The 2013 Social Protests in Bulgaria: Slogans and
Images1
Nelly Velinova, Dr. Marian Tomov, Prof. Lilia Raycheva
St. Kliment Ohridski Sofia University, Bulgaria
Abstract: The study analyses the 2013 social protests in
Bulgaria, reflected through the messages that protesters
inspired with their actions. Protests are divided into two
waves: the February and the June protests. Differences lie
mainly in the objectives of the protesters and the
methods for their achieving. The February protests,
triggered by the high electricity bills and the disapproval
of the living standards were more aggressive. They
resulted in resignation of the acting government followed
by preliminary Parliamentary elections. The June
protests had mainly moral purpose – they aimed at
sustaining the democratic standards in the country. The
civil society representatives avoided aggression in street
processions. They presented their demands peacefully
and positively with a significant sense of irony and
humor. A comparative analysis of the messages and the
photo images of both protests outline the essence of the
study.
Key words: social protests, media, images, issues, audience
I. INTRODUCTORY WORDS
The turbulent development of information and
communication technologies has opened up the
functioning of the National State into dynamically
grouped transnational economic structures. They have
been viewed through the prism of globalization,
although the use of this term, especially in the economic
sphere, has given rise to heated debates. Resistance
against the drive for hegemony on the part of the most
advanced countries over the rest of the world has been
acquiring a bitter edge. Discussion of the new economic
development models has caused mass-scale
antiglobalist unrests during the world economic fora at
the turn of the new millennium. Further on, the highspeed spread of the social media and the social
networks enhanced the instantaneous burst of the
protest movements. Manuel Castells called that nationwide protest revolution of freedom and dignity2.
II. THE STORY OF THE BULGARIAN SOCIAL PROTESTS
The protests in Bulgaria are a telling sign of the
activities of the awakened civil society fighting against
the monopoly of the oligarchic corporate structures and
for integrity of the political parties and the state
machine. Although with a small group, Sofia was one of
nearly 1000 cities in more than 80 countries which
supported the global OCCUPY initiative. Self-organized
via the social networks, in June 2012, Bulgarian
environmentalists blocked out the traffic in the area of
Sofia’s Orlov Most (Eagles Bridge) protesting against
the amendments to the Forestry Law.
A. The First Wave of Protests
Occupy Orlov Most became the emblematic agora for
social marches in the winter of 2013, which brought
about an early resignation of the center-right GERB
(Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria Political
The 2013 Social Protests in Bulgaria: Slogans and Images
Party) Government. The anti-monopoly protests
started late in January 2013 in the towns of Sandanski
and Blagoevgrad and in less than a month spread to
over thirty other Bulgarian towns. Initially, they were
incited by the high electricity bills and were aimed
against the monopoly of the electricity distribution
companies in the Government-regulated market of
electricity, water supply and heating3. Subsequently the
protests escalated against the unreformed political
system functioning during the 23-year-long transition
period. Protesters symbolically burned their bills. Key
motorways and transport routes in the country were
blocked; bottles, eggs and stones were thrown against
Gendarmerie and Police units, the buildings of the
Ministry of Economy and of the National Assembly in
the capital of Sofia. A distinctive feature of these
protests was a number of self-immolations, including
that of the 36-year-old photographer, alpinist and civil
rights activist Plamen Goranov from the seaside resort
of Varna, which stirred a wide-spread public reaction.
Although, Plamen Goranov was not the first tragic case,
he became one of the symbols of the protesters.
Electricity costs are one of the main expenditure for
the Bulgarian citizens. According to the National
Statistical Institute data, currently 85 per cent of the
household monthly incomes are spent on their basic
needs, and the average monthly salary being the lowest
in the European Union – 846 BGN (Euro 432). The
minimum monthly wage is ten times lower than that of
some member states - amounting to 340 BGN (Euro
174), which makes about 1 Euro per hour4. Twenty-two
per cent of the labor force are employed namely on a
minimum wage. Also, prices in Bulgaria amount to 49
per cent of the European Union average5.
February 17, 2013 was the day with one of the most
intensive mass protests throughout the country. In
more than 35 cities over 100,000 protesters were out in
the streets. While initially mainly with social and
economic demands, the protests quickly orientated
against the political system as a whole.
As a result of this public tension, less than a month
from the beginning of the protests, on February 20,
2013, the day after the clashes between the police and
the protesters led to bloodshed and a number of
civilians were badly injured, the Prime-minister Boyko
Borisov announced that his cabinet would resign.
President Rosen Plevneliev appointed a caretaker
government to serve until elections that were originally
scheduled to be held in July, but had to be brought
forward.
B. The Second Wave of Protests
The earlier Parliamentary Election of May 12, 2013
resulted in a hung parliament, with no party winning
with a majority of seats. The voter turnout was at its
lowest since the major political changes of 1989.
Only two days after the appointment of the new
government (with prime-minister Plamen Oresharski
of Coalition of Bulgaria) on May 29, 2013 protests were
organized against it, but they burst out on June 14. In a
matter of hours and again, as in February, via the social
networks, especially on Facebook, more than 10 000
people spontaneously self-organized themselves to
march in a mass-scale peaceful protest in Sofia against
the Parliamentary appointment of the 31-year-old
Delyan Peevski. Being a MP for the Movement for Rights
and Freedoms and an owner of a media conglomerate,
he was not transparently nominated by the ruling CB
and the supporting political party MRF to head the
Bulgarian State Agency for National Security (DANS).
The public anger was exacerbated by the fact that in the
days leading up to Peevski’s election, the Parliament
Investigating Culture 1/2015
had approved major changes in the legal framework of
DANS structures, which gave its head an unprecedented
power.
Although Peevski’s nomination was quickly revoked,
the protests against the lack of transparency and
integrity of the ruling political powers have acquired a
chronic character. The demonstrations were noted for
their extensive use of social networks. Every day, for
more than three months, in the early evening hours,
thousands took part in the anti-government
demonstrations. A mass-scale organizational effect was
achieved by using the hashtag #дансwithme6 from
Facebook and Twitter at the beginning of these protests,
which enabled those who did not attend the events, to
follow them virtually. This pun, half Bulgarian, half
English, associated with the TV show “Dancing Stars”,
clearly showed the irony towards the government.
The government did not respond effectively to the
calls for new elections and public accountability and the
protesters have resorted to other means of expressing
their anger, such as the initiative of drinking coffee
every morning in front of the Parliament; randomly
blockading key roads; organizing creative happenings,
etc. With street performances and abstract art
protesters mocked the politicians. Thus the June
protests became the heyday of symbolic creativity. The
unique spirit of the peaceful protests additionally
inspired the broad publics. These unconventional
messages were understood easily and were
remembered for a long time.
Nevertheless, on July 23, because of the intention of
the government to not transparently amend the 2013
State budget, demonstrators blockaded the house of the
Bulgarian Parliament with trashcans, park benches,
paving stones and street signs. A significant number of
MPs and ministers were trapped inside the building for
more than eight hours. Despite the mounting pressure
and the growing people’s discontent, the government
largely ignored the protesters and dismissed their
claims. On the contrary, a counter-protest in support of
the Cabinet Oresharski, and against President
Plevneliev (who has supported the anti-government
protests), although with much lower attendance, was
organized. Supporters of the government insisted that
it should be given a chance to work.
Although some executive measures for lowering the
electricity bills have been taken, yet again they did not
seem to be sufficient, clearly outlined and sustainable.
The Anti-government Information Agency NOresharski!,
distributed online, cited the opinion poll by the Alpha
Research agency, which pointed out that 51 % of
respondents supported the anti-government protests
demanding resignation of the government, 33 %
supported the counter protests in favor of the
government, while 16 % did not support either protest7.
National demonstrations in all major cities were
also supported by the Bulgarian Diaspora, protesting in
front of the Bulgarian embassies and consulates across
Europe: Athens, Barcelona, Berlin, Brussels, Dublin,
Düsseldorf, Frankfurt, London, Madrid, Munich, Paris,
Vienna, as well as in many other major cities all over the
world.
The elections for European parliament in May 2014
were not favorable for the ruling Coalition of Bulgaria
and with no sufficient support by the National
parliament, the government was forced to resign after
fourteen months of social tension and discontent. A
caretaker government to serve until the preliminary
parliamentary elections on October 5 was appointed by
President Rosen Plevneliev.
All of the 2013 protests have been extensively
covered and commented by the mainstream media, as
The 2013 Social Protests in Bulgaria: Slogans and Images
well as via social networks. Although the majority of the
participants in the social protests remained peaceful, in
both cases violence erupted and attracted the attention
of the mainstream media. The social discontent in
Bulgaria had not any leaders or spokespersons. The
Internet enabled activists to plan, plot and co-ordinate
the protests at low costs, anonymity (for threat of police
detection) and speed. At the same time they were
apparently able to reach a wider audience of potential
participants than ever before, and thus were able to
spark a ‘rampage’.
III. METHODOLOGY
The aim of the undertaken research is to outline the
image of these two large social protests and to compare
them. In this sense, some major differences are
expected between the messages of the two protests.
The organizers and their motivations, expectations and
attitudes are different; the nature of the February
protests (FP) and the June protests (JP) are not similar;
the ruling parties had different approaches to the
democratic values, etc. In pursuit of this aim, the
analysis specifically sought answers to the messages of
the visual images, provided mainly by photographers,
reporters and bloggers8.
The object of the study is the behavior of the
protesters and the means they used, whether it came to
speeches, slogans, staged or spontaneous actions. For
this purpose TV, websites, newspapers, social networks
and fora were reviewed.
The Perlmutter’s (1998) typology, including (1)
importance of the event depicted, (2) metonymy, (3)
celebrity, (4) prominence of display, (5) frequency of
use, and (6) primordiality, was followed9.
One of the most characteristic features of protests in
2013 was that they were largely attended. Thousands
of Bulgarians took to the streets. The visual appearance
of the mass discontent could be displayed in many
different ways. The selected photographs were
powerfully memorizing strong and vibrant moments of
people's activity.
This paper focuses on some emblematic, symbolic
moments of the protests:
 symbols of fire;
 symbols of the funeral ceremonies;
 symbols of the performance.
IV. MAJOR FINDINGS
The social movements of 2013 in Bulgaria were
marked by rising outrage and discontent and were
centered jointly on asserting economic and political
rights. The February protests were primarily engaged
in struggle against the high energy prices as well as
against austerity measures. Frustrated people, forced
into living conditions without security or predictability,
went out in the streets to defend the limits of their social
existence. They gained the identity of ‘precariat’10. The
main grievances and causes of outrage of the June
protests were connected with the deficits of the real
democracy in the political system, including economic
injustice; corporate influence; corruption; lack of
transparency and accountability of the government;
insufficient surveillance of citizens, etc. Protesters
struggled for the quality of the democracy and for social
and political rights.
The Bulgarian ’13 social movements were leaderless.
People gathered horizontally through decentralized
social networks and acted in a direct, participatory
democracy of equals, which managed to mobilize
simultaneously individuals from different age groups,
educational background and social stand. They were
Investigating Culture 1/2015
united by the desire to freely express their previously
misrecognized and neglected identities.
Within the framework of less than a year, the
spontaneously organized (thanks to the social
networks) mass protests have managed to redefine the
communication discourse. The traditional media,
especially the radio and TV, in spite of their
simultaneous nature, were lagging dramatically behind
in the high-speed race for consumers’ attention.
The social national phenomenon of the protests in
Bulgaria became the creativity of the public messages.
A. The Symbolism of Fire
Fire, or rather burning is a symbol that is
persistently present during the February protests. But
unlike mythology, where the fire is perceived as a
positive force and is associated with progress and light,
unlike Christianity, where it is a symbol of the Holy
Spirit, during the protests in the country the fire
attended with its destructive nature. Burning, in its
various forms, usually illustrates the destruction of
unwanted. Symbolically speaking, however, this kind of
destruction may lead to purification as well.
Setting Fire to the EVN Corporate Cars
On February 10, 2013 a group of protesters burned
two cars in Plovdiv, belonging to the Austrian Energy
supply
company
EVN
(Energieversorgung
Niederösterreich. This was the first of the subsequent
series of symbolic actions of that kind, many of which unsuccessful. In this case fire was used as a symbol of
the brutal force of the mob that burst out after long
suppression of emotions.
Photo: Dimana TODOROVA (BLITZ agency)
Burning of Electricity and Central Heating Bills
A similar but much more symbolic was the act of
burning electricity and central heating bills. The
spontaneous act was much more effective than
speeches, chants and slogans. Such acts of ritual
burning of the bills supplemented protest actions in
almost all the cities where they had spontaneously
arose.
Photo: © George
newspaper)
KOZHUHAROV
(Capital
The 2013 Social Protests in Bulgaria: Slogans and Images
Burning of the Constitution in Plovdiv
Setting on fire was not limited to corporate cars and
energy bills only. On February 25, 2013 in Plovdiv the
protesters against monopolies reached more than 10
000. The procession passed along the main boulevards
and practically blocked the city traffic. A copy of the
Constitution was burned as an act of dissent against the
status quo and the restrictions of the civil rights.
Burning of Effigies of Politicians
Symbolic act, which took place in several cities, was
the burning of effigies of politicians. The significance of
this effect quite clearly and unequivocally showed the
attitude of the people towards the government. Funeral
burns of effigies was performed in many cities.
Group Photo: Impact Press
Self Immolation of Plamen Goranov
Saturated with symbolism and protest against the
ruling politicians and in particular - against the then
mayor of Varna Kiril Yordanov, was the self immolation
of the 36-year-old photographer and mountaineer
Plamen Goranov on February 20, 2013. Although the
mayor resigned, after his death Plamen Goranov
became a symbol of the protests. He was compared with
Mohammed Bouazizi, whose self immolation ignited
the start of the Arab Spring, as well as with the Czech
student Jan Palach, who set himself on fire during the
Prague Spring of 1968.
Photo: Mario EVSTATIEV (inews.bg)
The self immolation of Plamen Goranov remained
the most emblematic, although he was followed by
other desperate people who committed suicide by selfimmolation.
Dimitar Dimitrov - one of the many self-immolations
are Bulgarians, who miraculously survived, described
his attempt to commit suicide in public as a form of
protest against the social injustice in the country.
Interviewed by BBC reporters, he explained that he
wanted to sacrifice himself for the sake of better life in
the country. His desire was aimed at the world to
understand the predicament of the poorest member
state of the EU. BBC released two reports, entitled:
“Bulgaria prays for no more suicides” and: “Poverty in
Bulgaria brings more people to suicide”11.
The media, and especially the TV coverage of the
series of multiplying protest cases of self-immolation or
Investigating Culture 1/2015
self-infliction of bodily injuries, has prompted the
Council for Electronic Media to publish a special
Declaration addressed to Providers of TV Services. With
this Declaration the regulatory authority appealed to
the Bulgarian media to show more concern for the life
and health of the citizens, while covering the civil
protests without underestimation of the right to
information and within the framework of their editorial
independence12.
inscription of the names of the main political parties in
the country.
C. Theatrical Symbolism of the Performance
The June protests were characterized mainly by
their peaceful nature as a whole, as well as with the
symbolic creativity of the protesters’ actions.
Typical of symbolic signs in general is that they
bring in public ready messages, moods and attitudes.
The symbols are indicating a special attitude to an
B. The Symbolism of the Funeral Ceremonies
object, idea, religion, image, etc. Developed in different
The “funeral” of the monopoly of the electricity environment, they are upgraded and adapted to the
distribution companies on February 17 in Varna case. Presented peacefully symbols have much more
became one of the key symbols in the February protests. understandable messages than the demands of an
This act displayed lack of willingness for dialogue. The angry fanatical crowd. Performances help better in
symbolic ritual showed the decisiveness of the attracting followers and have long-time effect on the
participants in the ceremony “to destroy and bury” the audiences.
monopoly.
The symbolism of the June protests was far more
sophisticated and carefully directed in some cases.
Some of the symbols included the impersonation of
famous paintings; paraphrase of existing and already
used slogans and messages, puns, theatrical sketches,
etc. Artistry and creativity in the June protests
displayed a new face of the people, far more conscious
and confident, ready to fight for their cause with a smile.
The Symbol of the Painting La Liberté guidant le
peuple by Eugene Delacroix
A telling example of street performance in Sofia was
the symbolic “revival” of the picture Liberty Leading the
People by the French painter Eugene Delacroix.
Originally this picture has been dedicated to the July
Photo: BGNES
Revolution of 1830 in France. The performance in Sofia
Months later similar ritual funeral ceremony was
was organized on the eve of July 14 - the French
held in Sofia but this time the protesters buried the
national holiday in honor of the French Ambassador in
political parties. Under the tune of the popular funeral
Bulgaria Philippe Autie. He and his colleague, the
march the participants carried a black coffin with
German Ambassador in Bulgaria Matthias Hoepfner,
The 2013 Social Protests in Bulgaria: Slogans and Images
supported the protesters. Both diplomats proclaimed
that oligarchic political model is incompatible with the
EU values and policies13.
Photo: © Sofia Photo Agency
The Presence of Children in Protests
One of the key features of the June protests was the
demonstratively non-confrontational manner of their
conduct. Protesters took their children at the marches
namely to express the peaceful character of the events.
Moreover, children were a clear symbol of the purity
and fairness, so much cherished for the future of the
country.
June's protests were not just spontaneous outburst
of the people’s discontent, but a desire to improve the
quality of democracy associated with expectations to
improve the integrity of the politicians. “The protesters
in the streets of Sofia showed unique self-organization
desiring the procession to pass peacefully and without
incidents. Moreover, the peaceful protesters
themselves alerted the police about suspicious persons
that behaved provocatively and aggressively. The police
responded immediately and asked provocateurs to
leave the protest.”14
Photo: © Yavor NIKOLOV (Newscafe)
A photo, showing how a young father is feeding his
baby during the protests, became emblematic image of
the daily demonstrations in June. This photo was
quickly disseminated on a large scale via Facebook15.
Photo: 24 hours daily
Investigating Culture 1/2015
Another father - Nikolay Iliev, regularly took his 3year-old son at the protests. He said that that he was
doing so, because he did not want his son to protest
again after 15 or 20 years for the same reasons.
A photo from the February demonstrations showed
a child present at the protest for the sake of the future.
The little boy was appealing to the grown-ups: “Stop
standing against each other, Bulgarians! Stop depriving
me of my present and future! Stop excuse yourselves
and blame others! Stop!”16
Photo: Mihail GEORGIEV
Students’ Performances
Students from the National Academy of Theatrical
and Film Art displayed their messages interrupting
regularly on a daily basis the traffic of one of the main
streets in the capital of Sofia. The main idea of the
performance was connected with the transformation of
the young people from passive witnesses to active
participants in the social matters of the country. The
final of the performance was memorable – they form
with their bodies the word “Resignation”.
Photo: Velico BALABANOV
A similar symbolic act was the demolition of a 30foot high cardboard Berlin wall in front of the German
Embassy in Sofia.
Policeman to Protester: “Hang on. Everything Will Be
Fine”
A photo of a crying girl holding the shoulders of a
policeman with helmet was disseminated broadly in no
time via the social network. The action took place close
to the house of Parliament. The girl, called Desi
Nikolova, explained that she started crying when seeing
that Bulgarians fight against Bulgarians. She was
shocked by the arrogant behavior of some of the
policemen against the protesters. However, “other
policemen were well-intentioned. Thе one whom I was
holding by the shoulders, was injured. I saw him trying
to protect people. I started crying and told him to take
care of himself. He answered: “Hang on. Everything will
be just fine”. He had tears in his eyes.”17
The 2013 Social Protests in Bulgaria: Slogans and Images
Photo: Stefan STEFANOV (Facebook)
V. CONCLUDING WORDS
The World Protests (2006-2013) report analyzed 843
protests occurring between January 2006 and July 2013
in 87 countries covering over 90 % of world population.
Bulgaria was listed among the countries with rising
outrage and discontent in several categories: Economic
Justice and Anti-Austerity (jobs, higher wages and labor
conditions; inequality; low living standards); Rights
(Ethnic/Indigenous/Racial Justice); Repression and
Surveillance.
The report analyzed the two major protests in
Bulgaria during 2013:
 the winter marches of 2013 against the
increase in water and energy prices with
main
opponents
government,
corporations/employers,
International
Monetary Fund (IMF), European Union
(EU), European Commission (EC), corrupt
political/economic system and 25 arrests;
 the social movements and demonstrations
(marches, blockades) that started in June
2013, demanding more transparency,
stronger efforts towards fighting crime and
corruption, as well as appealing for social
and economic justice. The elites,
military/police, government were listed as
opponents. Arrests and injured people were
pointed out as reported repression18.
Furthermore, the research found that the users’
behavior changed over time. The organizers of the June
protests used Facebook more frequently and efficiently
than the organizers of the February protests and they
were more skillful and creative in organizing mass
protests against the political system, thus attracting
many supporters. At the same time, the trust in
traditional media, tied to politics and business in
Bulgaria19, declined over time when compared to social
networks and alternative online media. As a matter of
fact, most Bulgarian mainstream media had problems
with their identity and professional standards.
Pluralism was threatened; in some cases media
experienced direct censorship and manipulation by
government or by business.
The social protests of February 2013 were more
violent than those of June the same year. The numerous
acts of burning: the EVN corporate cars, the electricity
bills and the politicians’ effigies attracted media and
social attention. The most radical acts against the social
injustice included several acts of self-immolations and
bloody clashes in front of the Parliament building. After
these scenes, broadcasted by the mass media
worldwide, the Bulgarian government resigned.
Oppositely, the June protests were primarily nonviolent: theatrical performances, children presence at
the protest marches, music concerts, puns, etc. All these
events have been usually organized via social media.
Investigating Culture 1/2015
The protests in Bulgaria started as a demand for
economic justice. However, they quickly developed as a
strong public demand for better quality of democracy.
Although protesters were expected to be a strong
corrective to the government, their efforts somehow
failed. The basic reason for that was that there has been
a lack of meaningful dialogue between them and the
newly appointed Bulgarian government which
completely neglected their messages. People in the
streets experienced the crisis of political representation
themselves – they mistrusted all the existing political
actors. In the long-term the protests resulted in public
awareness, which has to be prioritized by the ruling
powers in the future. The protest movements insisted
on creating new political order and integrity in the
country but they were not able to offer political
alternative or to establish a new political party. In
general, accumulated social energy was not effectively
targeted. All this resulted in political and institutional
crisis transferred into crisis of the protest.
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[1] This publication has been produced with the assistance of the Scientific Research Fund of the Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Project №
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[3] Electrical power distribution in Bulgaria was managed by a state-owned monopoly until 2005, when the government sold 67 % of it to three foreign
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The 2013 Social Protests in Bulgaria: Slogans and Images
[17] Факти (Facts). 13.11.2013. http://fakti.bg/bulgaria/81457-policai-kam-protestirashta-draj-se-vsichko-shte-e-nared
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