The
Social Structure of a Tanjore Village
Kathleen Gough
This is the seventh of a series of village studies published in the earlier issues of The Economic Weekly.
T
W O types o f village structure
appear t o b e present i n T a n j o r e district.
T h e most prevalent
is the mirasi village, where the l a n d
is o w n e d in small amounts by a
number
of
separate
patrilineal
joint-families.
T h i s type appar e n t l y dates in its essential features
f r o m the p e r i o d o f the T a m i l C h o l a
kings, whose p o w e r declined
with
the M u s l i m invasions of the early
f o u r t e e n t h century, a n d ended w i t h
the invasion f r o m V i j a y a n a g a r i n
1534. T h e other type, the in am
village, dates f r o m the M a h r a t t a
conquest
(1674-1799)
when
the
a l i e n M a h r a t t a kings m a d e grants
o f w h o l e villages t o i n d i v i d u a l
families o f T a m i l Brahmans a n d
immigrant Mahrattas and to religious institutions. H e r e , I a t t e m p t
to o u t l i n e the social o r g a n i z a t i o n of
a mirasi village in the northwest of
the d i s t r i c t , a n d t o i n d i c a t e w h a t
seem, after f o u r m o n t h s of observation,
to be the most i m p o r t a n t
trends of change.
T a n j o r e village people d i v i d e the
m a n y castes of H i n d u s i n t o
three
sub-divisions: — B r a h m a n , n o n - B r a h man and A d i Dravida
("original
D r a v i d i a n s " , sometimes called H a r i jans,
most of w h o m were
once
serfs of the s o i l ) . T h e structure of
a mirasi village varies a c c o r d i n g to
w h e t h e r it is a " B r a h m a n " or a
" non-Brahman village".
I n the
" B r a h m a n village ", the l a n d
is
o w n e d by the several families of a
B r a h m a n street {agraharam). Some
of this l a n d is
leased in
small
amounts o n a n a n n u a l tenure t o
landless
families of one
or m o r e
n o n - B r a h r n a n streets, usually of the
" l o w e r " n o n - B r a h m a n castes o f
A h a m b a d i y a s , Padayacchis, K o n a r ,
Muppanar or Vanniyar.
Other
land,
retained by the
landlords
( w h o are called mirasdars), is c u l t i v a t e d d i r e c t l y b y labourers f r o m a n
A d i D r a v i d a street situated a t some
distance f r o m the rest of the v i l l a g e .
I n the " n o n - B r a h m a n v i l l a g e " ,
the l a n d is o w n e d by j o i n t - f a m i l i e s
of
a
street
of
non-Brahmans,
usually
of one of the
" higher "
n o n - B r a h m a n castes of V e l l a l a r or
Kallar.
Some l a n d m a y b e t h e n
leased t o other, " l o w e r c a s t e "
n o n - B r a h m a m , or more frequently
c u l t i v a t e d d i r e c t l y w i t h the a i d o f
A d i D r a v i d a servants' I n these
villages there is usually only a single
Brahman
f a m i l y , o f priests
who
serve the village temple.
K u m b a p e t t a i is a f a i r l y t y p i c a l
" B r a h m a n village ".
One-and-ah a l f miles square, w i t h a p o p u l a t i o n of a b o u t 1200, it lies on a bus
route eight miles f r o m a t o w n .
B e h i n d each house in the streets is
a small
garden of coconuts
and
vegetables, w h i l e r o u n d the w h o l e
village, f o r about h a l f a m i l e ,
stretch its double-crop p a d d y fields,
w a t e r e d by the i n t r i c a t e system of
i r r i g a t i o n channels f r o m the K a v e r i
a n d its tributaries.
j u s t o f f the m a i n r o a d , i n
the
northeast
of the village, lies
the
B r a h m a n street of forty-six houses,
ten of w h i c h are n o w e m p t y , their
owners h a v i n g m o v e d to the towns.
The
tiled-roofed
houses
adjoin,
a n d the t w o l o n g rows face each
other
across
the
narrow
road.
B e h i n d the houses, on each side of
the street, the gardens lead d o w n
to i r r i g a t i o n channels b o r d e r i n g the
p a d d y fields.
T w o temples
stand
near the
agraharam:
t h a t to Siva,
i n the northeast, a n d
that to
V i s h n u , in the west. N e a r b y are a
b a t h i n g t a n k , a shrine to G a n a p a t h i
near
w h i c h the B r a h m a n s
recite
daily jabams after p e r f o r m i n g t h e i r
ablutions, a n d a second shrine
b u i l t over the t o m b of a B r a h m a n
sanyasi of the village.
The Brahmans, w i t h t h e i r gardens, temples,
bathing
pool
and
caste-shrines,
thus occupy the northwest corner
of the village. A single n o n - B r a h m a n house of K u t t h a d i s , a caste
whose m e n
formerly
performed
religious p u p p e t plays a n d
whose
women
are d a n c i n g girls,,
stands
alone on the northwest b o u n d a r y of
the village.
Southwards, across garden
and
p a d d y l a n d , lie t w e n t y houses, i n
t w o streets, of the
non-Brahman
K o n a r caste.
T h e K o n a r are cowherds by t r a d i t i o n .
Their
houses
are smaller t h a n the
Brahman
houses, t h a t c h e d , a n d set slightly
apart i n t h e i r gardens.
Today,
the i n c o m e ( d e r i v e d f r o m a l l sources) of B r a h m a n families
living
entirely in the village, varies f r o m
about Rs 80 to about Rs 900 a
month.
T h e average K o n a r househ o l d , by contrast, appears to earn
one kalam of p a d d y per a d u l t per
m o n t h , plus Rs 20 to Rs 60
in
cash' thus b r i n g i n g the value of the
t o t a l in co m e to between Rs 50 a n d
R s 100 per m o n t h . A d i D r a v i d a
531
families, by contrast again, appear
t o d e m a n d rather more p a d d y a n d
less cash; the average income of an
Adi
D r a v i d a household may
be
estimated very r o u g h l y at a value
of between Rs 40 a n d Rs 80 per
m o n t h . M o s t K o n a r families keep
one o r t w o cows, a n d i n a d d i t i o n
m i l k the cows a n d d o garden w o r k
for Brahmans.
T h e i r service was
f o r m e r l y h e r e d i t a r y : the same f a m i lies served B r a h m a n families f o r
generations a n d c o u l d not change
t h e i r allegiance w i t h o u t consent
f r o m their o r i g i n a l masters. T o d a y ,
i n d i v i d u a l K o n a r m e n , like A d i
Dravidas, sometimes become
" attached " for a p e r i o d to a p a r t i cular B r a h m a n l a n d l o r d t h r o u g h
indebtedness; they b o r r o w
money
f r o m the l a n d l o r d a n d must t h e n
w o r k o n l y for h i m u n t i l the debt
is repaid.
In the o l d type of service, i n w h i c h families o f K o n a r
a n d A d i Dravidas w o r k e d b y hered i t a r y r i g h t f o r B r a h m a n families,
the
servants were called
adirnai
(serfs). T h i s w o r d is n o w seldom
heard, A few people, b o t h K o n a r
a n d A d i D r a v i d a , d o however still
w o r k f r o m choice for their t r a d i t i o n a l masters, w h o distinguish between hereditary servants a n d h i r e d
labourers, and feel greater responsi b i l i t y for the former, g i v i n g t h e m
gifts at marriages and sending f o o d
d u r i n g sickness.
H e r e d i t a r y servants are p a i d at least p a r t l y in
p a d d y , w h i c h they prefer.
An
ordinary
h i r e d labourer m a y
be
paid
daily i n the same
way, o r
m o n t h l y in cash: he is called a
pannaiyal
(workman).
K o n a r are also tenants to B r a h m a n landlords, usually t o the m e n
w h o m they serve. T h e tenure
is
called kuthakau
An annual
rent
in p a d d y is fixed a c c o r d i n g to the
f e r t i l i t y o f the soil, a n d p a i d i n t w o
instalments, after the t w o harvests
i n February a n d
October.
In a
b u m p e r year, the t e n a n t m a y r e t a i n
one-third
or even h a l f
the c r o p
after his rent is p a i d ; in a
bad
year ( l i k e the present one) he m a y
lose a l l or r e t a i n just enough f o r
the next year's seed a n d c u l t i v a t i o n
expenses.
T h e landlord may theoretically d e m a n d the whole rent i n
p a d d y or its equivalent in cash at
the c o n t r o l l e d price, whatever t h e
harvest,
a n d a very few
do so.
M o s t k n o w t h e i r tenants'
circumstances a n d give small
concessions
May 24, 1952
i n a b a d harvest. A l w a y s , h o w ever, the p o w e r of e v i c t i o n puts the
tenant at his landlord's mercy.
A
few fields in K u m b a p e t t a i are g i v e n
on varam tenure. T h e tenant takes
a fixed f r a c t i o n of the c r o p , usually
one-fifth, a n d surrenders the rest to
the owner.
T h o u g h unprofitable,
the tenure is a m o r e c e r t a i n one
for the tenant in a b a d year, a n d
w i t h the recent succession of p o o r
harvests some tenants have come to
prefer i t .
Also in the K o n a r streets l i v e the
village servant castes: one
family
each
of barbers, washermen,
carpenters a n d blacksmiths, a n d three
of potters. These a l l i n t e r m a r r y
a n d i n t e r d i n e only i n their o w n
castes, a n d so have links w i t h other
villages.
F o r m e r l y , a l l landlords
and
tenants
paid
them
twice
a n n u a l l y in p a d d y : today, they are
o f t e n p a i d i n cash after each j o b
of work.
These n o n - B r a h m a n streets
are
t r a d i t i o n a l i n the v i l l a g e , b u t t w o
other streets of n o n - B r a h m a n s have
g r o w n up in the past fifty years.
T h e y live on the eastern b o u n d a r y
of the village, on a tract of garden
land
once granted as
inam to a
Mahratta
servant of the
Rajas.
T h e M a h r a t t a f a m i l y lost its w e a l t h
d u r i n g B r i t i s h rule a n d sold the
l a n d fifty years ago to r i s i n g n o n B r a h m a n families f r o m other
villages.
These n o w include
six
houses of N a d a r , a " l o w " n o n B r a h m a n caste of toddy-tappers;
five houses of K a l l a r paddy
merchants; a p o o r B r a h m a n f a m i l y w h o
have set up a " h o t e l " ; a n d single
houses of M a h r a t t a s ,
Padayaeehis
and Konar from neighbouring v i l lages w h o serve Brahmans or o u t side landlords for a m o n t h l y wage
i n cash.
Both Kallar and Nadar
lease
some l a n d f r o m the
Brahmans,
but families of b o t h
also
n o w o w n a few acres of t h e i r o w n ,
and lease other l a n d f r o m M u s l i m
traders
o f the nearby t o w n
who
have
recently b o u g h t l a n d
from
emigrating
Brahman
households.
T h e Nadars before p r o h i b i t i o n tapped
toddy, a n d
still w o r k
as
coolies,
for a w e a l t h y trader
of
t h e i r o w n caste
some six
miles
away;
w h i l e the K a l l a r
depend
m a i n l y for t h e i r l i v i n g o n transp o r t i n g the landlords' p a d d y to a
r i c e - m i l l , three miles away, whence
the rice is passed on to the district
supply office. These t w o streets of
newcomers, o n l y p a r t l y
integrated
in
the village
economy, w i l l
be
.seen
to be i m p o r t a n t w h e n
we
consider
trends
of
change
in
Kumbapettai.
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
F i n a l l y , h a l f a m i l e south across
p a d d y fields, lies a large A d i D r a v i d a , street of about eighty houses.
These are the Pallas, a caste of
adimai (serfs) w h o were f o r m e r l y
" o w n e d " by the landlords. T o d a y ,
they too lease kuthakai lands a n d
work
in the p a d d y fields for a
daily wage, in some cases for t h e i r
t r a d i t i o n a l masters.
U n l i k e the
Konar,
they
were
traditionally
p r o h i b i t e d f r o m e n t e r i n g the B r a h m a n street, a n d none do so today.
Conversely,
Brahmans
may
not
enter the A d i D r a v i d a street; t o d o
so w o u l d , it is believed, b r i n g misf o r t u n e o n its inhabitants, Also i n
the south is a small street of Parayas,
the " lowest " A d i
Dravida
caste whose t r a d i t i o n a l w o r k is to
remove
a n d sell the carcases
of
dead
animals a n d to w a t c h over
the
c r e m a t i o n grounds
at n i g h t .
Parayas, l i k e Pallas, w o r k f o r day
wages in the fields, t h o u g h , u n l i k e
Pallas, they are not " attached " to
p a r t i c u l a r families of Brahmans.
H a v i n g o u t l i n e d the caste groups,
we m a y
see w h e r e lie the
most
f u n d a m e n t a l unities a n d
cleavages
w i t h i n the village structive. M o s t
s t r i k i n g in a T a n j o r e village is the
u n i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l caste g r o u p :
this was usually, u n t i l recently, the
u n i t y of a single street. T h e m e m bers of a caste w i t h i n one village
are first u n i t e d by s i m i l a r i t y of
o c c u p a t i o n , o f rights i n the
land,
o f income, a n d o f r i t u a l beliefs a n d
practices. F o r m e r l y , a l l the B r a h mans were mirasdars, a l l the K o n a r
kuthakai tenants, and a l l the A d i
D r a v i d a s , landless labourers.
The
n o n - B r a h m a n s are set off f r o m the
B r a h m a n s by numerous differences
of custom, chief of w h i c h are t h a t
Brahmans, u n l i k e most
non-Brahmans, eschew meat, fish a n d eggs,
a n d d o n o t p e r f o r m a n i m a l sacrifices in temples.
We have already
m e n t i o n e d the B r a h m a n i c a l t e m ples; these, n o w officially open to
a l l castes, are still almost e x c l u sively used by B r a h m a n s ,
though
non-Brahmans (but not A d i D r a vidas) occsionally enter the
outer
court at a festival of the Sanskritic
deities. T h e K o n a r have their o w n
village
goddess
(grama
devata)
housed
in a shrine between
the
K o n a r streets.
H e r name
means
" K o n a r m o t h e r o f the v i l l a g e " ;
she is outside the B r a h m a n i c a l
pantheon
of deities; a n d
she is
p r o p i t i a t e d daily by a n o n - B r a h m a n
priest a n d a n n u a l l y , w i t h sacrifices,
at
a festival peculiar
to K o n a r .
T h e Pallas, s i m i l a r l y , have a shrine
t o the goddess K a l i a m m a n
which
stands at the end of their street.
532
O n l y they m a y w o r s h i p her,
and
she has a separate priest a n d
a n n u a l festival.
O t h e r r i t u a l symbols a n d i n s t i t u tions
emphasize the u n i t y of the
caste. B r a h m a n s possess a single
c r e m a t i o n g r o u n d ; K o n a r n o w share
theirs w i t h the other i n c o m i n g n o n B r a h m a n castes; a n d b o t h
Pallas
and
Parayas have t h e i r
separate
b u r i a l grounds.
B a t h i n g pools,
again, are d i s t r i b u t e d between the
three
major
groups
of
castes.
Births, marriages, deaths, a n d p r o p i tiations of ancestral spirits,
associated
as they are w i t h the
intim a c y of f a m i l y l i f e , are intra-caste
events.
T h i s is of course in harmony
w i t h caste endogamy
and
w i t h the fact t h a t ( w i t h the exception
of the
servant castes
who
m a r r y between villages) each caste
street f o r m e d u n t i l recently a g r o u p
o f i n t e r m a r r y i n g k i n . I n the B r a h m a n street, caste u n i t y is even m o r e
apparent than among non-Brahmans. Houses a d j o i n , a n d there
are even holes
in the
dividing
walls t h r o u g h w h i c h w o m e n
may
pass messages to each other.
Caste u n i t y , a n d the a u t h o r i t a r i a n
role of the landlords, appears again
i n village a d m i n i s t r a t i o n .
The village
forms a local revenue
unit
u n d e r a village h e a d m a n a p p o i n t e d
by
government.
The
headman
must collect the revenue f r o m
mirasdars,
a n d has the r i g h t to t r y
small c i v i l cases w i t h i n the village.
He is assisted by a clerk, a n d c o m mands the services of t w o revenue
collectors
a n d a peon. T h e o r e t i cally, these officials may be of any
caste; actually, of course, the headm a n a n d clerk are Brahmans a n d
the three servants,
non-Brahmans.
In
a d d i t i o n , the village forms a
panchayat u n d e r an elected panchayat b o a r d
w i t h a president
and
seven members. T h e b o a r d c o n t r o l
a h i n d derived f r o m a small port i o n o f the village revenue; t h e i r
chief w o r k is to m a i n t a i n
roads
a n d wells. As m i g h t be expected,,
a l l are Brahmans, since
Brahmans
o w n the l a n d o f the village. T h e
relatively m o d e r n institutions o f
village
headman
and
panchayat
b o a r d have, in fact, been w e l d e d
i n t o a m u c h older f o r m of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n w h i c h is still of great
importance.
W i t h the exception
of the B r a h m a n s , each caste street
annually
elects
two
headman
(nattanmakkar
or
talaivar)
who
are
responsible
for
maintaining
order i n the street.
Any
offence
such as theft, adultery, assault, cr
encroachment o n another's l a n d ,
demands the a t t e n t i o n of the head-
533
May 24, 1952
m e n , w h o h a u l the c u l p r i t before
an assembly of m e n of the street.
Pallas h o l d their meetings
before
the K a l i a m m a n shrine; K o n a r , i n
the y a r d of the village goddess
temple. If the offence is slight,
the h e a d m e n m a y p r o n o u n c e justice, themselves a d m i n i s t e r i n g a fine
or a p u b l i c w h i p p i n g . In a m o r e
serious dispute, the B r a h m a n l a n d lords of the culprits must be called
to r a t i f y the headmen's conclusions
a n d themselves execute
judgment.
I n p a r t i c u l a r , any dispute affecting
the r e p u t a t i o n or the general peace
of the village requires
Brahman
intervention.
In a recent case, a
Palla stole a brass vessel f r o m the
n o n - B r a h m a n street of a neighbouri n g village. H a v i n g caught h i m ,
the
o w n e r sent h i m . b o u n d
and
escorted
by t w o
Pallas of
the
offended village, back to his o w n
l a n d l o r d for justice. T h e B r a h m a n
landlord
of o u r
Palla called
a
m e e t i n g of the thief's caste fellows
in the y a r d of the village goddess
temple.
There he elicited the
facts of the case, exacted a fine of
Rs 10, a d m i n i s t e r e d a w h i p p i n g ,
a n d obliged the c u l p r i t to d r i n k a
pot o f c o w d u n g m i x e d w i t h w a t e r ,
" to h u m b l e h i m " , as he said.
T h e w h o l e caste g r o u p r e t i r e d ,
satisfied that justice h a d been done.
T h e Brahmans themselves have no
h e a d m e n , a n d rely less on a r b i t r a tors to settle their p r i v a t e disputes.
T h i s i s i n keeping w i t h their posit i o n o f a u t h o r i t y i n the v i l l a g e a n d
w i t h the fact t h a t i n general, B r a h mans a d m i t no superiors a n d pay
less f o r m a l respect to their elders
w i t h i n the caste. I t i s difficult t o
say h o w B r a h m a n disputes are
settled. A few go n o w to the
u r b a n courts; m a n y d r a g
o n tor
months, kept in check by the need
to maintain Brahman unity and
a u t h o r i t y before the lower
castes,
u n t i l a t last the r i t u a l obligations
of kinship force the opponents to
co-operate.
I n a T a n j o r e village, the u n i t y
of the.
caste street overrides
the
i n d i v i d u a l i t y o f the d w e l l i n g - g r o u p ,
thus contrasting w i t h the situation
in a M a l a b a r village. T h e r e , as
D r M i l l e r has described, the l a n d
of a w h o l e village m a y be o w n e d
by a single l a n d l o r d f a m i l y , often
o f the N a m b u d i r i B r a h m a n subcaste. A m o n g the N a y a r l a n d holders of the village, each large
matrilineal dwelling group
stands
supreme
in its ancestral
garden,
shut
in by walls or hedges
and
w i t h its o w n c r e m a t i o n g r o u n d ,
ancestor shrine, snake-grove,
and
often, goddess temple. I n T a n j o r e ,
despite the o w n e r s h i p o f l a n d b y
p a t r i l i n e a l j o i n t - f a m i l i e s , the d w e l l i n g - g r o u p has no such i n d i v i d u a l
strength. K i n s h i p ties, instead of
b e i n g strongly u n i l i n e a l , a s i n
Malabar, ramify widely in both
p a t e r n a l a n d m a t e r n a l lines;
the
j o i n t f a m i l y divides every generat i o n ; a n d the local g r o u p o f agnatic
kin
[koottam—comparable
to
the N a y a r m a t r i l i n e a l taravad) —
lacks corporate u n i t y a n d is b o u n d
o n l y by the observance of
death
pollution.
Houses a n d ancestral
l a n d are readily b o u g h t a n d sold.
T h e history o f l a n d rights i n T a n j o r e villages is relevant to this contrast. F o r u n t i l 1865, the l a n d i n
mirasi villages was n o t o w n e d
by
patrilineal joint-families at all, but
h e l d i n c o m m o n b y the w h o l e
caste g r o u p of mirasdars of the v i l lage, w h o p e r i o d i c a l l y a p p o r t i o n e d
shares by m u t u a l consent for
the
m a i n t e n a n c e o f their separate f a m i lies. I n K u m b a p e t t a i , this i n s t i t u t i o n persists in the " c o m m o n
lands " a n d " c o m m o n money " of
the Brahmans.
Their cremation
g r o u n d , c e r t a i n threshing grounds, a
stretch
of garden l a n d , a n d
the
fishing rights i n t h e i r b a t h i n g p o o l
all f a l l
under this category,
the
income d e r i v e d f r o m these c o m m o n
possessions
b e i n g devoted to
the
temple funds. I n short, the H i n d u
j o i n t - f a m i l y o r g a n i z a t i o n appears
to be at its weakest in T a n j o r e ,
a n d a t its strongest, i n M a l a b a r ,
the reverse being t r u e of the u n i t y
o f the local caste g r o u p . T h e t w o
areas
p r o b a b l y represent
the extremes of v a r i a t i o n w i t h i n a basically common South I n d i a n pattern.
A s i n a l l I n d i a n villages, h o w ever, a u n i t y of the w h o l e village
overrides the separateness
of each
caste. T h e basis of this u n i t y is
the economic interdependence of
landlords, tenants, labourers a n d
village servants, a n d its
perpetuat i o n , i n m y v i e w , depends o n the
maintenance
of
these
economic
arrangements.
I n everyday l i f e ,
this u n i t y of the village is h i d d e n
beneath
the
separate
economic,
social a n d r i t u a l activities of each
caste a n d each d w e l l i n g - g r o u p ; it
is sometimes t e m p o r a r i l y r e n t by
quarrels between i n d i v i d u a l s or between
kin-groups.
Periodically,
however, some event, ceremonial or
haphazard,
occurs at w h i c h
the
u n i t y of the village is affirmed.
Such events always relate to the
welfare of the v i l l a g e as a w h o l e
r a t h e r t h a n of any single p a r t of
i t . C o n c e r n for the welfare of the
v i l l a g e is expressed in the i n s t i t u t i o n of the grama devata or village
584
T H E ECONOMIC WEEKLY
deity.
This
d e i t y is always prirnarily
a possession of
the n o n Brahmans
of
the
village:
in
K u m b a p e t t a i , the goddess is herself
a K o n a r w o m a n w h o died of smallpox,
a n d the t e m p l e
priest is a
n o n - B r a h m a n . B u t besides b e i n g a
deity o f the K o n a r , p r o p i t i a t e d b y
t h e m a t t h e i r o w n a n n u a l festival,
the
goddess c o m m a n d s
the allegiance o f b o t h B r a h m a n s a n d A d i
D r a v i d a s at specific times of t h e
year. H e r shrine stands on a
b o u n d a r y o f the v i l l a g e a n d her
i d o l is believed to protect the w h o l e
c o m m u n i t y f r o m c r o p - f a i l u r e , infectious
diseases,
female
barrenness
a n d deaths i n c h i l d - b i r t h . Households of a l l castes p r o p i t i a t e her, in
terms o f t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r r i t u a l
idioms, in cases of insanity, b a r r e n ness or disease.
By far the chief
event in the village calendar is t h e
larger, fifteen day festival to the
goddess
celebrated by the
whole
village in the s u m m e r season.
At
this festival, the image of the deity
is n i g h t l y taken in procession
t h r o u g h o u t the streets of the v i l l a g e
a n d p r o p i t i a t e d i n every street i n
a m a n n e r peculiar to the caste. As
i n a l l parts o f South I n d i a , the
village temple festival dramatizes
the separateness a n d also the interdependence between castes a n d the
need for t h e i r co-operation. Of
recent years, since newcomers of
diverse n o n - B r a h m a n castes came
to K u m b a p e t t a i , there have been
disputes c o n c e r n i n g precedence
in
the rites.
These once settled, t h e
r a n k of a p a r t i c u l a r f a m i l y in the
t o t a l v i l l a g e structure becomes p u b '
liely accepted.
O t h e r events a n d festivals u n i t e
the village as a w h o l e .
C h i e f of
these are Pongal, the a n n u a l festiv a l f o r the harvest of the second
c r o p i n J a n u a r y , a n d the
day o f
the first c e r e m o n i a l p l o u g h i n g , at
the start o f the T a m i l N e w Y e a r .
I t i s interesting t o note t h a t f i g h t s
between n e i g h b o u r i n g villages often
take place on one or another of
these festival days, thus f u r t h e r
r e i n f o r c i n g the u n i t y o f the village
as a w h o l e . Spectators f r o m n e i g h b o u r i n g villages, c o m i n g t o w a t c h
the f u n after t h e i r o w n celebrations
are over, o r i f t h e i r , o w n take place
on another day, have several times
recently f a l l e n f o u l o f K u m a b a pettai non-Brahmans and A d i D r a vidas, so t h a t a p i t c h e d b a t t l e w i t h
stones a n d staffs resulted. T h e a b i l i t y to mass forces against interferi n g outsiders is a measure
of t h e
u n i t y a n d self-sufficiency o f the v i l lage. So,
too, is the degree
to
w h i c h c r i m e a n d scandal are k e p t
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
w i t h i n the confines o f the village.
U n t i l recently, the police h a d l i t t l e
p a r t t o p l a y i n K u m b a p e t t a i , for
the village was u n i t e d against o u t side legal interference. T w o m u r ders a n d three suicides have, in the
past fifteen years, been disposed of
a n d hushed u p b y v i l l a g e a u t h o r i ties, the police b e i n g q u i e t l y b r i b e d
a n d sent about t h e i r business.
T h e stability o f the
traditional
village o r g a n i z a t i o n m a y be seen as
a b a l a n c i n g o u t of various unities
a n d antagonisms w h i c h cut across
each other.
W e have
mentioned
the u n i t y a n d separateness
of the
local
caste g r o u p , a n d this, no
d o u b t , has always been a c c o m p a n i e d
by a c e r t a i n antagonism between
t h e three m a j o r groups of castes—
an antagonism always
engendered
by differences of w e a l t h , of custom,
a n d o f interests i n the economic:
resources.
B u t this antagonism
c o u l d n o t , t r a d i t i o n a l l y , break o u t
i n t o a q u a r r e l between t w o w h o l e
groups of castes.
Non-Brahmans
c o u l d n o t , for e x a m p l e , rise up as
a body and combat their B r a h m a n
landlords.
T h e r e are several reasons for this, the chief b e i n g the
lack of economic corporateness of
each caste g r o u p . K o n a r a n d A d i
Dravidas
were e m p l o y e d
n o t as
w h o l e castes, by a l l the B r a h m a n s
collectively, b u t i n separate f a m i lies, by i n d i v i d u a l families of l a n d lords. T h e system o f tenure, a n d
the l a n d l o r d ' s t r a d i t i o n a l l y recognized p o w e r of e v i c t i o n , keeps the
separate families of n o n - B r a h m a n s
c o m p e t i n g amongst each other f o r
l a n d a n d f o r e m p l o y m e n t . Perhaps
a m o r e i m p o r t a n t factor was
the
sanction given to the t r a d i t i o n a l
r i g h t s between castes by r i t u a l beliefs
and by moral maxims
acceptable
to the society as a w h o l e . It is
these beliefs, together w i t h
their
c o n t i n u e d economic dependence on
the B r a h m a n s , w h i c h even today
prevent A d i D r a v i d a s f r o m e n t e r i n g
t h e B r a h m a n street a n d
temples,
lest the deity s h o u l d take v e n geance o n t h e m i n the f o r m o f
disease or death.
As l o n g as the system r e m a i n e d
stable, therefore, it seems as t h o u g h ,
i n spite o f covert antagonism
bet w e e n people of different
castes,
t h a t is between the members of
groups o f different order i n the
society, o p e n quarrels d e m a n d i n g
u n i t e d a c t i o n o n the p a r t o f the
g r o u p c o u l d take place o n l y bet w e e n groups of the same o r d e r —
f o r e x a m p l e between branches of
t h e same j o i n t - f a m i l y , j o i n t - f a m i l i e s
of the same caste T group,
between
all non-Brahmans or all A d i D r a -
May 24, 1952
vidas
of adjacent villages.
Such
quarrels are s t i l l c o m m o n , a n d cut
across, a n d therefore w e a k e n ,
the
cleavages between castes i n the v i l lage. E v e n today, indeed,
when
the system is far f r o m stable a n d
antagonisms between castes have
deepened, it is possible to f i n d t w o
B r a h m a n l a n d l o r d s dragged i n t o
opposite sides of a q u a r r e l w h i c h
began between t h e i r A d i D r a v i d a
servants. So strong, s t i l l , are the
t r a d i t i o n a l f e u d a l obligations a n d
loyalties between i n d i v i d u a l f a m i lies of different castes.
Today,
however,
the
village
structure presents no longer a nice
balance of unities a n d antagonisms
between caste a n d k i n s h i p
groups
in
a self-sufficient l i t t l e
republic.
F o r obviously, the economic basis of
the system has been f u n d a m e n t a l l y
upset w i t h i n the last fifty to seventy
years. It is impossible to enumerate
all
the ways in w h i c h
this has
happened, b u t we m a y m e n t i o n a
few. M o s t i m p o r t a n t i n K u m b a pettai is the d e p a r t u r e to u r b a n
w o r k of a large n u m b e r of B r a h m a n families a n d i n d i v i d u a l s . A
few of these have sold t h e i r lands
to middle-class t r a d i n g families of
the nearby t o w n ; the m a j o r i t y leave
their e m p t y houses locked a n d
r e t u r n after each harvest to collect
t h e i r rents, n o w i n cash. M a n y o f
these m e n w i l l r e t u r n t o K u m b a p e t t a i on r e t i r e m e n t f r o m a g o v e r n m e n t post; some, after m o r e t h a n
h a l f a l i f e t i m e away in the towns
of S o u t h I n d i a , have already done
so. O n e result is t h a t the n u m b e r
of competent y o u n g or middle-aged
B r a h m a n m e n left to manage; the
affairs of K u m b a p e t t a i is very few,
w h i l e those w h o d o r e m a i n
tend
to feel i n f e r i o r a n d s w a m p e d
by
t h e i r more adventurous k i n s m e n .
Relations between absentee
landl o r d a n d tenant are unsatisfactory.
O f t e n , the l a n d l o r d barely knows
his
tenants by name a n d
knows
n o t h i n g a b o u t t h e i r circumstances
or the business of c u l t i v a t i o n .
O f t e n his only interest i n the v i l lage is to take away money f r o m
it t w i c e a n n u a l l y ; a few l a n d l o r d s
o f K u m b a p e t t a i d o n o t k n o w the
site
a n d acreage of t h e i r
lands.
A m o n g b o t h A d i D r a v i d a s a n d the
poorer K o n a r tenants it is beginn i n g to be said in secret t h a t such
owners
have no
r i g h t to
their
lands; since, as Brahmans, they no
longer spend t h e i r lives in p r a y i n g
for the c o m m u n i t y a n d administeri n g its affairs, they s h o u l d no
longer share its i n c o m e . To this
the B r a h m a n s r e p l y t h a t w i t h o u t
urban
w o r k they c a n n o
longer
535
maintain their standard of l i v i n g ;
a n d this, considering the
increase
in p o p u l a t i o n a n d the s m a l l size
of holdings, is indeed usually true.
T h e bad harvests of the last few
years have of course
exacerbated
the o p p o s i t i o n between l a n d l o r d
a n d tenant.
O n e t e m p o r a r y solut i o n w o u l d seem to lie in fixity of
tenure a n d the fixing of fairer
rents; b u t there is no doubt t h a t
absentee l a n d l o r d i s m a n d the tendency (less i n K u m b a p e t t a i t h a n i n
some other villages) towards the
amassing of large estates by a few
l a n d l o r d families, must soon
be
checked by more drastic remedies.
A stronger b l o w has been dealt
at: the K u m b a p e t t a i social system
by the i n f l u x , in the last fifty years,
of the t w o new streets of m i x e d
n o n - B r a h m a n castes. These, o w i n g
no t r a d i t i o n a l allegiance to the
B r a h m a n s , t e n d to resent t h e i r
a u t h o r i t y a n d to set up an administ r a t i o n o f their o w n . I n one street,
the N a d a r have founded
a shrine
to a
local n o n - B r a h m a n
sanyasi,
a n d recently assemblies of the t w o
new streets, a n d sometimes also of
the K o n a r , have met to settle their
disputes before this shrine rather
than
before the village
goddess
t e m p l e , a n d have declined to call
i n Brahmans t o ratify their j u d g ments. T h e standard of l i v i n g of
the families in these t w o streets,
p a r t l y e m p l o y e d as they are in
trade a n d by landlords f r o m o u t side1 the village, tends to be higher
t h a n t h a t of other
non-Brahmans
a n d allows t h e m to dictate terms
t o the local landlords. T h e K a l l a r
p a d d y merchant's f a m i l y , i n p a r t i cular, have become p o w e r f u l n o n B r a h m a n leaders: t h o u g h h a n d - i n glove w i t h the landlords i n the
sale of black-market rice, this risi n g middle-class f a m i l y refuse to
observe a l l the o l d rules of r i t u a l
p o l l u t i o n w i t h their employers; one
of their sons, together w i t h t w o
other n o n - B r a h m a n hoys of i n c o m i n g families, attends h i g h school
w i t h the B r a h m a n youths.
I t i s i m p o r t a n t t o notice t h a t
the people w h o oppose the t r a d i t i o n a l village system are not those
w h o suffer most acutely u n d e r i t ,
b u t those w h o have p a r t l y e x t r i cated themselves f r o m i t t h r o u g h
some change in t h e i r economic c i r cumstances. It is n o t , for example,
the very
p o o r K o n a r tenants
in
Kumbapettai
who
support
the
anti-Brahman
Dravida Kazakam
movement,
b u t rather the
somew h a t w e a l t h i e r a n d more i n d e p e n d ent
" upstarts " of the t w o
new
streets,
a n d to
a much
larger
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
May 24, 1952
extent, the new, independent n o n B r a h m a n landlords of n e i g h b o u r i n g
villages, w h o resent the o r t h o d o x
S. Misra
Brahman's unwillingness to treat'
t h e m as his r i t u a l equals.
ComR I S S A was formed i n t o a special assistance to Bengal on acmunist supporters, again, appear to
separate province in 1936, count of her financial difficulties.
be stronger a m o n g landless, h i g h
school-educated youths of any caste a year before the i n t r o d u c t i o n of Assam, Bihar a n d Orissa received
T h e t e r r i - small shares as m i n o r j u t e - g r o w i n g
a n d a m o n g A d i Dravidas w h o h a d p r o v i n c i a l a u t o n o m y .
Orissa's share a m o u n t e d
t e m p o r a r i l y left their natal village, tories c o n s t i t u t i n g the province were provinces.
t r i e d many jobs a n d come home to carved out of the provinces of B i h a r to about 2 lakhs of rupees in the
f i n d the status quo too conservative a n d Orissa, M a d r a s a n d the Cen- first year of a u t o n o m y ; b u t thereAs distant corners after t i l l the e n d o f war, i t seldom
for t h e m , than
a m o n g regular t r a l Provinces.
labourers still attached to their a n d tail ends of the provinces con- reached even one l a k h a year. T h e r e
t r a d i t i o n a l masters. T h e r e
is no cerned, these areas h a d l o n g been was no doubt considerable, increase
d o u b t , moreover, that the
t r a d i - neglected a n d their administrative after the w a r ; b u t the a m o u n t was
T h e newly so small that it h a d scarcely any
t i o n a l forms of " caste distinction " development starved.
province came i n t o exist- significance in Orissa's finance.
against w h i c h official propaganda is created
so m u c h directed w i l l disappear ence as a p a r t i c u l a r l y undeveloped
Bihar a n d
f r o m the village only when the o l d administrative u n i t .
T h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of 50 per cent of
economic arrangements w h i c h a l l o w Orissa was the poorest province in the proceeds of income-tax a m o n g
of h i g h caste a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m have I n d i a , where the scale of p u b l i c the provinces was of o u t s t a n d i n g
On importance i n the Niemeyer A w a r d .
been more t h o r o u g h l y u n d e r m i n e d . expenditure was the lowest.
I n K u m b a p e t t a i , the gradual d r i f t account of its poverty, this province T h e d i s t r i b u t i o n was determined
to the cities of an educated aristo- was exempted, under the M e s t o n on the basis of residence a n d p o p u cracy,
the transfer
of l a n d
to settlement, f r o m m a k i n g any con- l a t i o n , a n d of the p r o v i n c i a l share,
middle-class t r a d i n g families of the t r i b u t i o n to the central revenue. 2 per cent was assigned to Orissa
towns, and the i n f i l t r a t i o n of a Of this poor province, the Orissa on this basis.
Before the war, the
small,
autonomous
working-class p o r t i o n was m u c h the poorer a n d a m o u n t distributed was exceedingly
g r o u p supported by u r b a n
forms less developed. It was essential to small a n d Orissa's share d i d not
of labour, have begun this process, appreciate the position in order to exceed 3 lakhs of rupees.
But
a n d it may be expected to continue determine the treatment to be ac- o w i n g to the w a r - t i m e expansion of
G i v e n the op- income-tax revenue, the p r o v i n c i a l
u n t i l the village has lost its t r a d i - corded to Orissa.
t i o n a l integration and become l i t t l e p o r t u n i t y of shaping her o w n des- share rose to 29 crores a n d Orissa
more than a u n i t of neighbour- t i n y , Orissa was faced w i t h the received 58 lakhs in the last year
enormous task of m a k i n g up the o f t h e war.
hood.
leeway.
H e r poverty a n d undeveloped economy elicited sympathy
O f fundamental i m p o r t a n c e t o
f r o m t i m e to t i m e ; but she d i d not Orissa was the a n n u a l subvention
receive
the
requisite
assistance of 40 lakhs g r a n t e d to her under
necessary for her development.
the A w a r d . Niemeyer was impress-
Orissa Finances
O
ed w i t h the c r y i n g needs of Orissa.
It was impossible to ignore the fact,
he remarked, that the existing
standard of expenditure in Orissa
was exceedingly l o w .
B u t in rec o m m e n d i n g the subvention he d i d
not take a l l the relevant factors i n t o
consideration.
It is indeed u n fortunate that w h e n financial settlements were made, policies were revised in the l i g h t of experience a n d
circumstances, b u t the basis of
these settlements was never changed.
In 1935, before the creation
of the province of Orissa, budgets
for Orissa were f r a m e d i n parts i n
the three provinces of B i h a r a n d
Orissa, M a d r a s a n d C.P. a n d - t h e
deficit was estimated to be 40 lakhs.
T h i s was clone at a t i m e w h e n the
central a n d the p r o v i n c i a l governments were c a r r y i n g o u t retrenchm e n t a n d r u l i n g o u t a l l schemes o f
new expenditure.
T h e three p r o vinces concerned h a d no interest in
U n d e r the Niemeyer A w a r d , the new province to be created a n d
62½ per cent of the j u t e export the financial position was n o t given
duties was assigned to the provinces. p r o p e r consideration.
Above all,
T h i s was i n t e n d e d to p r o v i d e a the province h a d yet to come i n t o
F o r appreciating the financial
position of Orissa, it is necessary to
appraise h o w she fared w i t h the
Nierneyer A w a r d .
Sir O t t o N i e rneyer was a p p o i n t e d to conduct an
enquiry w i t h regard to any special
assistance needed by any province
a n d the time a n d m a n n e r of dist r i b u t i n g the p r o v i n c i a l share of i n come-tax.
I t h a d been recognised
that at the i n a u g u r a t i o n of p r o v i n cial autonomy, each of the provinces
was to be so equipped as to enjoy
a reasonable prospect of m a i n t a i n i n g financial e q u i l i b r i u m .
I t was
particularly important to bring to
an end the chronic state of deficits
i n t o w h i c h some o f t h e m h a d
fallen.
T h e Niemeyer A w a r d was
determined on the basis of these
short period considerations of b a l ancing the budgets more or less on
the levels existing at the time.
536