensus 1975: 95). As a resultof thismovement,
oftheUnitedStatesexhibited
a substantially
theblackpopulation
in
it
had
at
the
turnof the
different
than
geographic
profile 1930
in
of
southern
Whereas
all
blacks
resided
states
90%
century.
in 19oo, thatpercentage
had droppedto 79 by 1930 (ibid.: 22blackswithin
the
relocation,
23). In additionto theSouth-North
mobile.Forinstance,
thepercentage
Southalso wereresidentially
of southern
blackslivingin urbanplacesgrewfrom17 in 19oo
to 33 by 1930, and muchof thisblackurbanization
was due to
migration.
forthe
Threegeneraltypesof explanations
havebeenoffered
ofsouthern
blacksintheearlypartofthiscenincreasedmobility
economicforces,including
tury:(I) thosethatstressunderlying
differentials
and
regionalwage
expansionofemployment
opporintheNorth;(2) thosethatstressunderlying
tunities
socialforces,
forexample,educational
racialviolence,andvoter
opportunities,
and (3) thosethatfocuson more"precipidisenfranchisement;
The
tating"causes,suchas floodsor theboll weevilinfestation.
consensusof contemporary
observers
and moderninvestigators
seemsto be thattheprecipitating
causescombined
withfestering
economicdissatisfaction
to trigger
theblackexodus,especially
as employment
forblacksexpandedin theNorth.
opportunities
social factors,includingracial
mentioned,
Althoughfrequently
violence,generallyhave been accordedsecondarystatusas a
motiveforblackmigration.
The objectiveofthisessayis to laythegroundwork
fora more
exhaustive
oftheroleplayedbyracialviolenceinthe
examination
ofsouthern
blacksafter1900oo.
Whilethisissuehasbeen
migration
consideredpreviously
1923),cer(e.g., FligsteinI98I; Johnson
tainweaknesses
indataandconceptualization
thoseanalyprevent
ses frombeingdefinitive.
Yetdiscussions
oftheGreatMigration
havetraditionally
theroleofracialviolence,assigndownplayed
roleornoneat all. We maintain
thatthis
ingiteithera secondary
is premature
and warrants
muchcloserscrutiny.
At
assumption
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LethalViolence
andtheGreat
Migration349
thecore of our objectiveare twoprimary
aims: (I) to propose
thatdescribeshowracialviolenceand
a conceptualframework
black migration
of
werelinked,and (2) to raisethepossibility
betweenmigration
and racialviolence,
a reciprocalrelationship
thatviolenceinducedmigration,
whichin
thatis, thepossibility
turnmoderated
thelevelofviolence.
THE BLACK MIGRATION
to residential
Blacks werenotcompletestrangers
bemobility
foretheturnof thecentury.
Indeed,one of themostnoticeable
benefits
of emancipation
was thefreedman's
abilityto relocate.
Between1870 and 19oo, manytookadvantageof thisfreedom
to moveto growingurbanareas in theSouth,or evento leave
the South(Donald 1921; Gottlieb1987). More common,howmoveswithin
theruralSouthas landless
ever,wereshort-distance
withnewlandbetter
remunerative
farmers
sought
arrangements
lords (Daniel 1985; Jaynes1986; Mandle 1978; Novak 1978;
Ransomand Sutch I977). Whilemostof theselocallymigrafarfromhome,othersrelocatedto
neverventured
toryfarmers
was expanding
and
southwestern
states,wherecottoncultivation
the
were
and
Oklahoma
Texas,
Arkansas,
opportunities greater.
of blacksbeall experienced
considerable
Territory
in-migration
tween1870and 19oo (U.S. BureauoftheCensus1975:95).
and itscharacAfter19oo thepace of migration
accelerated,
to circulate
Evenas manyblackscontinued
terwas transformed.
towardurbanareaswithin
withintheruralSouthandto gravitate
theSouth,moreandmoremigrants
begantomakethelongertrek
ofthepost-19oo
northward.
To illustrate
theextentandvariation
in
Table
net
of
the
I
intercensal,
blacks,
report
figures
migration
of
Two
for
the
first
three
decades
the
(ibid.).
century
migration
fourstatesof theCottonSouth
groupsof statesare represented:
industrial
statesthatwerepopulardestinations
and fournorthern
All foursouthern
statesexperienced
netoutforblackmigrants.
the
of blacksbetween19oo and 1930. Furthermore,
migration
as theperiodprogeneraltrendwas towardheavierout-migration
gressed,especiallyforGeorgiaandSouthCarolina,twobulwarks
statesexperienced
thenorthern
of theCottonSouth.Conversely,
netin-migration
duringthesedecades,andthepace of migration
thesecrudefigures
are onlysugquickenedovertime.Although
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350
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
HISTORY
andnorthern
inselected
southern
TableI Blackpopulation
changes
states,1900-1930
Decade
Region
1900oo-1910
1910-1920
1920-I930
-72,000
-74,500
-74,700
-70,800
- 129,6oo
- 204,300
- 260,000
-80,700
-68,8oo
South
Cotton
SouthCarolina
Georgia
Alabama
Mississippi
-16,2oo00
-22, o00
-30,900
North
Industrial
New York
Pennsylvania
Michigan
Illinois
35,800
32,900
I,9oo
23,500
63, 00oo
82,500
38,700
69,800
172,800
101o,700
86,1oo
I119,300
thatthisperiodwascharacterized
bya
gestive,itis quiteapparent
oftheblackpopulation.
massiveregionalrelocation
If one looks closerat thosestatesfromwhichmostof the
black migrants
came, it becomesclearthatratesof black outwithin
theSouthwerenotuniform.
Somecountieswere
migration
characterized
othersmaintained
byextremely
highout-migration;
To
stable
black
illustrate
thisregionalvarirelatively
populations.
we
have
estimated
black
net
rates
ability,
county-level
migration
for
two
Cotton
South
states
that
experienced
(per Ioo population)
migration,
veryheavylossesofblacksthrough
GeorgiaandSouth
Carolina.FigureI hasbeenshadedaccording
totherateofblack
between
and
1920
1930.'
out-migration
experienced,
occurredin a swath
Clearly,theheaviestblackout-migration
themiddleof Georgiaand SouthCarorunning
roughly
through
lina. Interestingly,
thisarea definesthe black belt as well as
the area thathad been dominated
cottoneconby a plantation
Such
intrastate
variation
raises
(Mandle
1978).
omy
interesting
questionsabout the causes of the differential
Why
migration.
wereblacksmorelikelyto leave theseregionsof SouthCarolina and Georgia?Was the cottoneconomythereparticularly
depressed?Wereblackssubjectedto morebrutaltreatment
by
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Lethal Violenceand theGreatMigration 351
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itii
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from
rates(perIoo population)
FigureI Netblackout-migration
countiesin GeorgiaandSouthCarolina,1920-30. Source:See
Fligstein1981.
betweenwhites
whitesin thoseareas?Did economiccompetition
economicopportunity
and thereby
and blacksrestrict
encourage
2
out-migration?
EXPLANATIONS
FOR BLACK
MIGRATION
in one fashionor another,
Theoreticalapproachesto migration,
use
and
toaccountformovement
factors
generally "push"
"pull"
if
of a potential
the
net
attractiveness
(or stability).
Simplyput,
of
destination
the
net
the
attractiveness
outweighs
placeoforigin,
is
to
Ravenstein
occur
Lee
1885,
1966;
migration expected
(e.g.,
human-choice
modelseem
1889).Whilethebasicsofthisrational
and measurement
of therelevant
sound,identification
pushand
factors
often
Many
pose
significant
challenges.
contemporary
pull
accounts,written
attempted
duringtheearlypartof thecentury,
to identify
theprimary
(pushand pull factors)for
explanations
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352
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
HISTORY
ofblacks.The explanations
thedramaticmigration
proposedfor
theGreatMigration
can be divided,crudely,
intoeconomicand
social forces.3
EconomicForces
inearlydiscussions
ofblack
Economicforcesfigured
prominently
In
most
observers
ascribed
fact,
migration.
primary
contemporary
to economicfactors.For example,Scroggs(1917:
importance
likethatofpractically
1040) wrote,"The causeofthemigration,
all greatmovements
of peoples,is fundamentally
economic."
Scott (1920: 13) observedthat"the economicmotivestands
reasonsforthedecisionofthegroup[blacks]
amongtheforemost
to leave the South."These sentiments
werealso expressedby
others
Donald
1921;
Kennedy1930; Lewis 1931;
many
(e.g.,
ofLabor 1919;Woodson1969 [I918]; Woofter
U.S. Department
1920).
The economicpushfactors
on southern
blackswere
operating
formidable.
Since Emancipation,
ruralblackshad lansouthern
withlittlehope of movingup
guishedin a plantation
economy,
the"agricultural
ladder"oroffinding
outsidefarmemployment
ing(Mandle 1978). Atthebottomof a peckingorderdefinedby
class and caste,theywerealso caughtin theclashof competing
class interests
thatsplitthewhitecommunity.
On theone hand,
fromtheavailability
southern
benefited
plantersand employers
of cheap,blacklaboras longas it remained
docileand servile.
On theotherhand,poorwhitescompetedwithblacklabor.This
conflict
betweenpoorerwhites
"splitlabor market"generated
andblackswhichoftenerupted
inviolence(Bonacich1972,1975;
Wilson1978). Further,
it was in theinterest
of southern
planters
andemployers
torestrict
alternative
availableto the
opportunities
blacklaboringclass,as wellas toprevent
a coalitionofblackand
whitelabor.In short,theeconomicadvancement
of ruralblacks
was notintheinterest
ofeither
classofwhites,
buttheireconomic
subordination
servedtheinterests
ofboth.
a fortunate
fewwereableto purchaseland,mostreAlthough
mainedsharecroppers,
tenantfarmers,
or farmlaborers(Daniel
1985; Flynn1983;Higgs1977;Mandle1978;Novak1978;Ransom and Sutch 1977). Subjectto the whimsof landlordsand
thevagariesof cottonprices,mostblackfarmers
scratched
out
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LethalViolenceandtheGreatMigration 353
a subsistence
livingfromyearto yearand couldofferno differAs thisdismaleconomicsituation
entfuture
to theirchildren.
for
decadeafterdecade,an environment
conruralblackspersisted
was created.The situation
inurbanareas
duciveto out-migration
was littlebetter,withmostblackslaboringat poverty
wagesin
unskilledoccupations.
The chroniceconomicproblems
facedbysouthern
blackstypiinto
were
translated
when
there
was
a promise
cally
migration
only
ofbetterconditions
elsewhere.
was as close as
Oftenthispromise
Forothers,thepromiselayfarto thesoutha nearbyplantation.
west.However,thegreatest
potential
developedin theindustrial
Northas theWorldWarI economyand therestriction
of Eurocreated
and
that
pean immigration
opportunities wages
simply
wereunavailableto blacksin theSouth(Donald 1921;Gottlieb
1987; Kennedy 1930; Kiser 1967 [1932]; Scroggs 1917; U.S. Departmentof Labor 1919; Woodson 1969 [I918]; Woofter1920).
For thefirsttimesinceEmancipation,
blacklaborwas in great
demandoutsidetheagricultural
South,and thoseopportunities
wereattractive
thesubstantial
obstaclesto
enoughto overwhelm
(Mandle
1978).
migration
Therewerealso lesschronic
witheconomicimcircumstances,
that
to
contributed
black
We referto these
plications,
migration.
as "precipitating"
causes. One important
cause of
precipitating
black migration
was therelentless
marchof theboll weevilon
a northeasterly
theSouth.Afterentering
coursethrough
Texas
in the I89os, theweevilspreadthroughout
theSouth,reaching
Alabamain I9Io andSouthCarolinain 1918.In itswakeitlefta
devastated
cottoneconomy,
withdisplacedcroppersandtenants.
inpursuit
were
forced
to
ofa livelihood.A second
Many
migrate
cause
of
black
was
floods
migration thedevastating
precipitating
in Alabama and Mississippi,whichdestroyed
manycropsand
black
farmers
(Woodson
1969
displacedmany
[I918]: 170). Like
the persistent
and chroniceconomichardships
facedby southernblacks,thesedisastersundoubtedly
increasedtheeconomic
incentives
tomigrate.
The mostthorough
of economicexplaexamination
empirical
nationsfortheblackmigration
between19oo and 1930has been
conductedbyFligstein
threedistinct
dimen(I98I). He identifies
sions to the economicexplanationof southernmigration:
the
socialrelations
ofproduction
andexchange,
thetechnical
relations
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354
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
HISTORY
in theSouth.Fligstein
of production,
andcapitalist
development
of production
develinfersthatthesocial relations
andcapitalist
on
a
influence
net
had
significant
county-level migration
opment
rates between 19oo and 1930. Especially importantwere tenure
in agriculture,
theintensity
of cottonproduction,
arrangements
to Fligand theinfluence
of urbanareas(ibid.: 124). According
economicforcesthatdetermined
the
stein,theseweretheprimary
movement
ofblacksintoandoutofsouthern
counties.Fligstein's
also indicatethatblackout-migration
was linkedto the
findings
of
boll
weevil
the
South.
the
through
spread
Social Forces
Social causes of blackmigration
wereas widelyacknowledged
observers
as theeconomicforces,buttheywere
bycontemporary
to havebeenofsecondary
importance.
nearlyalwaysconsidered
Woofter (1920:
121)
enumeratedmany of the primarysocial
denialofsuffrage,
disfactors:"injusticeinthecourts,lynching,
ineducational
inpublicconveyances,
andinequalities
crimination
advantage."
southern
Earlyin thecentury,
societywas doublystratified
by
class and race. Elaboratearrangements
weremadeto guarantee
thatblacksoccupiedandrecognized
theirinferior
casteposition.
The passageof variousJimCrowlawsprovided
forseparateand
forblacksandwhites(Flynn1983;Newby1965;
unequalfacilities
which
Novak1978;Woodward1966). Restrictive
votingstatutes,
became moreand morecommonaftertheturnof thecentury,
curtailedtheblackvote(Kousser1974). Statelegiseffectively
laturesallocatedvastlyunequalfinancial
supportforblack and
whiteschools(KousserI980); moreover,
somecountyofficials
timessiphonedoffthemeagerresources
earmarked
forblacksto
supportwhite schools (Kennedy 1930; Myrdal 1972; Woodson
economichopelessness,
socialabusescreated
1930).Likechronic
an atmosphere
conducivetoout-migration.
One of themosttellingindicators
of theinferior
social positionofblacksin southern
societywas theleveloflethalviolence
to whichtheywereexposed.Lynching
was an all-too-common
forblackswho committed
methodof punishment
criminalacts
or who simplyviolatedtherulesofacceptablebehaviorfortheir
caste.Lynchings
to thewillingness
of
maywellhavecontributed
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Lethal Violenceand theGreatMigration 355
blacksto leavetheirhomes,eitherfortheNorthor for
southern
morepeacefullocationsin theSouth.As Scott(1920: 22) wrote
WorldWarI, "Bothwhites
inhisstudyofblackmigration
during
thereasonsforthemovement
andnegroesinmentioning
generally
causesandstatethat
as one ofthemostimportant
givelynchings
theexodus."Letters
accelerated
thefearof themobhas greatly
the
Journal
of black migrants
ofNegroHistoryin
publishedby
formigration
as
a
reason
to
contain
references
also
1919
lynchings
more
we
discuss
In
the
section,
(ScottI919).
thoroughly
following
of blacks,the
in the migration
the role of violentpersecution
centralconcernofthisessay.
MODELING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RACIAL
VIOLENCE AND MIGRATION
To model adequatelythe linkagebetweenracial violenceand
we believethateach mustbe treatedas both
black migration,
variable.Thatis, whileracialvioand
dependent independent
lence is viewedas a potentialincentive
(pushfactor)forblack
to reduce
as
a
force
is
seen
black
operating
migration
migration,
thelevelofviolenceagainstblacks.Thisbasicconceptualization
in Figure2. The positivearrowfromviolenceto
is illustrated
above and conreflects
therelationship
hypothesized
migration
sideredby Johnson(1923) and Fligstein(1981). The negative
has been hintedat in
arrowrunningin the oppositedirection
or empirically
articulated
butneversystematically
theliterature
Exogenous Factors
Black
Out-Migration
SocialRelationsofProduction
CapitalistDevelopment
Context
Demographic
ReligiousComposition
PoliticalContext
White
Lethal Violence
AgainstBlacks
Lynchings
and
Executions
model
Figure2 Conceptual
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356
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
HISTORY
Thisdimension
is criticalto therelationship
estimated.
between
violentpersecution
andblackmigration,
fora failureto consider
it leads to underestimation
of therelationship's
othercomponent
(thepositivearrow).
ViolentPersecutionas a Cause ofBlack Migration
andearlytwentieth
centuries
southern
Duringthelatenineteenth
blackswereexposedto trulyincredible
levelsof lethalviolence,
bothat thehandsof whitemobsand withinthewhitecriminal
1984).For
justicesystem(Ayers1984;Shapiro1988;Williamson
victimsof
1882
blacks
were
between
and
1930, I,655
example,
was not
within
Cotton
But
mobs
the
South
alone.4
lynch
lynching
overblacks.
theonlyformoflethalsocialcontrol
whitesexercised
Duringthesameperiod,1,299 blackswerelegallyexecutedinthe
inthese
CottonSouth.Ofall thoseexposedtolethalsocialcontrol
were
black.
Since
the
of
states,roughly
90%
proportion blacks
inthesestates'populations
neverapproached
90%, blacksclearly
oflethalcontrol.
wereexposedtodisproportionately
levels
high
violence
terrorized
southern
accounts,
blacks,espeBy many
A
where
were
common.
cially
bytheU.S. Delynchings
report
partmentof Labor (1919: 107) concluded that "anotherof the
moreeffective
causesoftheexodus,a causethatappealstoevery
whether
or idle, respectedor
Negro
highor low, industrious
frommobviolenceand
condemned,is theNegroes'insecurity
Severalspecificcases of heavyblackout-migration
lynchings."
have been linkedto specificlynching
incidents.For example,
one sectionof Georgiaexperienced
followheavyout-migration
ing a series of horriblelynchingsin 1915 and 1916. According
to Woofter
of Labor 1919:79), "The
(citedin U.S. Department
in
the
immediate
of
attributed
planters
vicinity theselynchings
the movementfromtheirplaces to the factthatthe lynching
theirNegroes."Another
notorious
partieshad terrorized
lynching,in SouthCarolina,was followed
byincreasedout-migration
of blacks fromthearea aroundAbbeville(Ballard1984; Scott
1920); Raper (1933) mentionssimilarcases. Also, black migrants
themselves
mentioned
thefearofviolenceas a reasonforleaving
theirhomes.Forexample, onemigrant
(citedinHenri1975: 130)
wroteeloquently
to theChicagoDefender,"Aftertwenty
years
of seeing my people lynchedforany offensefromspittingon a
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LethalViolenceandtheGreatMigration 357
sidewalkto stealinga mule,I madeup mymindthatI wouldturn
wherethe
the prowof my shiptowardthepartof thecountry
at
civilized."
at
made
a
least
pretense being
people
of southern
Even the "civilized"institutions
societyvictima lethalthreat.
The legalwebofJim
ized blacksandrepresented
Crowand de jure second-classstatusofblacks,alongwiththeir
of racialhatredand inferiority,
culturalimperatives
guaranteed
thatthecriminal
justicesystemwouldbe biasedagainstblacks.
Withlittleaccess to legal defense,blacksoftenweresubjectto
in a deathsentence.
trials,whichall too oftenresulted
summary
Raper (1933: 19) saw littleto distinguishmanylegal executions
mobviolence:"It is notincorrect
of blacksfromdeaththrough
a 'legal lynchto call a deathsentenceundersuchcircumstances
"
was
also
reached
President
Truman's
This
conclusion
by
ing.'
on CivilRights(Shapiro1988:368).
Committee
fromracialvioto recognizethatblackflight
It is important
within
theSouth,as
movement
lencecouldhavefostered
internal
we knowthat
fromtheSouth.Forinstance,
wellas out-migration
a ruralphenomenon.
wereprimarily
black lynchings
Although
risk
of mob
in
the
not
were
unknown
southern
cities,
lynchings
in
the
for
blacks
violencewasconsiderably
living
countrygreater
side (Raper 1933; White 1969 [I929]). Thus, by encouraging
createdbylynchtheclimateof terror
rural-to-urban
movement,
of the
urbanization
to
the
substantial
have
contributed
ingsmay
blackpopulation
thatoccurred
betweenI88o and 1930.
southern
some ruralblacksmayhaveleftareas of serious
Alternatively,
locales.
mobviolenceforother,morebenign,ruralsouthern
surroundWhileitseemsplausiblethattheviolentatmosphere
to
to
their
blacks
contributed
southern
willingness
migrate,
ing
of
on
the
this
efforts
to
assess
migraatmosphere
impact
previous
forsucha relationship.
tionhaverevealedlittlesupport
According
to Johnson(1923: 272), "Persecutionplays itspart-a considerof southern
able one. But when the whole of the migration
thispartseemstobe limited."ThissomeNegroesis considered,
conclusionis basedon twokeyobservations:
whatcontradictory
wereas likelytoexperience
with
that
counties
manylynchings
(I)
as theywereto experience
increasesin blackpopulation
populain whitemigration
tionlosses; and (2) thatcounty-level
patterns
conclusion
Johnson's
closelyparalleledthoseforblackmigration.
to economicforcesas a cause of
was secondary
thatpersecution
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358
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
HISTORY
blackmigration
has beenwidelycitedas evidence
subsequently
causeofmigration
thatlynchings
werenotan important
(Fligstein
For
reexample, in theircomprehensive
I98I; Kennedy1930).
andCampbell(I98I: 66) write,
viewof blackmigration
Johnson
and controversial
"One of the moreimportant
aspectsof his
S.
Johnson's
was
the
that
[C.
(1923)] survey
finding therewas no
andmigration."
correlation
betweenracialpersecution
It is difficult
to knowhowmuchconfidence
to place in JohnEvenhe acknowledged
thathis
son's "empirical"observations.
a
based
on
correlatest"
"rough
analysisrepresented "working
tion" (Johnson1923: 274). There are additionalreasons to con-
siderhis evidenceless thandefinitive.
First,it is notclearupon
was based. Second,his simple
whichcountieshis investigation
bivariateobservations
cannotdo justicetothecomplexprocesses
black
to thesocial andeconomicenvironconnecting
migration
ment(as represented
inFigure2). Finally,
thesimilarities
between
whiteandblackmigration
do
not
rule
out
the
patterns
possibility
thateachresponded
to somewhat
different
causalmechanisms.
a moresophisticated
examinaFligstein(I98I) has conducted
tionoftheimpactofracialpersecution
onblackmigration.
Along
withseveralothervariables(see ourearlierdiscussion),
Fligstein
includeslynching
as a predictor
ofblackmigration
between19oo
and 1930.ForeachofthethreedecadesFligstein's
show
findings
a negative,thoughstatistically
between
insignificant,
relationship
and netmigration.5
In lightof theseresults,Fligstein
lynching
concludesthatlynchingwas not an important
determinant
of
black
county-level migration
patterns.
Since Fligsteinwas notprimarily
in an examination
interested
oftheroleofracialviolence,itis notsurprising
thathisanalysis
cannotbe considereddefinitive.
of
First,theNAACP'S inventory
has
been
demonstrated
to
have
serisource)
lynchings
(Fligstein's
ous weaknesses
(Tolnayetal. I989). Second,Fligstein's
lynching
variablemeasuresonlywhether
a countyexperienced
a lynching
was measured.Thismeaduringthedecadeforwhichmigration
surement
overlooks
thepossibility
thata climateofracial
strategy
violenceaccumulated
overa longerhistorical
it
period;moreover,
assumesthata singlelynching
hadthesameimpactas three,four,
or morelynchings.
Third,Fligstein's
analysisdoes notconsider
thepossibility
ofa reciprocal
on
negative
impactofout-migration
in Figure2).6 Whilethis
(as hypothesized
subsequentlynchings
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LethalViolenceandtheGreatMigration 359
is discussedfurther
below,itshouldbe noted
possiblerelationship
of the
thestrength
herethatits existencemayhave attenuated
andmigration
inferred
associationbetweenlynching
byFligstein.
Not onlyis therea lack of previousempiricalsupportfora
butother
linkbetweenracialviolenceand migration,
significant
in arguscholarshavepointedoutan apparent
logicalinadequacy
mentswhichsuggestsuch a link. For instance,Higgs (1976)
blackshistorically
had beenexposedto
pointsoutthatsouthern
and abuse.Thus,he arguesthatthisconstant
condiscrimination
is an unlikely
of
the
ditionofracialharassment
explanation
sharp
increaseinblackmigration
after1900oo.
Moreover,
Scroggs(1917:
wereon thedeclineafterI9Io, pre1041) notesthatlynchings
time
the
same
that
black
rosedramatically.
Both
cisely
migration
are accurate:racialharassment
of theseobservations
had existed
in the Southfordecades,and lynching
did declinein intensity
observation
after1910. However,neither
contradicts
necessarily
in
thebasicframework
this
essay.
developed
To appreciate
thispoint,itis important
to distinguish
between
trends
and
in
cross-sectional
variation
racial
violence
longitudinal
and migration.
Racial violencehad characterized
the Southfor
decadesbeforetheGreatMigration;
thusitis unlikely
thatracial
violencecan explainthetimingof theGreatMigration.
Rather,
the timingof theblack exodusis probablybetterexplainedby
ofnorthern
theawakening
to thepotential
forexploitemployers
black
and
in
the
the
number
labor,
ing cheap
by
sharpplunge
ofEuropeanimmigrants
and
after
War
World
I.
However,
during
as illustrated
in FigureI, once theGreatMigration
was underthe
exodus
from
was
not
counties
uniform
across
southern
way,
theSouth.Certainareas in theSouthexperienced
considerably
moreout-migration
thanothers.It is thiscross-sectional
variationin migration
thatwe are suggesting
have
been
caused
may
in violence
cross-sectional
variation
partiallyby corresponding
blacks.
against
is shifted
onceattention
to a cross-sectional
conFurthermore,
declinedafter
thatlynchings
cern,Scroggs's(1917) observation
andlegal
19io seemslessproblematic,
especiallysincelynchings
executions
bothproceededat a veryvigorouspace aftertheturn
of thetwentieth
Table 2 showsthenumbersof lynchcentury.
in Georgiaand SouthCarolina,by decade,
ingsand executions
fromI890 to 1930. Clearly,thelevelof lethalviolenceagainst
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360
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
HISTORY
Table2 Lynchings
andexecutions
inGeorgiaandSouthCarolinaby
decade,1882-1930
SouthCarolina
Georgia
Decade
1882-1889
1890-1899
1900-1909
Lynchings
53
16
97
1910-1919
125
1920-1930
41
Executions
53
Iog9
112
78
45
Lynchings
Executions
28
52
48
57
20
52
33
13
32
28
in thesetwo states,evenafter19oo. In
blacks was substantial
itsmostintensive
decadeof lynching
fact,Georgiaexperienced
between I9Io and 1920. Thus, a lack of coincidencebetweenthe
fortheSouthas a whole(I89os) andthe
highpointof lynchings
exodusofblacksfromtheSouth(afterI9Io) does notnecessarily
contradict
our hypothesis,
whichlinksspatialpatterns
of black
and
of
violence.
racial
migration corresponding
patterns
of an associationbetweenracial
theplausibility
Considering
andthefailureof priorefforts
violenceand theGreatMigration,
to
of
it seems
assess
the
adequately
strength suchan association,
Whilean exhaustive
clear thatadditionalinquiryis warranted.
of the causal processeshypothesized
in
empiricalexamination
2
is
of
this
can
the
we
offer
Figure
beyond scope
essay,
prelimiwithour hypothesized
effectof racial
naryevidenceconsistent
violenceon blackmigration.
Figure3 describestherelationship
betweenthenumberof lynchings
thatoccurredin thecounties
of GeorgiaandSouthCarolinabetween1882 and 1920,andoutof blacksfromthosesamecountiesbetween1920 and
migration
It
shows
a verystriking
and
between
migration
relationship
1930.7
in
and
For
in
South
Carolina.
counties
instance,
lynching Georgia
whichmorethanfiveblackswerelynched
an average
experienced
rateof 29 per Ioo blackpopulation.
At theother
out-migration
lostonly23
extreme,countieswithat mostone blacklynching
per Ioo black populationduringthe 1920s. Moreover,the black
raterose consistently
withtheintensity
of black
out-migration
lynchingsbetween 1882 and 1920.
The tentative
natureofthisevidencemustbe stressed.
Figure3
describesa simplebivariate
associationwhichdoes notconsider
theroleofothersocialandeconomicforcesthatmayhaveaffected
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LethalViolenceand theGreatMigration 361
I
o
27
ESv
z
CO
0
23
0-1
2-3
4-5
Number
ofblacklynchings
to1920
>
to1920onmeanblackout-migration
in
oflynchings
Figure3 Effect
seenote7;
1920-30.Sources:
Lynchings:
GeorgiaandSouthCarolina,
from
executions:
datafileobtained
Espy(n.d.).
bothracialviolenceandblackmigration.
Moreover,
specification
of thetemporalrelationship
and migration
is
betweenlynching
of nearlysimultaneous
rathercrudeand ignoresthepossibility
in the 1920s on migration
effectsof lynchings
duringthesame
decade. Still,thisevidencedoes providetantalizing
supportfor
ourconceptualframework.
BlackOut-Migration
andReducedLethalViolence
thesouthern
hadbeBytheturnofthetwentieth
century
economy
comeextremely
labor.
As
black
the
black
dependent
uponcheap
exodusintensified,
theeconomicimpactofthelossoflaborbegan
to be felt.Henri(1975: 70) notedthat"as thetrainsand boats
pulledout week afterweek and monthaftermonth,the South
began to hurtfroma loss of theblack laborforce,especially
theDeep South."In response,southern
and employers
planters
to stemthelaborhemorrhage.
At
mounteda desperateattempt
consistedof coercivemeasures.Migrants
were
first,theireffort
andotherwise
threatened,
intimidated,
abused;laboragentswere
taxed,beaten,andlynched.
Whencoercionprovedineffective,
some southern
communitiesturnedto enticement.
If blacksweremigrating
becausethey
wereunhappy
or mistreated,
thenone solution
was to makethem
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362
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
HISTORY
In someareas,wagesrosein responseto
feelmorecomfortable.
the black exodus (Scott 1920: 86; Scroggs 1917: 103). In other
needto improvetheplight
areas, local elitessaw an increasing
of local blacks.Forinstance,
a report
of
bytheU.S. Department
Labor (1919: 32) observed:
They see in thegrowingneed forNegrolaborso powerfulan appealto theself-interest
of thewhiteemployer
and
thewhiteplanteras to makeitpossibleto getan influential
whitegroupto exertitselfactively
toprovidebetterschools;
to insurefullsettlements
betweenlandlord
andtenant
on all
of
bytheendoftheyear;tobringaboutabolition
plantations
theabusesinthecourtsofjusticeofthepeace.
it appearsthatin somecases local whiteeliteswere
Importantly,
inthelevelofviolentpersecuevenwillingtocall fora reduction
tionof thesubordinate
caste.Scott(1920: 94) referred
to sucha
to maltreat
thenegroeswithout
trend:"The tendency
cause, the
customof arresting
themforpettyoffenses
andtheinstitution
of
all
in
have
been
somewhat
checked
this
the
change
by
lynching
attitude
ofthesouthern
whitemantowards
thenegro."
southern
blackshave used theirlabor value to
Historically,
extract
fromthewhitemajority-even
ifunintentionconcessions
After
blacks
"took
ally.
advantage"of a laborEmancipation,
starvedsouthern
to
of a slavethe
economy prevent perpetuation
like"ganglabor"agricultural
and
Sutch
(Ransom
system
I977).
It was through
thatthetenancyand sharecropping
compromise
that
We are suggesting
systememergedin southern
agriculture.
blacksagain "exploited"theirincreasedlaborvalueduringthe
eraofheavymigration.
Thatis, facedwiththelossoftheircheap
laborforce,and withno real alternative,
southern
plantersand
to
the
benefits
of
a
less
hostileand
began perceive
employers
for
environment
blacks.
would
we
exploitive
Naturally,
expectto
findtheemergence
ofthissentiment
tohavebeenmoreprominent
inareassuffering
lossesofblackpopulation.
greater
Our argument
thatblackmigration
had a reciprocaleffect
on
racial violencehas to thispointfocusedprimarily
on theperwhiteelite.However,
it wouldbe naive
spectiveof thesouthern
to believethattheSouthwas monolithic
in itsresponseto black
andthelossofblacklabor.In fact,thereis goodreason
migration
tosuspectthatreactions
totheblackexodusweresplitalongclass
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LethalViolence
andtheGreat
Migration363
lines.Edna Bonacich's(I972, 1975) "splitlabormarket"theory
of antagonistic
ethnicrelations
is usefulfordeveloping
thisimto
blacks
were
one
of three
Bonacich,
portant
point.According
class groupsrepresented
in thesouthern
two
the
other
economy;
and employers,
and whitelaborers.Planters
werewhiteplanters
and employersweredependentuponcheap black labor,while
whitelaborerswerein competition
thehigher-priced
withblack
labor.Whitelaborershad everything
to gainfromtheexodusof
blacksfromtheSouth,butplanters
and employers
had muchto
lose, as describedabove(Holmes1969).
betweenwhiteandblacksouthern
laborhadintenCompetition
sifiedconsiderably
and
the
late
nineteenth
during
earlytwentieth
centuries.The growingruralpopulation
overburdened
southern
land (Myrdal1972; Wilson 1978), and moreand morewhite
farmers
werereducedto tenancy.
As a result,despitetheirmemin
the
dominant
ruralwhitesbeganto share
more
caste,
bership
the blacks' disadvantaged
economicposition.And forthe first
ofsouthern
whitefarmers
foundthemselves
time,sizablenumbers
in directeconomiccompetition
withsouthern
blackfarmers.
To
theextentthatthemigration
ofblacksfromsouthern
countiesremovedeconomiccompetitors,
their
then,poorerwhitesimproved
white
and
vis-a-vis
position
planters employers.8
WilliamHolmes(1969) presents
clearevidenceof thiseffect
in thecase of Mississippi,wheremanyborderline
whitefarmers
to
terrorize
black
farmers
into
and
tenants
organized
leaving.Beit
was
causeofthecrop-lien
not
uncommon
for
merchants
system,
to becomelandedgentry
to
then
hireblack
foreclosure,
through
tenantsand sharecroppers
to workthe cottonfields.This had
twoimmediate
to reducethenumber
ofsmalllandeffects:
first,
and
to
white
with
tenants
white
farmers,
secondly, replace
holding
blacktenants(ibid.). These actionswere
moreeasilycontrolled
of bothborderline
landto the economicinterests
detrimental
did
as
Holmes
has
and
whites
landless
demonstrated,
and,
holding
withmuchviolencedirectedat offending
notgo unchallenged,
blacks.
who sufIn sum, it is unlikelythatplantersand employers,
feredfromtheloss of blacklaborers,andpoormarginal
whites,
toblackmigration.
whocompetedwiththem,responded
similarly
held
tomoderate
Whiletheformer
grievances
mayhaveattempted
todo so. The socialand
byblacks,thelatterhadlittlemotivation
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364
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
HISTORY
0.30
o
0.28
0.26
S0.24
S0.22
C
0.20
0.18
>0
20, <15
>15, <35
Black out-migration,19Io-20
>35
(per Ioo)
ofblackout-migration,
4 Effect
1910-20, on lynchings,
Figure
1920-30,in GeorgiaandSouthCarolina
ofthewhitecommunity
economiccomposition
becomes,then,a
thepushforcesbehindtheblack
criticalfactorin understanding
to it. Thispotential
exodusas wellas thecommunity's
responses
from"WhiteClass
inFigure2 bythearrowrunning
is represented
blackout-migration
arrowconnecting
tothedownward
Structure"
withlethalviolenceagainstblacks.
ispremature,
anin-depth
exploration
empirical
Again,although
ofthehyevidencesupportive
we can providesimpledescriptive
on
the
of
black
levelof
influence
migration
pothesizedreciprocal
ourfocusto thecounties
lethalviolence.Once morerestricting
of Georgiaand SouthCarolina,Figure4 describestheeffectof
black out-migration
between 19Io and 1920 on subsequentblack
between
1920 and 1930. By alteringthe time periods
lynchings
to avoid posfromthoseused in Figure3, we are attempting
and
betweenmigration
siblesimultaneity
bias in therelationship
racialviolence.9The evidencesuggeststhatheavyout-migration
on racialviolence.
effect
ofblacksmayhavehadan ameliorative
rateover
anout-migration
Forexample,countiesthatexperienced
35 per Ioo blacks between 19Io and 192o averagedless than0.2
duringthenextIo years.On theotherhand,counties
lynchings
noblackout-migration
thatexperienced
(orevennetin-migration)
maintained
relatively
highlevelsof racialviolence-nearly0.3
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LethalViolenceand theGreatMigration 365
between1920and 1930on average.The evidenceprelynchings
sentedin Figure4 bearsthesamecaveatsmentioned
in relation
to Figure3. But it also providesintriguing
information
which
that
our
framework
warrants
more
intensive
suggests
conceptual
empiricalattention.
CONCLUSION
In thisessaywe havearguedthatpriortreatments
ofblackmigrationhaveprematurely
racial
violence
as
a forcecontribneglected
of
to
the
blacks
from
the
and to internal
South
uting
migration
within
the
South.
While
we
do
not
claim
thattheimpact
migration
of violenceon migration
was greater
thantheinfluence
of economicforces,we do believeitwasmorepowerful
thanpreviously
assumed.Moreover,we haveproposeda reciprocal
relationship
and racialviolenceagainstblacksdurbetweenblackmigration
Thatis, notonlydid
ing thefirstpartof thetwentieth
century.
southernblackschoose to leave areas in whichtheyhad been
exposedtohighlevelsoflethalviolence,buttheexodusofblacks
motivated
southern
whitestoreducethelevelofracialviolence.
The historical
ofthisconceptual
framework
is demlegitimacy
of the social and economic
onstratedthroughan examination
whichtheGreatMigration
was
context
within
occurred.
Lynching
an important
ofsocialcontrol
as whitessoughttokeep
mechanism
blacksin theirsubservient
andimpoverished
positionin southern
And
blacks
southern
feared
society.
obviously
lynchmobs and
to imposepopularjustice. Manyblacks
theirviciousattempts
respondedto thisthreatby fleeingto less violentsurroundings.
Once southern
blacksbegantoleavetheregioninlargenumbers,
thedisruptive
somewhitesrecognized
effect
theexodus
however,
was havingon thesouthern
emeconomy.Fordecadessouthern
ofcheapblacklabor;
theavailability
ployershadtakenforgranted
whentheirsupplywasthreatened,
theyactedintheirowninterests
to stanchtheflowofblacklabortotheNorth.
in Figures3 and 4
Preliminary
empiricalevidencepresented
withourhypotheses
and suggeststhatourconcepis consistent
tojustify
tualframework
has sufficient
merit
closerconsideration.
Simplebivariateanalysesindicatethat,amongcountiesin Georgia and SouthCarolina,blacksweremorelikelyto leaveareasof
morefrequent
and thatheavyout-migration
was assolynching,
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366
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
HISTORY
ciated withlowerlevelsof racial violencein following
years.
cannotbe takenas
thesesimplebivariate
Naturally,
relationships
of racialviolenceincreasedblack
proofpositivethata tradition
or
led to a declinein the
extensive
that
mobility
out-migration
use of racialviolenceagainstsouthern
blacks.Beforedefinitive
ofourconcepconclusions
canbe drawn,empirical
investigations
tual framework
mustbe extendedto a broadergeographicarea
setofsocialandeconomicvariables.An
andto a moreextensive
of
the
framework
test
developedinthisessay
adequate
conceptual
of
willrequirea majorresearch
thepossibility
however,
initiative;
of
wisdom
the
conventional
the
dynamics
"rewriting"
regarding
willjustify
theGreatMigration
thatinitiative.
NOTES
I
2
3
4
5
The netmigration
estimates
on thismapweregenerated
using
represented
a forward
censussurvivalratemethod(Shryock
andSiegel I980: 630-34).
It is thesamemethodusedbyNeil Fligstein
of net
(I98I) fortheestimates
A moredetaileddescription
of thisindirect
migration.
techniqueforestiin a latersectionof thisessay.FigureI
is presented
matingnetmigration
describestherateofnetmigration
butrevealsnothing
aboutthedestinations
ofmigrants.
It is probablysafeto ignorecross-county
in theattractiveness
or
variation
of employment
in theNorthas an explanation
for
availability
opportunities
thecounty-level
variation
displayedin FigureI. Of course,somesouthern
countiesmayhavehad stronger
tieswithnorthern
urbanareasthrough
the
offamily
members
orfriends
priormigration
(e.g., Ballard1984).
In addition
topushandpullfactors,
ofmigration
theoretical
treatments
often
mention
"obstacles"to,or "costs"of,relocation
thatcandiscourage
potentialmigrants.
One mechanism
theGreatMigration
toreduce
operating
during
such impediments
was an expandingnetwork
of familyand friendswho
had alreadyrelocated.Such networks
about
providedvaluableinformation
and eased thearrivalandtransition
of newmigrants.
potentialdestinations
Forexample,Ballard(1984) describes
an important
connection
betweenpreviousmigrants
to Philadelphia
and residents
of thearea aroundAbbeville,
SouthCarolina.Although
an important
dimension
to theGreatMigration,
thisissueis somewhat
outsidethespecificfocusofthisessay.
the cottonstatesare consideredto be Alabama,Georgia,
Traditionally,
andSouthCarolina.
Louisiana,Mississippi,
A negativeeffect
of lynching
on netmigration
our
mayseemto contradict
thata positivevalueof net
However,it shouldbe recognized
hypothesis.
meansthata countygainedpopulation
A negamigration
through
migration.
tivevalueimpliesa lossofpopulation
via migration.
effect
Thus,a negative
of lynching
on netmigration
were
actuallyindicatesthatmorelynchings
associatedwithout-migration
(orwithlowerlevelsofin-migration).
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Lethal Violenceand theGreatMigration 367
as criticisms
of Fligstein's
6 These pointsshouldnotbe interpreted
analysis,
of the
since it was nothis purposeto conducta full-fledged
investigation
andmigration.
associationbetweenracialpersecution
in Georgia
data used in Figures3 and 4 forlynchings
7 The county-level
and SouthCarolinacome froma recentprojectto createan inventory
of
fortheentireDeep Southbetween1882and 1930.Threeseparate
lynchings
enumerations
of lynchvictimsservedas therawmaterialforthelynching
in 1889and endingin the
inventories
inventory:
(I) theNAACP'S
beginning
annuallistoflynch
1940s(see, e.g., NAACP
1919);(2) theChicagoTribune's
victims,publishedbetween1882and 1918; and (3) a listcompiledby the
fortheperiod1882to 1964(Williams1968).
Archives
TuskegeeUniversity
witheachoftheseinventories
thereareseriousproblems
(see,
Unfortunately,
e.g., Becketal. 1989;Tolnayetal. 1989).Therefore
theywerecombinedto
ofall knownlynchings
includedinpublicsources.
producea completelisting
Theneachoftheseincidents
andthedetailsaboutthemwereverified
through
The productof this
contemporary
reports
publishedin nearbynewspapers.
effort
was a confirmed
of southern
whichincludesthe
inventory
lynchings
abouteach event:state,county,
exactdate, race of
followinginformation
reason.Whilewe do notclaimthatthis
victim,sex of victim,andreported
is exhaustive,
we are certainof its superiority
overotherpublic
inventory
inventories.
The county-level
netmigration
in Figures3 and 4 were
ratespresented
estimatedusinga forwardcensus survivalratemethod(FligsteinI98I:
andSiegelI980: 630-34). In brief,
an observedpopuAppendixC; Shryock
lationforsomepointin timeis comparedwiththeexpectedpopulation
for
thesame time.The expectedpopulation
is estimated
forward
by surviving
thepopulation
forsomeearlierpointintime.Thedifference
betweenthetwo
netmigration.
represents
Ifwe taketheperiod1920-30as an example,then
MI920-30
= P1930 - (S) (P1920),
whereM1920-30
is the netmigration
between192o and 1930,P1930is the
size in 1930,S is thesurvival
observedpopulation
between1920
probability
and 1930, and P1920is theobservedpopulation
size in 1920. And thenet
is derivedas follows:
rate,NM1920-30,
migration
NMI920-30
-
(M1920-30/ P1920) X I00.
is mademorecomplexbyan effort
tobe
The actualcomputational
procedure
fordifas preciseas possiblebyallowingforseparatesurvival
probabilities
ferent
age groups,formalesandfemales,andforurbanandruralresidents.
A moredetaileddescription
ofthemeasurement
ofnetmigration
is available
fromtheauthors.
8 Bloom (1987) disagreeswithBonacich's(1972) assumption
thatblackand
whitelaborerswere in directcompetition.
He adoptsa moretraditional
of thesourcesof racialantagonism
Marxistinterpretation
bylocatingthem
withinthewhiteelite.
primarily
inthisessay
to modelthereciprocal
9 Futureefforts
relationship
hypothesized
and racialviolencewillrequirecarefultemporalspecifibetweenmigration
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368
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
HISTORY
in an area spur
cation.For instance,did a historical
of lynchings
tradition
or was recentviolencemoresalient?Furthermore,
whilea
out-migration,
(or vice versa)can be specilaggedeffectof racialviolenceon migration
fiedand estimated,
of nearlysimultaneous
it ignoresthepossibility
effects
betweenthetwosocialforces.
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