PROCEEDINGS OF THE 15th AIFREF
INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE 2013
PANDELIS KIPRIANOS
(Editor)
University of Patras
Patras 2013
International Association of Training and Research on
Family Education
PAPER PROCEEDINGS OF THE 15th BIANNUAL
AIFREF NETWORK INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE
Family, School, and Local Societies:
Policies and Practices for Children
May 22-26th, 2013 University of Patras, Greece
Famille, école, sociétés locales:
Politiques et pratiques pour l’enfant
22-26 Mai 2013 Université de Patras, Gréce
PANDELIS KIPRIANOS
(Editor)
Department of Social Sciences and Early Childhood Education of the
University of Patras
PATRAS 2013
1
2
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PART 1. PAPERS IN ENGLISH
THE SIMILARITY BETWEEN GREEK AND BULGARIAN PROVERBS AND SAYINGS
AS A TOOL FOR INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION
Engels-Kritidis Rozalina, Sofia University, Bulgaria
PROMOTING COMMUNITY CONNECTIONS. THE RELEVANCE OF INTERVENING
WITH LOCAL COMMUNITIES FOR ENHANCING CHILD WELL-BEING
Jacqueline Barnes, Professor, University of London, United Kingdom
THE EFFECTS OF PULL-OUT PROGRAMS FOR GIFTED CHILDREN. A CASE
STUDY: THE MASTER-CLASSES OF THE HELLENIC MENSA JUNIOR ACADEMY
Dimitra Fourlemadi, Teacher/Educator, MSc in Applied Linguistics and Second Language
Acquisition, Greece
Alexandros Papandreou, Mensa International Gifted Youth Committee Member, Greece
Kyriaki Pouli, MBA graduate, Team Member of Mensa Greece Gifted Youth Department,
Greece
CHILDREN IN THE MAELSTROM OF THE GREEK CIVIL WAR. EDUCATIONAL AND
SOCIAL PRACTICES AT THE BEGINNING OF THE COLD WAR
Iliadou-Tachou Sofia, Associate Professor, University of Western Macedonia, Greece
Ioannis Mpetsas, Assistant Professor, University of Western Macedonia, Greece
ANTISOCIAL BEHAVIOURS
ENVIRONMENT
IN
ADOLESCENCE:
THE
ROLE
OF
FAMILY
Morgado Alice M., University of Coimbra, Portugal
Vale Dias Maria da Luz, University of Coimbra, Portugal
MOTHERS‟ AND KINDERGARTEN TEACHERS‟ BELIEFS
RELATIONSHIP: THE ISSUES OF TRUST AND COMMUNICATION
ABOUT
THEIR
Petrogiannis Konstantinos, Hellenic Open University, Greece
Penderi Efthymia, Democritus University of Thrace, Greece
THE ROLE OF SCHOOL CHOICE IN THE FORMATION OF MIGRANT FAMILY
STRATEGIES
Rerak-Zampou Monika, Univeristy of Patras, Greece
Lempesi Georgia-Eleni, Univeristy of Patras, Greece
FAMILY IN THE SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE OF BRITISH JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
OF EDUCATION: TENDENCIES AND PERSPECTIVES FOR THE FIELD OF
SOCIOLOGY OF EDUCATION DURING THE FIRST DECADE OF THE 21ST
CENTURY
Koustourakis Gerasimos, Assistant Professor, University of Patras, Greece
Spiliopoulou Georgia, Postgraduate Student, University of Patras, Greece
Asimaki Anny, Lecturer, University of Patras, Greece
FAMILY CAPITAL AND SCHOOLING. A STUDY TO ALBANIAN IMMIGRANTS IN
GREECE
Koustourakis Gerasimos, Assistant Professor, University of Patras, Greece
Asimaki Anny, Lecturer, University of Patras, Greece
3
PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF HOME PREPARATION IN THE FIRST TWO YEARS
OF SCHOOL ATTENDANCE
Lenka Šulová, Charles University in Prague, Czech Republic
Michala Škrábová, Charles University in Prague, Czech Republic
TRAINING PROGRAMME FOR COUNSELLORS, THERAPISTS AND PARENT
TRAINERS. ΑN INTEGRATIVE APPROACH TO TRAINING OF COUNSELLORS,
THERAPISTS AND PARENT TRAINERS
Papatriantafyllou Spyros, MA., ECP., Body psychotherapist, Greece
Giannakopoulou Lena, Pg.D. ECP – Body psychotherapist, Greece
CLASS DIFFERENCES IN THE GREEK PUBLIC KINDERGARTEN: CULTURAL
CAPITAL AND RELATION TO SCHOOL
Emilia Fakou, Teacher, PhD candidate, Department of Early Childhood Education, National and
Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece
Stephanie Vouvousira, Teacher, PhD candidate, Department of Early Childhood Education,
National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece
Nelli Askouni, Associate Professor, Department of Early Childhood Education, National and
Kapodistrian University of Athens
PART 2. PAPERS IN FRENCH
LES DIFFERENTES FACETTES DE L‟HOSTILITE PARENTALE
Vaz-Rebelo Piedade, University of Coimbra, Portugal
Franco-Borges Graciete, University of Coimbra, Portugal
Vale-Dias Maria da Luz, University of Coimbra, Portugal
INTERVENTION PRÉCOCE, PARENTALITÉ,
CULTURALITÉ: ENJEUX ET LIMITES
BIENTRAITANCE
ET
MULTI-
Pithon Gérard, Epsylon, Université de Montpellier 3, France
Terrisse Bernard, Université du Québec à Montréal, Canada
DE LA CITE DE L‟EDUCATION A LA CITE RESILIENTE
Pourtois Jean-Pierre, Université de Mons, Belgique
Desmet Huguette, Université de Mons, Belgique
PROMOUVOIR LES PRATIQUES BASÉES SUR L‟EMPOWERMENT AUPRÈS DES
FAMILLES EN SITUATION DE NÉGLIGENCE
Vicky Lafantaisie, Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières, Canada
Annie Bérubé, Université du Québec en Outaouais, Canada
Sylvain Coutu, Université du Québec en Outaouais, Canada
Diane Dubeau, Université du Québec en Outaouais, Canada
LE DEFI DE LA DIVERSITE LINGUISTIQUE DANS LES SOCIETES
MULTICULTURELLES. LA FAMILLE, L´ECOLE ET LES ATTITUDES LINGUISTIQUES
Madariaga José-María,Universidad del Paìs Vasco,Espagne
Huguet Angel, Universidad de Lleida, Espagne
Lapresta Cecilio, Universidad de Lleida, Espagne
Arribillaga Ana, Universidad del Paìs Vasco, Espagne
TRANSMISSION DES VALEURS SELON LE GENRE AU SEIN DES FAMILLES SUR
TROIS GENERATIONS EN GRECE
Pithon Gérard, Université de Montpellier, France
Kouremenou Eleni Sofia, Place Carnot, 34 000 Montpellier, France
Danko Marianna, Université de Montpellier, France
4
SOUTENIR LES PÈRES EN CONTEXTE DE VULNÉRABILITÉS ET LEURS ENFANTS:
DES SERVICES AU RENDEZ-VOUS, ADÉQUATS ET EFFICACES
Dubeau Diane, Université du Québec en Outaouais, Canada
de Montigny Francine, Université du Québec en Outaouais, Canada
Devault Annie, Université du Québec en Outaouais, Canada
Lacharité Carl, Université du Québec à Trois Rivières, Canada
Théorêt Jacinthe, Université du Québec en Outaouais, Canada
FILMER LES «ACTEURS FAIBLES» POUR PROMOUVOIR LA BIEN-TRAITANCE
L’Houssni Mohamed, Directeur d‟ARETIS
Sellenet Julien, Documentariste
Sellenet Catherine, Professeur d‟université
PART 3. PAPERS IN SPANISH
ALTAS CAPACIDADES: ESTUDIO CUALITATIVO SOBRE LA CONTRIBUCIÓN DE
LAS FAMILIAS AL ÉXITO ESCOLAR Y SOCIAL
Madrid Vivar Dolores, Universidad de Málaga, Spain
5
PAPER PROCEEDINGS
PART 1.
PAPERS IN ENGLISH
6
THE SIMILARITY BETWEEN GREEK AND BULGARIAN PROVERBS
AND SAYINGS AS A TOOL FOR INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION
Engels-Kritidis Rozalina
Sofia University “St KlimentOhridski”, Faculty of Primary and Preschool Education, Bulgaria
[email protected]
Abstract
This paper presents arguments supporting the necessity for development of educational resources for
intercultural education aimed at promoting cultural tolerance and respect between Bulgarian migrant children in
Greece and their Greek peers. It details pedagogical directions for parents and teachers regarding the use of a set of
Greek and Bulgarian literally-corresponding proverbs and sayings, specially selected for children aged 6-8 years
old. The pedagogical technology aims to illustrate a practical way for teachers and parents to show pupils that,
regardless of their differences, Bulgarians and Greeks have a lot in common, as neighbouring peoples. Emphasis is
put on the question of how the methods of pedagogical interaction on the topic change with the age of the children,
especially as they develop their two primary new skills: reading and writing.
Key words
Migrant children; proverbs; intercultural education
Introduction
Intercultural education is without a doubt an important issue in the modern world and it is no wonder
that it has been researched from various pedagogical points of view. The necessity for development in this
direction is also apparent by its concurrence with relevant European directives (2000 Lisbon strategy,
2002 Barcelona educational council, etc.) according to which the new role of the teacher is connected
primarily with development of new pedagogical methods for increasing children‟s motivation and
establishing their identity in the context of cultural variety.
Education of children who live in a foreign country can be explored in two interdependent and
mutually complementary aspects: the first one is in the direction of keeping their mother language and
cultural identity; and the second one is connected to attaining intercultural education, helping the process
of integration in the foreign society (Engels-Kritidis, 2010). Development of programmes is one-sided
when they approach the integration of migrant children from a only a single point of view, eitherthe country
of origin, or of the accepting country. When seeking methods and forms to assist the integration from the
point of view of the accepting country, migrant children from different nationalities are often treated
identically, without taking into account the specifics of the culture and customs of each separate country of
origin.
When discussing the education of Bulgarian children living in Greece, it is important to acknowledge
the large number of Bulgarian migrants in the country. According to estimations by Bulgarian diplomatic
missions, a little over 2 million Bulgarians live abroad as of 2011; approximately 300 000 of them
live in Greece(EuroChicago, 2011).Bearing in mind the increasing number of Bulgarian Sunday schools
in the country (there are now 3 such schools in Athens alone), it can be inferred that a significant number
of Bulgarian children live and attend schools in Greece. The current publication, therefore, aims at
presenting some specific means for intercultural education of Bulgarian children living in Greece.
Literature Review:
Some aspects of contemporary intercultural education in Europe
In order to manage cultural diversity in kindergartens and school classrooms effectively, the
underlying philosophy has to be that diversity is valued and that it strengthens classroom dynamics and
offers greater learning opportunities for all. In this direction, “effective education” (Le Roux, 2001) is
particularly directed and relevant to the specific and unique learning needs to all students. Gorski (2006)
has reviewed conceptualizations produced by several of the field‟s pioneer voices, among which those of
Nieto (1996), Grant (with Sleeter, 1998), and Banks (2004), concluding that all of them agree on several
key principles, one of which is that multicultural education is good education for all students. In other
words, in his attempt to identify a set of defining principles of multicultural education, Gorski once again
confirms the significance of intercultural education not only for immigrant‟s children, but also for all
children from the accepting society.Le Roux (2001) also claims that it is wrong to assume that multicultural
education will inevitably be practiced in a situation where learners of different cultural backgrounds are
7
present in a common school or classroom setting. He is of the opinion that all children should be taught
about the cultural diversity outside the school in a world that has become increasingly pluralistic in
character (Le Roux, 2001,p. 44); true multicultural education for all, or “culturally responsive education” as
he calls it, should prevail. Liddicoat& Diaz (2008) have also drawn attention towards the fact that the
policy-makers have opted for anintercultural approach which has evolved from its initial focus, the
integration of immigrant children, to a broader, more comprehensive goal in which intercultural education
becomes a core educational process for both immigrant and mainstream students. In the intercultural
contextof an increasing ethnically diverse classroom, the goals of intercultural education have
alsochanged, promoting mutual benefits for all students. Spiridonova(2013,p. 43)also argues that
intercultural education is based on the fact that all cultures exist equally and therefore, the learning
process must be mutual; also, that a major point is the involvement of both the majority and the minority in
a shared process of learning and change, following a pedagogical strategy of contact between, and
mutual benefit for, all cultures.
The increasing social and ethnic diversity in European education systems demands new teacher
competences. Le Roux (2001) considers that culturally responsive teaching entails much more than
simply teaching a culturally/ethnically diverse class. Effective education or schooling is not simply a matter
of teaching and learning curriculum content; it is also about values, assumptions, feelings, perceptions
and relationships. An accommodative, appreciative and responsive approach to the reality of cultural
diversity is of utmost importance. In this respect, the prospective teachers need to learn that
multiculturalism is more than a question of adding specific aspects to various school objects; it should
incorporate an approach, attitudes, learning material, and the reality of various learning and teaching style
and implicit assumptions (Le Roux, 2001,p. 47). Experience suggests that learning is challenging and
enriching when teachers are sensitive to, and accepting of, classroom diversity; when they have
integrated their understanding of cultural diversity not only into their curricula, but also into their own
personal outlooks and interpersonal interactions (Ganapathy-Coleman &Serpell, 2008). According to Le
Roux (2002),effective educators are culturally-competent communicators; therefore, effective
communication skills are a prerequisite for effective education. However, communication is not always
strictly verbal; Liddicoat& Diaz (2008)claim that teachers should provide opportunities for students with
immigrant background to learn to communicatethrough providing activities where language does not play
a major role.
On the other hand, Baldock (2010) argues on the significance of having “a reasonably clear notion of
our own cultural identity” (Baldock, 2010, xvi) as a prerequisite for understanding cultural diversity from
early years. In his opinion, it is necessary to develop skills in response to cultural differences rather than
just to acquire information about the cultures we expect to meet.
According to Triandafyllidou&Gropas (2007), Greek terminology refers to “inter-cultural”
(δηαποιηηηζκηθή) and not to “multi-cultural” (ποισποιηηηζκηθή) education. Traditionally, the objectives of
intercultural education have been defined as knowledge, acceptance and respect of diversity; mutual
understanding and dialogue between different civilizations; rejection of stereotypes and prejudice; equal
and constructive co-existence within a multicultural society. Triandafyllidou&Gropas (2007) put forward the
following definition of intercultural education: “intercultural education involves not only intercultural
exchange and knowledge of other cultures but also a reconsideration of the in-group culture through the
integration of culturally diverse pupils into a cohesive societal whole”.
Some
successful
Greek
intercultural
education
practices
have
been
described
inTriandafyllidou&Gropas(2007);Karatsouni (2004), Papadopoulou (2005); Mandziara (2005),and
Protonotario et al. (2006).However, despite those successful practices, there remains a need for specific
educational tools for the integration of Bulgarians living in Greece.
Аim, Hypothesis and Methodology:
The similarity between Bulgarian and Greek proverbs and sayings
as a pedagogical tool for intercultural education
When discussing the creation of a basis for a culture of behaviour, pedagogical research and
practices concentrate on the period of pre-school childhood; therefore, it is when children are in the preschool age that it is necessary to find a means of unification as a basis for creating forms and methods of
pedagogical interaction to help the process of integrating Bulgarian migrants‟ children into Greek society.
On the other hand, the proverbs and sayings of the two neighbouring peoples (Bulgarian and Greek) can
be used not only to integrate the wisdom and experience of our forefathers into a short expression, but
also for something much more: helping the process of integration of Bulgarian migrants‟ children into the
Greek society and Greek language, through getting these children involved in equal peer-mates
relationship with Greek children at the same age (Engels-Kritidis&Stellakis, 2010). Because of the
geographical proximity of the two countries, there are a lot of similarities to be found between Bulgarians
and Greeks with regard to the above folk genres. Additionally, their short size and ease of use keeps
proverbs and sayings alive during everyday speech, even when people have moved outside their home
country. In this regard, the author hasfound, selected, analysed and categorized a collection of Bulgarian
8
and Greek proverbs and sayings whose literal meanings correspond, in order to develop
atheoreticalmodel of pedagogical interaction based on their similarities, which can be used to help the
process of cultural integration of Bulgarian immigrants‟ children aged 6 to 8 years into the Greek society.
In this regard, a study was conducted (Engels-Kritidis&Stellakis, 2010; Еngels-Kritidis, 2013)that aimed to
offer pedagogical guidelines for interaction with 6-8-year-old Bulgarian children living in Greece,
based on the proximity between Bulgarian and Greek proverbs and sayings, which sought to
develop and cement a sense of national belonging while also instilling a spirit of tolerance towards their
Greek peers.
The main hypothesis was that specially-selected, literally-corresponding Bulgarian and Greek
proverbs could be used as a basis for the development of educational resources in the field of intercultural
education of Bulgarian children of preschool and primary school age, whose families have a prolonged or
permanent residence in Greece.
The methodology of the research included:
1. Research and analysis of educational materials used in Greece in order to determine the place of
proverbs and sayings in pre-school pedagogical interaction.
2. Pedagogical observation in the “Saints Cyril and Methodius” Bulgarian school in Athens, Greece.
3. Development of a questionnaire requiring bilingual (Bulgarian and Greek) answers in order to
gather information from teachers in Bulgarian schools in Greece, as well as parents of attending
pupils, to determine whether Bulgarian spoken folklore is alive outside the country; specific
attention was drawn to proverbs and sayings in use by Bulgarians in contemporary Greece, as
well as to specify the most commonly-used Greek proverbs and sayings.
4. Analysis of the questionnaire answers; specifically, selecting proverbs and sayings suitable for 68-year-old children from among the most commonly-used, literally-corresponding Bulgarian and
Greek proverbs.
5. Additional selection of literally-corresponding Bulgarian and Greek proverbs and sayings from
specialized publications, as well as creating a suitable hierarchical system for classification of the
selected proverbs and sayings.
6. Assignment of each selected proverb or saying to a thematically-suitable part of the main
educational programme.
After researching the relevant educational materials (Engels-Kritidis&Stellakis, 2010), it can be
concluded that proverbs and sayings are actively used by teachers in Greek pre-school environments;
additional evidence of this can be found in publications by Kostinoudi&Siviropoulou(2009),
Kourkourika&Moraiti(2007),Pagoulatou(2007); Sarakintsi(2003),Genakou (2003), Hadzimanoli& MouserSpasou (2005), etc. Similarly, proverbs and sayings are used in primary school(Greek Pedagogical
Institute,2002). This means that there is a solid foundation on which to build and adapt the practical ideas
for intercultural education suggested by the author.
Pedagogical guidelines for use of the literally-corresponding
Bulgarian and Greek proverbs and sayings towards intercultural education
of children in the final pre-school year and in the first two primary school years
The full selection of literally-corresponding Bulgarian and Greek proverbs and sayings that are
suitable for children in preparatory class and in the first two years of primary school (which, according to
the relevant Bulgarian legislation, include children aged 6-8 years old) is presented in ЕngelsKritidis&Stellakis (2010) and is further expanded in Еngels-Kritidis (2013); bearing in mind the publication
requirements, it will not be included in this presentation.For illustration purposes, here are two examples of
literally-corresponding Bulgarian and Greek proverbs and sayings:

Bulgarian: Треперякатолист.
Greek: Τρέκωζαθύιιο.
English: Shaking like a leaf.

Bulgarian: Езикъткостиняма, амакоститроши.
Greek: Η γιώζζα θόθθαια δελ έτεη θαη θόθθαια ηζαθίδεη.
English (close translation): A blow with a word strikes deeper than a blow with a sword.
Each of the selected proverbs and sayings is assigned to one of the thematic “blocks” in the author‟s
programme for Bulgarian language education of 6-8-year-old children, suggested in Engels-Kritidis (2013),
which has been organized so as to introduce the specially-selected proverbs and sayings in a graduallyascending order of complexity, specifically designed for mastering by migrant children. This expands the
aims of the educational interaction toward both the interpretation of proverbs and sayings and the
application of intercultural education.
Use of the selected literally-corresponding proverbs and sayings in pedagogical interactions is based
on the common elements of Bulgarian and Greek folklore, as evidenced by the similarities between the
proverbs and sayings of the two nations. The empirical goal of this interaction is to help children build a
sense of the closeness that exists between the two neighbouring peoples in many aspects; to help them
realize that the “other” (Greek or Bulgarian) child is not that different from themselves. They may speak
9
another language and have some different customs, but at the same time Bulgarians and Greeks have a
lot in common because of their geographical proximity. At the same time, getting acquainted with the
special selection of literally-corresponding proverbs and sayings aims to enrich the vocabulary of
Bulgarian children living in Greece, as well as children from mixed Bulgarian-Greek marriages who speak
both languages to some degree, regardless of their location in the world.
For children whose primary language is Bulgarian, it is best to introduce the Greek equivalent of a
proverb or saying after the child has an understanding of its literal and allegorical meaning. The teacher
should examine the meaning of each word in the Greek version separately while making a word-for-word
(or, if necessary, phrase-by-phrase) comparison to the Bulgarian equivalent. The pedagogue can then
point out how words of wisdom, even when expressed in two different languages, can be similar or
identical. The teacher then illustrates the use of the proverbs or sayings in several real-life situations,
always using both language versions. In short, the objective of the pedagogical interaction based on the
pairs of literally-corresponding proverbs and sayings is for children to slowly build up confidence, taking
small steps towards reaching the conclusion that, regardless of the different languages, the two
neighbouring cultures have a lot in common.
One of the interesting fields of study during the pedagogical observation of children during their
transition from pre-school to primary school is the question of how pedagogical interaction methods
change when entering primary school age.
Work with the suggested selection of literally-corresponding Bulgarian and Greek proverbs and
sayings follows the basic guidelines for children aged 6-7-years-old, bearing in mind the major change
brought by completion of the first grade: acquisition of reading and writing skills. The gradual evolution of
children‟s literacy ensures increased opportunities for usage of the Bulgarian and Greek proverbs and
sayings by allowing them to be expressed in writing. This in turn enables children to get acquainted with
an additional written language, which is another expression of a country‟s culture.
While in kindergarten, proverbs and sayings are used mostly to express and validate the moral
lessons of tales and other literary genres. When children reach the first grade and bearing in mind the
specifics of primary school, the use of proverbs and sayings is expanded in variety and frequency.
If children have managed to comprehend the “algorithm” for deciphering the allegorical meaning of
proverbs and sayings while in kindergarten, and if they are also used to their rhythmic nature, then the first
grade teacher can continue using the suggested selection of proverbs and sayings in the aforementioned
manner. After the end of the first grade, when children have learned to read and write and have unlocked
a whole new universe of written words, such a comparison of proverbs or sayings will be of even greater
benefit for them, not only as part of their intercultural education and development of their allegory
interpretation skills, but also for their education in writing in both Bulgarian and Greek languages.
When this “written” stage is reached, teachers can use the following methods for working with
proverbs and sayings as tools for intercultural education:

When introducing a proverb or saying through its use in folklore or in a literary work, the Bulgarian
and Greek versions can be written on the board, one under the other; when possible, each word
can be aligned with its equivalent in the other language. This enables a clear visualization of the
identical or approximate lexical pairs in the two languages.

The literacy acquisition process, which should always be accompanied by the intercultural aspect,
can benefit by the use of pictures in place of some words in the proverb or saying pairs, to indicate
an animal, object, etc.(see also:Kostinoudi&Sivropoulou, 2009). Children can learn equivalent
words in both languages by replacing the picture with the respective word, a process which also
stimulates the children‟s imagination. For example:
o Bulgarian: Гладна[picture of a bear – мечка] хоронеиграе.
Greek: Νεζηηθό[picture of a bear - αρθούδη]δετορεύεη.
English: A hungry [bear] will not dance.
o Bulgarian: Търкулналасе [picture of a pot - тенджерата], тасинамерила [picture of a lid –
капака].
Greek: Κύιεζε[picture of a pot – ο ηέληδερες] θαη βρήθε[picture of a lid – ηο θαπάθη].
English: (The pot) rolled around and found (the lid).
o Bulgarian: Треперякато[picture of a leaf - лист].
Greek: Τρέκωζα [picture of a leaf – θύιιο].
English: Shaking like a [leaf].

A comparison of literally-corresponding sentences or phrases, such as the selected proverbs or
sayings, can also highlight grammatical similarities like definitive articles, singular and plural,
comparative and superlative adjectives, etc. which can help the teacher showcase the intercultural
aspect by aiming for similar results.
10





After children have mastered some of the corresponding pairs of proverbs or sayings, they can be
introduced to a folk tale or literary work and given the task of selecting a suitable proverb or saying
that can be applied to the story.
Bearing in mind the emphasis on teaching the mechanics of reading and comprehension,
proverbs and sayings in both languages can contribute to teaching children to understand the
meaning of separate sentences.
Pupils with advanced spelling skills can be given a pair of proverbs or sayings, presented in
parallel in both languages with some letters missing from each word, and asked to fill in the
missing letters and uncover the proverb or saying.
At an advanced stage, incomplete proverbs and sayings can be presented in both languages and
children can be asked to fill in the missing parts. For example:
o Bulgarian: Най-добресесмеетози, койтосесмее … (missing word: “последен”).
Greek: Γειάεη θαιύηερα όποηοςγειάεη … (missing word: “ηειεπηαίνο”).
English: He who laughs (last), laughs best.
o Bulgarian: Невсичко, коетоблести, е … (missingword: “злато”).
Greek: Ό,ηη ιάκπεη δελ είλαη … (missing word: “ρξπζόο”).
English: Not all that glitters is (gold).
At the start of second grade, each child can be given an individual homework task of finding
suitable Greek and Bulgarian folk tales or short stories that illustrate the meaning of a certain pair
of proverbs or sayings; at the end of the term, the class can have a “Proverbs & Sayings Day”,
during which each pupil will present his/her proverb or saying by enacting the tales or stories in an
original, interactive way.
Conclusions
From the pedagogical guidelines suggested here, it is clear that the bilingual usage of the selected
literally-corresponding proverbs or sayings can help not only from an intercultural education standpoint,
but also help children whose knowledge of one of the languages is mostly passive; they can utilize their
“active” language in order to gain confidence when learning the other one.
During both pre-school and primary school age, children can be encouraged to use the selection of
literally-corresponding proverbs or sayings they have mastered in their home and family environment, via
individual pedagogical situations enacted by their parents, especially in cases of mixed-marriage families.
The fact that Greek teachers make use of proverbs and sayings in both pre-school and primary
school environments leads to the conclusion that there is a solid basis on which to build and adapt the
pedagogical methods suggested here; they can be applied not only to Bulgarian children in the Bulgarian
schools in Greece, but also to Greek children in Greek schools, which also feature a significant number of
children of Bulgarian origin.
References:
Baldock, P. (2010).Understanding cultural diversity in the early years. London: SAGE.
Engels-Kritidis, R. (2010).Educational aspects of the integration of Bulgarian immigrants‟ children into the
Greek society.International Scientific Publications: Educational Alternatives Journal.Education,
Research, Development,8(1).
Engels-Kritidis, R. and Stellakis, N. (2010).Cultural integration of Bulgarian immigrants‟ children in Greece
through the similarities between Greek and Bulgarian proverbs and sayings.Infusing Research
th
and Knowledge in South-East Europe.Proceedings of the5 Annual South East European
Doctoral Student Conference (DSC2010, September 2010) at CITY College, Thessaloniki, 520527.
Engels-Kritidis, R. (2013).Пословиците и поговорките в образователнотовзаимодействие с
българскидеца, живеещи в чужбина[Proverbs and sayings in the educational interaction with
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13
Promoting community connections. The relevance of intervening with
local communities for enhancing child well-being
Jacqueline Barnes
Professor, Birkbeck, University of London, United Kingdom
Introduction
With concerns about the social milieu in which the next generation are growing up, a number of
interventions have been developed to make change at the community level, designed to enhance
parenting behaviour, parental mental health, child academic achievement and the mental health and
wellbeing of children and young people. This paper describes some of those and their evaluations, raising
issues about the challenges faced in both implementing and evaluating community change.
How well we flourish is embedded in our interactions with others who share our world. Sustainable
well-being is based in part on the quality of relationships (both connections and comparisons) within
communities. It has been shown that these relationships affect how we feel about ourselves (Reis &
Gable, 2003) and that doing good for others in the community protects individual well-being (Piliavin,
2003). But Putnam (2000) has identified a decline in social trust in the USA, leading to less community
participation and less volunteering.
Thus attention has been directed to communities and a means of influencing the well-being of
children but one might ask why one should try to intervene with communities rather than at the family or
individual level, given the importance of family. One reason is that community-level interventions are
aimed at changing the community rather than targeting specific vulnerable individuals or families, which
reduces any stigma that families or individual might feel about needing support. Secondly, it has been
proposed that social problems, especially those related to disadvantage, are best dealt with by „capacity
building‟ rather than by targeting families. Underlying this is the assumption that people living in a
„healthy‟ or „cohesive‟ community are more likely to be healthy themselves, and therefore less likely to
need welfare support. There is considerable research evidence to support this belief in relation to both
parents (Barnes et al., 2011) and children (Curtis et al., 2004; Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2000;
McCulloch, & Joshi, 2001; Vinson, 2004). It makes sense economically as many disadvantaged and
vulnerable families are clustered together in high-poverty neighbourhoods. Finally there are ideological
reasons. Western societies tend to promote individualism and competition with a tension between
individual success and membership of a community. However experts have suggested that a focus on the
individual is not necessarily the way forward; for example: “The current climate has leaned too far towards
one in which individual rights and success are encouraged to the detriment of the kind of community
involvement and activities that are so powerfully protective for children and which enhance their
development and well-being” (Stanley et al., 2005, p. 164.) There is evidence that developing inclusive
communities, focussed on relational quality and the common good, can result in enhancing attainment for
everyone (OECD & Statistics Canada, 2000).
Theoretical underpinnings of community intervention
Bronfenbrenner‟s Ecological theory (1979) highlighted for psychologists the idea that children‟s
development is based in bi-directional nested systems. He described the systems as follows: the
Microsystem - a pattern of activities, roles, and interpersonal relations experienced by the child; the
Mesosystem – the interrelations among two or more settings (microsystems) in which the child
participates; and finally the Exosystem – one or more settings that do not involve the child as an active
participant but in which events occur that affect the child and encompassing all other systems the
Macrosystem – the cultural values and belief systems at the level of the subculture or the culture as a
whole. He proposed that what happens at the micro-system, the interaction of the child with his or her
immediate environment is influenced by multiple complex factors, including the resources available in the
local community, the organisational structures of the workplace and the socio-political environment. Thus
the extent to which the community functions well will have an important impact on the child and family.
Other theoretical perspectives, mainly coming from sociology, have focussed on the level to which
it is possible to identify a sense of belonging to the community for local residents, community cohesion
and community involvement. Sampson (1997) proposed that closure or connectedness of social networks
among families and children in a community provide children with the norms about appropriate behaviour
and sanctions that could not be brought about by a single adult. It is accepted that human beings are
social, and seek ways to connect with others, but these connections can have positive or negative impacts
(Wilson, 2004; Wolfe et al., 1997). Positive relationships and inclusive groups can inhibit aggression and
14
violence, unless the values of the group is to be anti-social (e.g. gangs). When connectedness and
inclusion are actively promoted in communities, this discourages connections in negative groups such as
gangs. His subsequent elaboration of the concept of community cohesion elaborated focusses on the
concept of „collective efficacy‟, which reflects social cohesion among neighbours and their willingness to
act in the common good, particularly in response to controlling neighbourhood children (Sampson et al,
1997). Communities that may benefit from intervention are likely to be characterised as high in social
disorganisation, meaning that there is a lack of informal social control and shared norms, a high level of
social incivilities such as fights or arguments between neighbours, public drinking, dropping litter and
noise pollution, and lack of an institutional structure to maintain the fabric of the neighbourhood .
Disorganised communities have been linked in particular with higher levels of violence, delinquency and
crime (Sampson et al., 1997; 1998).
Social capital is increasingly cited as having a role to play in addressing educational and social
issues with evidence that neighbourhoods and educational communities with greater social capital are
more likely to achieve their goals (Fukuyama, 1995; Pretty & Ward, 2001). There are three main types of
community capital. While physical capital comprises hardware resources such as buildings and
equipment; human capital comprises knowledge and skills; and social capital refers to the networks and
relationships within an organization or community. According to Bourdieu (1993) membership of formal
and informal groups gives access to opportunities and resources. As such, he sees social capital as a
vehicle for the reproduction of privilege. Coleman (1988) has a more positive view suggesting that social
capital has three forms: level of trust, as evidenced by obligations and expectations; information and
communication channels; and norms and sanctions that promote the common good over self-interest.
Putnam (2000) has added to the concept by identifying within-group connections, such as between
teachers, as „bonding social capital‟ and across-group connections, such as between staff and the parent
community as „bridging social capital‟. Bridging social capital is seen as particularly useful in building
resources and opportunities. In communities with high levels of social trust individuals are more likely to
openly exchange information and be caring towards each other. There is also more confidence that others
will be reliable and competent (Uslaner, 2002). Putnam links increasing inequality over the last fifty years
in the US with the erosion of social trust.
Not all theorists agree that the concept of social capital can be applied at the community level,
arguing that it is basically an individual construct. However it can be estimated at the community level by
looking at demographic information such as the extent of church membership among residents, the
presence of extended family, and the local stability of residence. Many Community social capital indicators
are based on a neighbourhood as a geographically defined area. This does present a challenge for
developmental research as children define a neighbourhood based on places important to them e.g.
sports grounds which are likely to differ from adult or administrative definitions (Barnes et al., 2006).
Economists have also worked on defining community well-being , key features of which are:
adequate material conditions; a sense of security; educational opportunities; freedom from economic
exploitations; respect and tolerance for diversity; democratic participation; a sense of community and
solidarity; and freedom of choice and action(Narayan et al., 2000).
The relevance of the community for child development
Designing and implementing community interventions is predicated by the belief that it will lead to
enhanced child development and well-being. What happens in children's interactions in their immediate
environment is influenced by resources available in the local community and by the nature of the local
residents. Clustering of families in high poverty neighbourhoods can lead to social and economic isolation,
and poor quality services. Local social networks provide children with norms about behaviour, which may
or may not be „appropriate.‟
Peer relationships are important in adolescents‟ development and indirect neighbourhood effects
may be transmitted through peers, particularly anti-social, activities (Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2000).
Antisocial friends and acquaintances in the local neighbourhood can easily undermine parental efforts to
promote wellbeing, particularly during adolescence, and antisocial or bullying behaviour on a virtual
community website can have serious negative consequences for mental health (Hinduja & Patchin, 2010;
Ybarra, 2004). However, mixing with other children in the community can be important in a positive way
for children‟s social and identity development. Matthews (2003) suggests that any decline in the use of
„the street‟ reduces children‟s opportunities for identity construction as it is often a site where children can
„separate or engage in the processes of separation‟ away from the adult gaze. He suggests that it is
through encounters with adults and other children in the community that children explore and come to
understand their own social relations.
Overall it has been found that the nature of the community has a consistent pattern of small to
moderate effects on psychological development (Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn 2000). Specifically for
younger children the presence of affluent neighbours is positive for verbal ability, IQ and academic
achievement. For adolescents living in an affluent neighbourhood is associated with higher academic
achievement (especially for males). Living in a low income neighbourhood is associated with more mental
15
health problems, criminal and delinquent behaviour. A poor neighbourhood has also been linked with
poor child physical health and particularly obesity, which can be linked to structural characteristics in
disadvantaged communities such as the extent of green space and the number of fast food restaurants
(Chen & Paterson, 2006).
Relevance of community for parenting
Families represent the most influential of Bronfenbrenner‟s „microsystems‟, and much attention
has been paid to the significant relationship between community features, especially poverty, and abusive
parenting (Barry & Garbarino, 1997; Coulton et al., 1999; Garbarino et al., 1998; Sabol et al., 2004).
Poverty, danger and inadequate public resources are said to undermine positive parenting practices
(Pinderhughes et al., 2001). In a US study, Coulton and colleagues (1996) identified community factors
that explained the differences between census tracts in rates of child abuse rates. The first and largest
factor was community „impoverishment‟, defined by the proportion of families living at or below the poverty
line, the unemployment rate, the amount of vacant housing, population loss, and the proportion of femaleheaded families. The second factor, „child-care burden‟, included the ratio of children to adults in the
community, the ratio of females to males, and the percentage of the population that was elderly, all of
which will have an impact on the community‟s capacity to provide „social capital‟ and develop community
cohesion.
Interestingly, ethnographic interviews and observations (Korbin & Coulton, 1997) suggested that
the real impact of the community‟s „child care burden‟ was reflected in neighbours‟ concerns that they
could not manage the behaviour of other people‟s children, otherwise known as „informal social control.‟
This supports Sampson‟s theory (1997) that community disorganisation is of primary importance to
parents because of the role it plays in facilitating or inhibiting the creation of social capital, the absence of
which is typical of socially disorganised communities.
The importance of the community for children and parents is thus strongly supported by evidence,
but before planning any „community intervention‟ is it necessary to define „community‟. There are many
definitions of community but they can be roughly grouped into: territorially based conceptions; and
definitions based on social networks and relationships (Gusfield, 1975; Willmott, 1989). While often used
interchangeable „community‟ and „neighbourhood‟ are not synonymous. Community has implications
about shared beliefs, priorities and issues while neighbourhood is exclusively territorial and has no such
implication, being based only on geographical location (although definitions of neighbourhood vary
tremendously in terms of size) (Chaskin, 1997). For instance, in a study in parents living in three
disadvantaged neighbourhoods in England (Barnes, 2007a), it was found that some identified personal
neighbourhoods that encompassed little more than their own home, whereas others identified fairly large
areas, usually bounded by major streets or parks, although the tendency was for more people to have
smaller neighbourhoods, and for only a few to identify large or very large areas. Geographical (spatial)
communities (or neighbourhoods) are defined according to natural geographic barriers, administrative
boundaries, and residents‟ cognitive maps. It has been suggested (Garbarino et al., 1998) that most
spatially defined communities also have some sense of history represented by the evolution of residential
patterns and „psyche‟, a sense of shared identity among residents, indicated for example by a common
usage of the same name for the neighbourhood. The social community or community of attachment may
be much broader than the geographic community (neighbourhood) but may itself be rooted in place. For
example ethnic and religious communities are bound by culture and systems of beliefs but may also be
geographical in that within large urban areas certain ethnic groups may be concentrated so there will be a
community of interest, linking to many other individuals in other locations, and also a local neighbourhood
community.
Key questions for community prevention and its evaluation
Assuming that the community and/or the neighbourhood is relevant to how families function, and
to how children develop questions needs to be considered before developing a community intervention.
Particularly it needs to be established that communities and/or neighbourhoods can be changed? And if
they can be changed how could that be implemented? If it has been agreed that a community can change
and a method of achieving that is developed, then the question arises of whether life chances and
children‟s development has been be improved by intervening at the level of the community or
neighbourhood.
Some examples of neighbourhood and community level intervention will be described. In all
cases it has been acknowledged that this kind of work requires extensive inter-agency cooperation. The
interventions are usually complex and not always implemented effectively, since a „bottom-up‟ philosophy
is commonplace which makes their evaluation a challenge. In particular the impact may be diffuse and
hard to measure, needing the whole community to be the unit of analysis. A further complication is that,
while the theoretical basis is often related to communities of interest, most interventions are actually
16
delivered to geographically defined communities (i.e. neighbourhoods) which may or may not be cohesive.
Residents‟ conceptions of neighbourhoods do not usually match the administrative boundaries used to
make decisions about the delivery of the intervention and the research design is generally not of the
highest quality since randomised trials are not feasible (Rutter, 2007).
Example 1. Communities that Care (Hawkins & Catalano, 1992)
One notable exception with respect to the quality of the evaluation is Communities that Care
(CTC) (Brown et al., 2011; Hawkins et al., 2007; Hawkins et al., 2012), which is considered to be of the
highest standard since it was possible to randomly allocate communities to receive the intervention or act
as controls. The same intervention was evaluated using a quasi-experimental design (Feinberg et al.,
2007; 2010). Children were randomly selected to complete surveys, some of whom were in CTC areas
and some of whom were not. The authors of the study argue that the previous randomized evaluation was
small (12 communities) whereas they were able to study the impact in a larger number of areas, with a
„real world‟ view. This is an important stage in any evaluation, to show that small scale experimental
studies can be replicated in a wider context (Barnes, 2010).
The slogan of the programme is “Building safer communities where children and young people are
valued, respected and encouraged to achieve their potential”. It is a long-term programme to build safer
neighbourhoods, confronting disillusion and pessimism in disadvantaged, high-crime neighbourhoods. It
involves establishing working partnerships between local people, local agencies, local organisations led by
specific action plans. It is based on a risk/resilience community model and designed to deal with problems
faced by teenagers, especially crime, anti-social behaviour and substance misuse. The approach is multiagency, designed to build coalitions of key leaders and combines community empowerment with an
evidence based approach. The community risk factors that they have identified are: disadvantaged
neighbourhood; community disorganisation and neglect; the availability of drugs; and a high turnover of
residents leading to low level of neighbourhood attachment. The Communities that Care process has a
number of phases: 1. Establishing community readiness and involvement; 2. Measuring risk and auditing
existing local resources; 3. Constructing an Action Plan; 4. Implementation and monitoring; 5. Review.
The evaluations have shown that it can have an impact on children. In the USA, Community
Youth Development Study twelve matched pairs of communities were randomly assigned to experimental
or control condition (Hawkins, Catalano & Kuklinski, 2011). Initially there were no differences in child risk
behaviours but after 4 years, 16 year olds had less delinquent behaviour (62% vs. 70%), less alcohol use (
67% vs. 75%), and less smoking (44% vs. 52%). They concluded that the effects were not immediate and
that generally 2 to 5 years was needed to identify marked community change.
In the UK the results have not been so conclusive (Crow, France & Hacking, 2006), partly due to
variation in the implementation of the programme. One project was broadly successful, one had partial
implementation, but in the third community the project remained largely unimplemented over the course of
the research. Successful implementation was associated with the presence of strong partnerships, active
communities and good leadership prior to the start of the programme. The researchers concluded that
community readiness had not been sufficiently established, some partners were not engaged prior to
starting the programme, communication was poor, and there was frustration when time and effort spent
devising a plan were not matched with the resources to implement the work.
Example 2. Better Beginnings, Better Futures (Peters et al., 2010)
This programme was developed in Canada and implemented in eight disadvantaged communities.
It was based on Bronfenbrenner‟s ecological theory (1979). The aims were to prevent serious and longterm emotional and behavioural problems, to promote optimal development (social, emotional,
behavioural, physical, cognitive), to strengthen disadvantaged communities by improving family and
neighbourhood characteristics, and to link local services and involve local residents
Disadvantaged areas were offered intervention either for children 0 to 4 years (5 communities) or
4 to 8 years (3 communities). They were provided with home visiting and enriched child care (0-4 years)
or enriched childcare and enhanced school programmes (4-8 years). There were also local projects
developed in each area to enhance community cohesion. There were positive outcomes for the 0 to 4
year olds (Peters et al., 2000; 2001). These included a decrease in teacher ratings of emotional
problems, in in three of four communities. In one area, the decrease in behavioural problems was
accompanied by an increase in prosocial behaviour. Increased school readiness, auditory attention, and
memory were also identified. There were also changes in the parents in the areas such as less smoking,
more breastfeeding, provision of a better diet for children, and more uptake of immunisations at 18
months. For the older children (Peters et al., 2003) teachers‟ ratings of children‟s over-anxious emotional
problems showed a significant pattern of decline over 5 years while teachers‟ ratings of children‟s selfcontrol in social functioning showed improvement. There were no patterns of improvement on any of the
measures of cognitive development or on measures of reading or mathematics achievement. The authors
conclude that while the home b visiting and enriched child care provided benefits their findings suggest no
„added value‟ in the communities of the classroom initiatives.
17
Example 3. UK, Sure Start Local Programmes (SSLP) (Belsky, Barnes & Melhuish, 2007;
Eisenstadt, 2011)
This initiative was targeted at the 20% most disadvantaged areas in England. The focus was on
0-5 year olds and their families. Following a whole community approach it was designed to be universal
for all families with children of that age range in to avoid the stigma that might follow if the programme was
means tested. It was designed to enhance existing services and add to them where necessary but driven
by locally decided agendas. The initial philosophy was based on community empowerment , „bottom-up‟
development of services. Each programme (initially 250, expanded to more than twice that number) had
autonomy to improve services, with general aims but without clear specification of services. All
programmes were required to deliver: outreach and home visiting, support for families and parents,
support for good quality play, learning and childcare experiences for children, primary and community
health care, advice for child development and child/family health, and support for people with special
needs but could decide how this should be accomplished.
The national evaluation looked at whole community change and change for the children and
parents living in the areas. There were some modest changes in the Sure Start communities between the
first year of the programmes (2000) and 2005, after which the specifically community based policy was
changed to be one that did not limit access to the services based on residence in specifically defined small
neighbourhoods (Barnes, 2007b; Barnes et al., 2007). There was a significant reduction in young
children in „workless households‟ in the Sure Start areas, greater than the reduction across England.
There were other significant reductions in hospitalisations for 0-3 year olds for injury or respiratory
infection; low-birth weight infants, the proportion of children identified with Special Educational Needs, and
the proportion of 4 to 17 year olds receiving Disability Living Allowance, an indicator of a severe disability.
The government of the time had introduced a number of other „area-based‟ initiatives for children and
families and some of the effects (for example the reduction in births to mother <18 years) were more likely
if there were a number of other area based initiatives locally suggesting that this may be related to
improved inter-agency working.
The first (cross-sectional) results pertaining to 3 year old children living in the Sure Start areas,
compared to children in comparable areas that did not yet have the programme (Belsky et al., 2006) were
positive for children of non-teenage mothers (86% of the total). They had greater social competence and
fewer behaviour problems. Their parents reported using less negative parenting. However results were
not so good for children of teenage mothers in Sure Start areas (14% of total) who were found to have
less child social competence, more behaviour problems and poorer verbal ability than those not living in
Sure Start areas. Similarly the Sure Start resident children of lone parent families (40% of total) and
children in workless households also had poorer child verbal ability than those in areas yet to receive Sure
Start.
A key questions for the refinement of Sure Start was why some SSLPs were proving more
effective in achieving outcomes than others? An examination of programme variability in implementation
provides some answers. To determine what predicted “effectiveness” the implementation of the more and
less successful programmes was studied (blind to the outcomes) and 18 dimensions of proficient
implementation emerged (Melhuish et al., 2007). The dimensions related to better outcomes were:
effective governance, management and leadership, an informal but professional ethos of the centre,
empowerment of service providers and users, recruitment of staff with higher qualifications, and good
multi-agency teamwork (between social services, education and health in particular).
The longitudinal study of the impact of well-established SSLPs on 3-year-olds, compared to
children from the national Millennium Cohort Study looked at the children who had been babies when the
programmes were introduce when they were three, five and seven years and their families (Melhuish et
al., 2008; Melhuish et al, 2010; Ness Research Team 2010; NESS Research Team 2012)
When they were age 3, of the 14 outcomes studied 7 showed a significant SSLP effect.
Specifically children in SSLP areas were reported to have more positive social behaviour (cooperation,
sharing, empathy), better independence and self-regulation (works things out for self, perseverance,
self-control) and had fewer accidents. Their parents had a lower Parenting Risk Index (observer rating +
parent-child relationship, harsh discipline, home chaos), provided a more enriching home learning
environment, used more services, and their children were given more of the recommended immunisations.
When these children were age 5 there was a greater reduction in worklessness in Sure Start
families, mothers reported greater life satisfaction with less chaotic homes and better provision of home
learning environments although they were less likely to attend school meetings. The children had better
physical health, and less likely to be overweight. By the time that the children were age 7 their mothers
reported using less harsh discipline and they continued to provide a more stimulating home learning
environment for their children. For boys in SSLP areas there was less home chaos and lone parents or
those who were workless in SSLP areas reported greater life satisfaction than comparable families who
were not in SSLP areas. Overall then there was evidence from this community intervention for enhanced
family functioning and maternal well-being for families chosen randomly from the areas, not those who
specifically used the services. Impacts have persisted until the children were age 7, and some
improvements have continued over time for some repeated measures. There was no continuing impact
18
on child outcomes, which is likely to be, at least in part, because of the introduction of universal free
preschool education for all children from 3 years whether in Sure Start areas or not.
Each programme conducted its own local evaluations and these were mainly qualitative, providing
evidence of the way that the programmes could be effective, by increasing the likelihood that local social
capital could develop (Putnam‟s Bridging social capital) by drawing in families who might otherwise have
had interactions (Partners in Evaluation, 2003) and might not have accessed services.
“Before I didn‟t know many people locally, I had no-one to talk to about being a parent. I was
frightened that I wasn‟t a good mother, but meeting other parents [at the Sure Start centre] has given me
confidence”
“ People are more willing even on the street to stop and talk and listen, which didn‟t happen before
Sure Start”
The main take-home messages from the evaluation have been that, not surprisingly, inter-agency
collaboration is essential for good services and that active engagement of health services was vital
important for success of Sure Start in that they had access to information about all potentially eligible
families and children in the local areas. Nevertheless, no matter how good services are, children and
families need to engage with them and those with the greatest needs are the hardest to reach and
engage. Engaging the whole community, including parents and practitioners, and local agencies, was an
on-going challenge. The generous budgets may have in fact made this more difficult since each agency
was vying for a „fair share‟ of the money.
Conclusions, community level intervention
In conclusion, some important points to keep in mind when thinking about community level (as
opposed to community-based) intervention are firstly that it is not easy to define the community to target.
Communities are complex with embedded norms. Moving agencies away from safe familiar ways of
working requires extensive inter-agency cooperation and „buy-in‟ and without it even good evidence based
interventions will fail. The quality of relationships between community residents and local service providers
is critical, partnerships need a balance of power. Interventions taking place at the community level are
usually complex and not always implemented effectively, since a „bottom-up‟ philosophy is commonplace.
While this has ideological legitimacy it means that there may be real problems introducing sufficient
programmes and services which are known to have positive impacts and sustainability needs more than
„hero innovators‟; it needs funding commitment. Evaluation of effects at the community level is
challenging. Impacts may be diffuse and hard to measure, needing to take whole community as the unit of
analysis, but this is not easy to capture in research.
Other limitations of the community intervention approach concern the political climate in which
they are introduced (Barnes et al., 2006). However good, a community intervention may not be able to
counter overarching circumstances (e.g. a national rise in unemployment or a budget downfall). Success
may only be seen in some community members the first time around which will be picked up by political
opponents as failure, while on-going success will take much longer to establish. However, most policy
makers and politicians are not ready to wait a generation. Thus, while there can be considered optimism
that strategies to improve well-being for children and families at the community level can be effective,
they cannot and should not replace individual and family level strategies.
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22
The effects of pull-out programs for gifted children
A Case Study: The master-classes of the Hellenic
Mensa Junior Academy
Dimitra Fourlemadi
Teacher / Educator / MSc in Applied Linguistics and Second Language Acquisition, Greece
[email protected]
Alexandros Papandreou
Mensa International Gifted Youth Committee Member / Mensa Greece Vice Chairman / Head of Mensa
Greece Gifted Youth Department, Greece
[email protected]
Kyriaki Pouli
Mensa Member / MBA graduate /
Team Member of Mensa Greece Gifted Youth Department, Greece
[email protected]
Abstract
Th e pur p os e o f th is p ap er is t o des c r i b e t h e d es i g n, i m p le m e nt at i o n an d ev a lu at i o n of
th e pu l l- ou t pr o gr a m t ha t t h e H e l le n ic Me ns a c o n duc t ed f or g i ft e d c h il dr e n. T h is pa p er
an a ly ze s a te ac h in g m od e l f or th is c a t eg ory of c h i l dr en w i th e l ev at ed de m an ds .
In t his p a per t he t h e or e tic a l fr a m ew ork wi l l b e p res e nt ed . T he s tr uc t ur e of th e
pro gr a m as w e ll as th e f i nd i n gs t h at e mer g e d fr o m t h e r es e arc h c o nd uc te d t o ev al u at e
th e pr o gra m w i l l be an a ly ze d . Th is s m a l l - s c a le q u a li t at iv e res e arc h w as b as ed on
qu es ti o nn a ir es a nd i n ter v i ews o f t h e p art ic i pa nts . Th e p ur p os e of t h is s t udy is to
prov i d e ins i gh ts f r o m th es e f i nd i ngs t o b e tak e n i n to c o ns i d er a ti o n w h en d es ig n in g
pro gr a ms for gi ft e d c h i l dr e n .
Keyw ords:
Me ns a G r e ec e ; p u l l- o u t pro gr am ; g if t ed c h il d ren
Introduction
G if t ed c h i l dr en c o ns t i t ut e a v er y im por t an t i s s ue s inc e th e ir d e ve l opm en t m a y
af f ec t th e wh ol e s oc i et y.
At i nt er n a t io n al l e ve l , the ne e ds of g if te d c h il dr e n ar e c o v ere d e i th er t hro u g h
d if f ere nt i at e d i ns tr uc t i on wi t h in a v ari e t y of ab i l it y gr o ups o r thr o ug h pu l l - o ut
pro gr am s wh ic h a dd r e s s c h i l dr e n of th e s am e a bi l i ti es .
Ho we v er , i n G r e ec e , t h is im port a nt is s u e h a s b ee n n e gl ec te d. As a r es ul t, t h e
He l l en ic M e ns a , a n o n - p r of it ab l e or g an i za t i on , h as s tar t ed a pu l l - ou t pr og ram wit h
g if te d c h i l dre n in or d e r to e nr ic h th e c urr i c u l um tau gh t a t s c h oo l i n a m ore pr of o u nd
wa y. T he r ec ipr oc at i o n of t hes e c h il dr e n t o th e p ro gr am is ex p l or e d t ho u gh i nt er v i e ws
an d q u es t i on n a ir es s o th at t h e p os s i b l e b en ef i ts at ed uc at i on a l , s oc ia l a n d em ot i on a l
l e ve l wi l l be r e ve a l ed .
W hat is ex p ec te d thr ou g h t h is s m al l - s c a l e c as e s t u d y is t o f i n d ou t if s uc h
pro gr am s c ou l d b e h e lpf u l a n d be n ef ic i al f or gif t e d c h il dr e n an d i n it i at e f u rt her
res e arc h.
23
1. Gifted children
1. 1 G ift ed c hil dr en: Who ar e t h ey ?
G if t ed an d t al e nt e d c h i ldr e n ar e d ef i ne d b y t he U S f e der a l as f o ll o ws :
“T he t er m “ G if t ed a n d T al en te d " is us e d i n res p ec t t o c h il dr e n a n d yo u th wh o
g i ve e v id e nc e of h ig h per f or m a nc e c ap a b il i t y i n ar e as s uc h as i n te l l ec t ua l , c re at i v e,
art is tic , h a ve le a d er s h i p c ap ac it y o r thr i v e i n s p ec if ic ac a dem ic f ie l ds . T hos e c h i ld re n
req u ir e s er v ic es or a c ti v i t ies no t ord i n ari l y pro v i d ed b y t h e s c h oo l i n or d er t o f u l l y
de v e l op s uc h c a p ab i l it i es .”
G if t ed c h i ldr e n m a y ha v e le ar n in g dif f i c u lt i es , em oti o na l i n h ib i ti o ns a n d
d if f ic u lt i es i n ad a pt i ng to t he s c h oo l e n v ir on m e nt. G if te d c hi l dr en c ons t it ut e 5 % of t he
ge n er al po p u la t io n , wh il e t h e ex tr em e l y g if t ed on es do no t ex c e e d 1 % of th e g e ne ra l
po p u la t io n.
1. 2 Id ent ify ing a g if t e d c hi ld
G if t ed c h i ld r e n of te n s ho w on e or m ore of th e f o l l o wi n g c h arac t er is t ic s :
e le v at e d pr o b l em s o l v i ng a bi l i t y, ab i l it y t o l e ar n f as t a nd r et a in l arg e am ou nt of
i nf orm at io n, lar g e v oc ab u l ar y, g o od u n ders t an d i ng of i de as b e yo n d th e ir a ge a n d are
ab l e t o pr od uc e or ig i n a l i de as .
A ls o , ac c or d in g t o t h e t hr e e - R in g m ode l ( Re n zu l l i 19 7 9), t hr e e f ac tors are
i de nt if ie d to be of ut m os t im por t anc e f o r t he d e v e lo pm en t of g if te d b eh a v io r: a bo v e
a ver a g e ab i l it y, c r e at i v it y a n d t as k c om m itm en t.
O n l y if a l l t he a b o ve c har ac ter is t ic s ap p ear to g et h er, c a n h i gh ac h ie v em en t or
g if te d b eh a v i or b e wi t nes s e d.
1. 3 Add r es s ing t h e n ee ds of gif t ed chi ld r e n
Ac c or d i n g t o pr of es s or A th a nas i os T s i am is ( 20 0 6), s e l ec t i n g a s ui t ab l e pr ogr am
es p ec i al l y d es ig n ed f o r th e g if te d c h i ldr e n ‟s ne e ds an d s k i l ls is a p rer eq u is it e t o m ee t
th e ir ne e ds . O t h er wis e, g if t ed c h i l dre n m a y no t r es po n d we l l an d m a y ex h i bi t s om e of
th e f o l l o wi ng c h ar a c ter is tic s : l o w i n ter es t i n s c h oo l t ha t m a y m ak e t hem
un d er ac h i e ver s , d if f ic u lt a da p ta t io n t o th e s c ho o l e n v iro nm en t or l o w m ot i va t io n a nd
i na b i li t y t o de v e l op t h e ir c r e at i v it y o r i nt eres ts .
2. The master-classes of the Hellenic Mensa Academy
2. 1 Th e co re va lu es o f t h e p ul l - out p rog r a m
T he g oa l of th e s p ec i al e duc at i o n p u ll - o ut pro gr am is bas e d e x c l us i v e l y o n
c h il dr e n‟s ne e ds an d i s n ot l im ite d t o s c h oo l s u bj ec ts a nd ac h i e v e m ents .
T he m as ter - c l as s es of th e H e l le n ic M e n s a J u n io r Ac a dem y is a p ul l - o ut
pro gr am des ig n ed f or ex tr em el y c om pet e nt pu p i ls f rom 8 to 12 ye ars o l d. A par t f r om
th e e nr ic hm ent of th e ed uc at i on a l m ater i a l, th e s c o pe of th e pro gram is t o of f er a
un i q ue le ar n in g ex p er i enc e t hr ou g h i ts c ur r i c u lum an d te ac h in g s t rat e gi es , ex h ib i ti n g
a te ac h in g m o de l t ha t is b as e d o n t hre e pr i n c i pl es .
T he f ir s t pr i nc i p le is to c r e at e t h e s e ns e of be lo n g in g i n t e a m ; part ic ip a nts
s ho u l d f ee l f r e e to s h ar e th e ir i d eas a nd op i ni o ns wit h ou t t he f e ar of be in g r ej ec te d or
m ock ed. I t is im por ta nt t o c r ea t e a c l as s ro om c om m uni t y an d s u pp or t al l t h e c hi l dr en
to b e ac t i ve l y i n vo l v e d i n i t. T h e tu to r s h o ul d be a m en to r, r ec ipr oc at e t o th e c h il dr en ‟s
i nq u ir ies a n d em oti o n a l ne e ds an d e nc o ur a ge t h em to ac c e p t on e a no t her d e s pi t e t h e ir
d if f ere nc es . I n t ha t wa y, c hi l dr en l ea rn t o ap pr ec ia t e d i v ers i t y a s a c om po ne n t t ha t
en h anc es t he t e am d ynam ic s .
T he s ec o nd pr inc i p l e is t h e v o l un t ar y e n ro llm e nt t o th e proj ec t as it is
i nd ic at i v e of s tu d e nts ‟ m oti v a ti o n a n d c om m itm ent t o p art ic i pa te in t h e pr oj ec t. T h e
m as ter - c las s es d em an d a lo t of ef f or t, t im e an d en er g y f r om bot h th e c h i l dre n an d t h e
te ac her . Ch i l dr en le ar n to m an ag e t he ir t im e a n d ap pr ec ia t e wh at i s of f er ed t o t hem .
Fi na l l y, th e t h ir d pr i nc i pl e is a im in g t o ac hi e v e t he im pos s ib l e; it i s im pos s i b l e
f or th e p art ic i pa nts t o s uc c e ed in e ver y as p ec t of t he m as t er - c las s es . T hus , c h i ld re n
c an le ar n h o w t o c o p e wit h f ai l ur e, c h a l l en ge t h em s el v es , l im it t he ir arro g anc e a n d
ap pr o pri a te l y ac t i n a n y e n v ir onm en t. S o l v i ng a pro b l em or perf orm in g b et t er t ha n
ot h ers is no t en o ug h ; th e y ne e d to c h a l le n g e t h em s el v es t o a l wa ys d o t h e ir bes t an d
th e y ar e s a t is f i ed wh e n th e y c o ns ta nt l y im pro ve . T he y d o n ot c om pe t e wi t h ot h ers b ut
wi t h th em s el v es .
T his thr e e - pr inc i p le m ode l he l ps g if t ed c h il dr e n t o g a in a dif f ere nt a tt i tu d e
to war ds k no wl e dg e a n d s h ap e t he ir c h ar ac t e r.
24
2. 2 A cc ept an c e and e va lu at i on of th e p art i cip ant s
In or d er to d et ec t t h e c an d i da tes ‟ i n ter es ts a nd c a p ab i l it i es a nd as s es s wh et h er
th e y c o u ld j o i n t he m as ter - c l as s es , a t h oro u gh e va l ua t io n c o ns is t e d of m an y v ar i ab l es
was c on d uc t ed . T he go a l of t his pr oc es s was t o id e nt if y th e c an d i da tes th at m os t
ne e de d t o at t en d s uc h pr o gr am .
T he i n it i a l gr o up of c an d i da tes c o ns is t ed o f c hi ld re n b e t we en 8 an d 12 ye a rs
o ld f rom a l l t h e pr im ar y s c h o ols t hr o ug h ou t A t he ns , s o t h at t h er e wo u l d no t b e an y
s oc ioc u lt ur a l d is c r im in at i on .
2. 2. 1 Q u est ion na i re s
A l l c h il dr e n ha d t o f i l l i n a s h ort q u es t i o nn a ire es p ec ia l l y d es ig n ed s o as to
i de nt if y g e n er a l ar ea s of i nt er es t . T he q u es t i on n a ire wa s a ls o c om pl e t e d b y t he ir
par e nts s o as to as s es s t he d egr e e a t wh ic h th e y wer e a wa re of th e ir c h i l dre n ‟s
i nt eres ts .
Fur th er , t he c h il dr e n wer e as k e d t o f i l l i n an ex t e ns i ve bac k gr ou n d
qu es ti o nn a ir e to ex p l or e t h ei r att i t ud e to war ds th e ir f am il y, s c ho o l, s u bj ec ts a nd
c l as s m ates . It is in t en d ed to m ak e th e c h il dr e n e v a lu at e t h e ir c a p ab i l it i es , th e
ed uc at i on a l s ys t em an d m ak e a n o v er a ll s e lf - as s es s m e nt .
2. 2. 2 IQ te st
E v er y c h il d h a d t o c o m plet e a n IQ tes t wi t h in a t im e l im it. T h is was a F ig ur e
Re as on i ng T es t wh ic h c ont a i ne d o n l y s c h em at ic p a tt erns to ge t o b j ec t i v e res u lts , no t
bas e d o n pr e vi o us k n o wl e dg e .
2. 2. 3 Int e rv i ew
T he f i na l s t ep of t he s e lec t io n pr oc es s c o ns is t ed of a n i nt er v i e w wit h e v er y
c h il d i n d i vi d u al l y, m os tl y t o i d en t if y t h ei r l e v e l of m oti v a t io n a nd c om m itm ent t o a tt en d
th e pr o gr am . Ap ar t f r om tha t, a n um ber o f oth er is s u es wer e d is c us s e d s o as t o
i de nt if y th e c h i ldr e n ‟s ar e as of k no wl e dg e as we l l as t o ex p l or e t he s u p por t e v er y
c h il d h a d wi t hi n t h eir f am il y e n v ir onm en t.
T he s e l ec t i o n pr oc e d ur e was in t ens e , lo n g a nd r e qu ir e d a lo t o f att e nt i on i n
ord er t o pr ed ef i n e t h e par t ic ip a nts ‟ l e v el of f oc us a n d en d ur anc e u nd er c irc um s ta nc es
th at r eq u ir e i nt ens e c o gn i t i ve f u nc t i ons .
2. 3 Te a chi ng me t hod s
T he p ur pos e of t h e m as ter - c l as s es was to of f er c h il dr e n a d if f er en t ia t ed
i ns tr uc t i o n ac c or di n g t o wh ic h th e s tu d en ts wo u ld n ot h a ve to m e m ori ze . I ns t e ad , t h e y
wo u ld b e as k ed to r ec og n i ze t h e m ent a l s c h em ata t ha t la y b eh i n d k no wle d ge , i de nt if y
th em in d if f er en t c og n i ti v e ar eas a n d un d ers t an d h o w t hes e ar eas are in t erc o n nec te d .
A ls o , t he y wo u l d r e a l i ze h o w t o us e s uc h s c hem at a t o ex p res s th em s el v es i n th e ir
e ver yd a y l i f e .
T he les s o ns s tar t ed b y c o ver i n g v ar io us c og n it i v e ar eas us i n g m ater ia l t ha t
ad dr es s ed s t u de n ts o l der t h a n th e p ar t ic i p an ts . Dif f er e nt i at ed i n s truc t io n was m ore
es s e n ti a l a t t h is p o i nt s i nc e c h il dr e n were of d if f ere nt ag e , c a pa b i l it i es , c og n it i v e le v e l
an d in t eres ts . T h us , m os tl y pr oj ec t - b as e d l ear n i ng a nd pr ob l em - bas e d l e ar ni n g wer e
em pl o ye d .
2. 3. 1 P ro j ect - ba s ed l ea rn ing
Pr oj ec t bas e d le ar n in g is a t e am - c ent er ed i ns tr uc t i o na l s tra t eg y th at i n v o l ves
v ar io us c o gn i t i ve ar e a s i n or der t o g en er at e proj ec ts t h at a p pl y t o r ea l - wo rl d pr o bl em s
an d c h al l e ng es . W ithi n t h is t yp e of ac t i v e an d en g a ge d l ear n in g, s t ud e nts ar e
enc o ur ag e d t o wor k i n te am s , or ga n i ze t hem s e l ves a nd r ec og n i ze th e ir s tr e ng t hs a n d
we ak nes s es s o t h at t he y c an c om pl em ent eac h o t her . T he ir p er c ep t io n is br oa d en e d
du e t o th e i n ter - t hem a tic na tur e of th e pr oj e c ts .
E ac h pr oj ec t n ee ds p r ep ar at i o n, t eam ef f or t, p ers o n a l ef f ort, l e a ders h i p s k i lls
an d pres e nt at i o n. He n c e, s tu d en ts n e e d t o c om bi ne v ar i ous s k i l ls to c om pl et e eac h
proj ec t .
Pr oj ec t - b as e d l e ar n i n g u l tim at e l y he l ps t he c h i ldr e n t o a c k n o wl ed g e t h e
bre a dt h of k no wl ed g e, d e v e l op a r a ng e of s k il ls , e x p l or e h o w br o ad t he ir p erc e p ti o n
is , le ar n h o w t o wo r k in a t eam a n d c om bi ne s e v er a l c o gn it i v e ar eas in o n e
as s ig nm en t.
25
E xa mpl e: “ P a rt y” p r oje ct . C h i ld re n wer e as k ed t o org a n i ze a th em e p ar t y
wh ic h i n v ol v e d th e pr ac t ic e of d if f ere nt s k il l s . T he y h ad t o d es ig n the wh o le proc es s ,
pre d ic t wh at wo u ld b e r eq u ir ed an d d e l i ver a s uc c es s f ul e ve nt .
For ex am pl e, s t u de nts h ad t o c a lc u la te t h e num be r of g u es ts (n u m erac y) , th e
eq u i v al e nt s uf f ic i en t ar e a of t h e b a l l- r oo m (geom etr y) , t h e a m ount of f o od a n d
be v er a ges a n d th e am ou n t of m one y t h e y n e ed e d (m at hs ) .
Fur th er , t h e y ne e de d t o des i g n t h e c ak e (dr a wi n g), t he in v i ta t io ns ( wri t in g) a n d
th e b a l l- ro om ( in te r i o r des i gn) . T he y a ls o ne ed e d t o or d er a c ak e (n eg ot i at i o n),
purc h as e t he it em s , or g a n i ze th e gu es t s ea ts (m an ag em en t) a nd c o ok (c hem is tr y) .
Fi na l l y, th e y h a d to a tt en d t he par t y as h os ts .
2. 3. 2 P ro bl em - ba s ed le a rni ng
T his m eth od is b as e d on op e n pr o b lem s
th at do n o t h a ve a n o b j ec t i v el y c or r ec t a ns wer.
In th is wa y, s t u de n ts ‟ c r i t ic a l th i nk in g is
c u lt i v at ed . As a r es u l t , th er e is n o u p per l i m it
i n t he ex p e c t ed p e r f or m anc e wh ic h c o u ld
pre v e nt t he c h i l dr e n f r om tr yi n g har d er.
Fur th er, c h i l dr en c a n br oa d e n t h e ir hor i zo ns
an d ex pl or e t h e de pt h of th e ir perc e pt i on . In
ad d it i o n, c h il dr e n d o no t ha v e t o c om pet e wi t h
eac h ot h er, b ut t he y n ee d to tr y to ex c e ed
th e ir o wn l im its a n d c om pe te t h em s el v es .
Fi na l l y, th e r an g e of pos s i b le r es p o ns es
req u ir es h ig h l e v e l of c r it ic a l th i nk i ng .
E xa mpl e: “ Sc en a ri o plann ing” T h e
c h il dr e n wer e as k ed t o im a gi n e a h yp o th e ti c a l
war am on g t he G o ds of O l ym p us : “H ad es , t he
e ld es t of t he G o ds is an gr y wi t h t h e f ac t t ha t
he is ab o l is h e d i n th e un d er wor l d whi l e his yo u n ger br ot h er Ze u s is t he g o ver n or of
th e wo rl d . S o h e dec i d es to c la im t he t hr on e of Z eus .”
T he y h a d t o ex p l or e v ar io us as p ec t s ; t h e c aus es of th is po t en t i al wa r, th e
pos s i b le a l l i a nc es as we l l as t he pos s i b le o utc om e. T h e pr oc es s of t he t as k i n v o l ve d
thr e e l e ve ls .
O n t h e f ir s t l e v e l t he u n its par t ic ip a ti n g in th e s c en ar i o were ex am in ed
s ep ar at e l y ( e. g . W hich ar e t h e m yt h ol o g ic a l c r ea t ures ? W hic h are t h ei r po we rs ?
W here d o t he y l i v e ?)
O n th e s ec on d l e ve l , t he r e l at i o ns h i ps th at c on n ec t e d t h e d if f ere nt u ni ts of t h e
s c en ar i o wer e ex am in ed . T he n um ber of c o nn ec ti o ns was s ig n if ic an t l y l ar g er t ha n t h e
num be r of th e un i ts i t s e lf an d i n t h at wa y t he ab i l i t y f o r b ot h a n a l ys is a nd s yn t hes is
was tes t ed . T he c h i l dr e n ex tr ac t e d inf or m atio n a bo ut t he r e l at i ons h ips of t h e
m yt h ol o g ic a l c r e a tur es f r om th e s tor i es th e y ha d b ee n t au g ht (e . g. W ho is i n f a v or of
wh om , W ho c an no t c o pe wi t h wh om , T he ir g en e a lo g ic a l tr ee) . So , th e y pu t in us e t h eir
pr ior k no wl e d ge .
Fi na l l y, o n th e t h ir d l e ve l of t he s c e nar i o p la n ni n g, s tu d e nts we re as k e d t o
s ha p e an d re d ef i ne t h e r e la t io ns h ip am on g th e u ni ts a nd s h a pe t he ir o wn s tr a te g ies .
T his r e qu ir e d t h e i n ter c o nn ec t i o n of m an y v ar ia b l es wh ic h ha d n o pr ed ef i n ed
f ram ework an d r u l es . For ex am pl e , th e y t es t e d p os s ib l e c ha n ges i n v ar i ous
re la t io ns h ips ( e .g . H e r a is t h e wif e of Z e u s b ut c a n s h e b e in th e s am e s i d e wi th
A po l l o a nd Ar t em is ?) . At t h is p o in t, c h i l dr en wer e n ot b o un d e d b y an y r es tr ic ti o n a nd
wer e n ot g u i de d b y a n y m et h od o l og y.
T hrou g h s uc h tas k s , l ear n er a ut o nom y a n d i nd e pe n de nc e is prom o te d. F urt h er,
an en v ir o nm ent o p en t o d if f er e nc es an d d i v e rs if i e d th i nk in g is c ul t i v at e d.
2. 4 Cu r ri cu lum
Mas t er c las s es c ur r ic u lum of f ere d c hi l dr en an o v er v ie w of v ar i ous ar e as of
k no wle d ge pr es e nt e d wi t h a l og ic a l s e qu e nc e.
T he pr o gr am s tar te d wi t h t h e c os m og on y of Hes i o d wh ic h s ho we d a
m yt h ol o g ic a l p er s p ec t i v e of t h e c r e at i o n of th e wor l d a n d p as s ed to t h e c os m o lo g y
an d t he ac t ua l c r e at i o n of t h e wor l d. T he n, th e c r e at i on of l if e (a b io t ic ge n es is ) an d
th e e vo l u ti o nar y t h eor y of D ar wi n u nt i l th e h um ans ‟ ap p ear a nc e were pr es e nt ed . Af t er
th at , t h e pr e h is t or y an d h is t or y wer e t a u gh t, r ef l ec ti n g t h e e v o lu t io n of hum a ns
to war ds t h e c r e a ti o n of c i v i li za t i o n. T hr ou g h t he tec h no l o gic a l t i m eli n e a nd h um an‟ s
i n ve nt i o ns o v er th e ye ar s , t h e c l as s if ic at i on of num bers was im por te d, al o n g wi t h th e
26
c onc e pts of i nf i n it y an d t he m ea n i ng of n eg a ti v e qu a nt it y. G eom etr y a n d m ath em at ic s
wer e f ol l o we d b y l o g ic a n d a lg or it hm s , r ob ot i c s a n d c ons tr uc t i on s .
In th is wa y a c o h es i o n l i nk in g a ll th e s ubj e c ts was ac h ie v e d. O t her wi s e t he y
wo u ld s eem ir r e l e va n t to e ac h ot h er .
2. 5 E v alu at ion
T his gr o u p of g if te d c h il dr e n was no t e va l ua t ed wi t h gr ad es an d par t ic i p a nts
wer e n ot g i v e n r e por ts .
T hou g h, t he p ar t ic i p a n ts ‟ p ar en ts we r e inf orm ed on t h e ir c h i ldr e n ‟s
perf orm anc e b y t h e i ns tr uc t or who k ep t r e c ord of e ac h c h i l d ‟s c l as s perf o rm anc e ,
proj ec ts , p ar tic i p at i on , f lex i b il i t y wh e n work i ng in a t eam , p ot en t i a l l ea d ers hi p s k il ls
an d e a ger n es s to pr es en t n e w id e as .
T he c h i ld r e n r ec e i v ed in d ir ec t e va l ua t io n ; f or ex am pl e, wh e n as k ed to pu t t h e
m enta l s c h em at a th e y h a d be e n ta u gh t i n u s e i n a g am e (e . g. tr e as ur e h u nt) or wh e n
th e y we re g i v e n b ac k t he ir p r oj ec ts af t er t h e tu tor ha d
c o ll ec te d t he b es t pa r t s of th em to c r e a t e an op t im al a ns wer .
3. Research methodology
T he p ur p os e of t he r e s ear c h was t o ex p lo re th e p art ic i pa nts ‟ at ti t ud e t o war ds
th e s ug g es t e d p u l l - ou t pr o gr am . T he i ns tr um en ts us e d in th is s tu d y wer e
qu es ti o nn a ir es a nd in t er v ie ws . T he r at i on a l e u n der l yi n g t h e qu es t i on n a ire s u r ve y wa s
to ac h i e v e a n o ver v i e w of t he ef f ec t th at t h e m as ter - c l as s es h a d on th e pa rt ic ip a nts .
In ter v i e ws ar e m eans of ac c es s i ng th e t ho u gh ts , pers o n al ex p er i e nc es , a tt i tu d es a nd
be l i ef s of t he p ar t ic i p a nts in a de e per wa y (C oh e n & M a n i o n, 19 8 0).
3.1 Participant selection for our research
A l l (N = 15) s tu d en ts t ak in g p ar t i n t he pr og ram c ons e nt e d t o p ar tic i p at e i n t h e
c urr en t s tu d y. Ho we v er , 3 of th em (2 bo ys an d 1 g ir l) dr o pp e d ou t i n t he m ea n wh i le .
S o, 1 2 s t u de nts ( 7 b o ys a nd 5 g ir ls ) t ha t att e nd e d t he
c ours e u nt i l t he e n d f in a ll y p ar t ic i p at e d an d f i l l e d in t h e
qu es ti o nn a ir es . T hr e e s tu de n ts who we re c hos e n o n a
v o lu nt ar y b as is wer e a ls o in t er vi e we d . V o lu nt e ers ar e n ot
nec es s ar i l y r e pr es e n t at i v e of t h e s am pl e po p u la t io n, as
th e y m a y s h ar e s pec if ic f e at ur es dif f er e nt f r om the res t of
th e po p u la t io n ( Dor n ye i , 20 0 7) . Ho we v er, s i nc e in
qu a l it at i v e r es e ar c h t he g oa l is n o t t o e l ic i t g en er a l is a b le
f in d in gs b u t to b et ter un d er s t a nd a p h en om en o n (D or n ye i ,
20 0 7), ex p l or in g p ar tic i p an ts wi l l i ng t o ex pr es s t he ir
th o ug ht an d f ee l i ngs c ou l d b en ef i t t he r es e ar c h.
As t o t h e p ar en ts , th e y we r e a l l in v i te d t o p art ic i pa t e (N = 12) . T he par e nts of th e
i nt er v ie we d s t u de n ts wer e a ls o i n ter v i e we d to s h e d l i gh t o n t h ei r c hi l dr en ‟s ans we rs
f rom a d if f er en t p er s p e c t i v e – tr ia n g ul a ti o n of t h e r es u l ts ( D orn ye i , 20 0 7).
3.2 Instruments
T he i ns tr um en ts wer e s tr uc tu re d t o d et ec t th e p ot e nt i al ef f ec t of t h e pr o gram on
t wo v ar ia b l es ; t h e par t ic ip a nts ‟ s oc i o - em oti o na l le v e l a nd ac a d em ic l e v e l.
3.2.1 Design and content of the questionnaires
T wo dif f er e nt q u es t i o nn a ir es wer e d es i gn e d: o n e a ddr es s i ng t h e s t ud e nts a n d
on e a d dr es s i n g t he ir par e nts . B o th qu es ti o nn a ir es were s e lf - re p ort i ns tr um ents a nd
wer e ta i l or - m ad e. T h e qu es t i o ns wer e c l e ar an d s tr ai g htf or wa r d. A m ult i p le c h o ic e
f orm at t ha t is e as y a nd p l e as a nt f or p art i c i pa nts t o c om pl et e ( Dor n ye i , 2 00 7) wa s
c hos e n. P art ic i pa nts wer e as k e d t o c irc l e t he s ug g es t e d a ns wers th at b es t ex pr es s e d
th e ir o pi n i ons .
T he c on t en t of t h e q u es t i on n a ires ad dr es s e d th e a im of t h e s tu d y; t o ex p lo re t o
wh at ex t e nt t h e pr o pos e d pr o gr am ad dr es s e d t h e p art ic i pa n ts ‟ ne e ds a t s oc i o em oti o n al a n d ac a d e m ic le v e l. B o th q u es t i on n ai res we re i n G re ek , t he p art ic i pa n ts ‟
na t i ve la n gu a g e.
3.2.2 Design and content of the interviews
27
S em i- s tr uc t ur ed i nt er v i e ws wer e c h os en i n th is res e arc h. I n s em i - s tr uc t ur ed
i nt er v ie ws a s et of g u i di n g q ues t io ns t o b e as k ed is d et erm in e d i n a d va nc e. T hr ou g h
th e pr e - d et er m i ne d q ues t io ns d at a e l ic it ed f rom
d if f ere nt i n ter v i e ws wer e c om par a b l e. T he c o nt e nt of
th e q ues t io ns was b a s ed o n k e y q ues t io ns a ls o as k ed
i n th e q ues t i on n ai r es in or d er t o e lic i t c om par ab l e
res u l ts f r om th e t wo i n s tr um en ts .
4. Discussion of the findings - Evaluation of the
program
T he f in d i ngs der i v e d f r om the pa rt ic ip a nt s an d t he ir
par e nts ar e pr es e n te d a nd i n ter pr et e d s im ult a ne o us l y,
s i nc e t h e y c om pl et e a nd f ur th er e n l ig ht e n e ac h ot her .
4. 1 S oc io - emot ion a l l ev e l
As it was der i v e d f r o m the q ues t io n na ir es th at
th e y ha d f i ll e d i n d u r i ng t he ac c e pt a nc e proc e d ure ,
par t ic ip a nts t en d ed t o lac k i n ter p ers on a l a n d s oc ia l
s k il ls , wa nt e d to im po s e t he ir op i n io n on ot hers , wa nt ed to b e th e l e ad ers or were
v er y i ntr o ve r t ed . As a r es u lt of s uc h f e at ur es , a l ot of gif t e d c hi l dre n d o no t ha v e a
go o d re l at i ons h i p wit h the ir pe er s , f ee l t ha t no - o n e c an un d ers t a n d th em , do no t h a ve
f rie nds an d vi e w th e ir pe er s as im m atur e a n d b ori n g.
In f ac t, a l o t of p ar en ts s t at ed th a t am on g th e re as o ns wh y t he y wa nt e d t he ir
k id to at te n d t his pr og r am was th at th e y wa n te d t he ir c h il d t o s oc i a l i ze wi t h c h i ldr e n of
th e s am e ag e, wi t h s i m il ar in te r es ts , c o nc er ns a nd p o te nt i a ls .
As to t he c h i l dr e n ‟s p e r s pec t i ve , th e m aj or i t y of t hem s t at e t h at t he y h a v e m a de
f rie nds wit h i n t h is pr o gr am ( 1 0/ 1 2) , th a t t h e y h a v e m et i nt er es t i ng pe o p le (9 /1 2) , h a v e
l ear n ed ho w t o c o op er at e b et te r wit h ot h ers (9 / 1 2),
ha v e ha d t h e c h a nc e t o c o o per a te wi t h p eo p l e wit h
th e s am e i nt er es ts ( 9 /1 2) an d f in d s om e o f the ir
c l as s m ates in th e p r o gr am pl e as an t a n d i nt eres t in g
(9/ 1 2).
It als o s eem s th a t s om e f rie n ds h i ps h a v e
a ls o b ee n de v e l op e d. In f ac t, a lt h ou g h t h e y l i ve f a r
f rom eac h ot h er , t wo c h il dr e n m ee t r e gu l ar l y, n ot on l y d ur i ng t h e l e s s ons .
T eam wor k was al s o e nc o ur a ge d. T h e
c rea t io n of t he f ee l i ng of b e lo n g in g wh ic h was o n e
of th e a im s of the p r og r am s eem s to ha v e b ee n
ac h i e v ed , s i nc e o nl y on e s t u de nt s t a tes t h at h e is
no t s ur e if h e f e e ls p ar t of t h e te am . A l l t he res t
s ta te t h at t h e y f e e l th a t t h e y b e lo n g to t h e te am .
G if t ed c h i ld r e n ar e s o m etim es u na b l e t o wor k
i n a t eam s i nc e t h e y l ook d o wn o n ot he r s , t h e y
wa nt to b e t h e l e ad er s an d m ak e dec is i ons o n t he ir
o wn or th e y ar e to o i ntr o v er t e d. As a r es u lt , t he y
pref er work i n g a lo n e.
W ithi n t h e pr o gr am , c h i l dr en h a d t h e
op p ort u n it y to c o op er a t e wi th e qu a l l y c l e ver
c h il dr e n i n or de r to c om pl et e c h a l le n gi n g t as k s . T he a im was t o ge ner a te c r ea t i ve
c om pet i ti v e n es s a n d to m ak e th em un d er s ta n d t ha t o t hers c a n b e v a lu a bl e an d
c om pl im ent ar y m em be r s of o ne t e am .
In d ee d, 1 0/ 12 s t ud e n ts s a y t h at th at th e y
enj o ye d d o i ng gr o up wor k an d c o o per a ti ng wi th
th e ir
c l as s m ates .
As
n o te d
in
s om e
qu es ti o nn a ir es , t h e y p ar t ic u lar l y l ik e d th e d eb a tes
th e y c on d uc t ed i n t wo t e am s , as t he y we r e ver y
c ha l l en g i ng .
As to t he p ar e n ts ‟ per s p ec t i v e, t he t wo
m others wh o wer e c o n c er n e d a b ou t t he ir c h il dre n ‟s
s oc ia l s k i l ls wer e i n th e e nd s a t is f i ed wit h th e
o ver a l l p os it i v e ef f ec t th at th e c o urs e h ad on
th em ; th e y b ec am e m or e o be d i en t c o - o per a ti v e , m ore t ol er an t t o d if f ere nc e a nd t h e ir
c om m unic a ti o n s k i l ls wer e im pr o ve d.
28
4. 2 Ac ad e mi c lev el
Em ph as is was p l ac ed on th e ir ac a d em ic d e ve l o pm ent , s inc e gif te d c hi l dr en
ha v e an i nm at e wi l li n gn es s to l ear n a n d a pre d is pos i t io n t o be g oo d at a v ari e t y of
s k il ls . H o we v er , t his n ee d f or k no wl e d g e is no t c o v er e d a de q u at e l y a t s c ho o l s inc e it
is of t en t h e c as e th at s uc h c hi l dr en alr e a d y k no w t he t h in gs t he y a re ta u gh t.
4. 2. 1 R es pon se t o t h e d if f icu lt y o f th e p ro gr am
As t o t h e s u bj ec ts t a u gh t, m os t of th e s t ud e nts f o u nd th em in ter e s ti n g. In f ac t,
a ll of t h em f oun d th e m m or e d if f ic u l t t h a n t he s c h o ol s u bj ec ts a n d 10 /1 2 f o u n d t h em
d if f ic u lt i n g e ner a l . B ut des p it e t h e ir d if f ic u lt y, a l l of th em lik e d t hem m ore th a n t he
s c ho o l s u bj ec ts .
In d ic a t i ve l y, ph ys ic s w as t h e f a v or it e s u bj ec t f or m os t of th em , e v en t ho u gh it
was th e m os t dif f ic u lt s ubj ec t of t he pr og ra m - the y wer e e v e n t au g ht th e t h e or y of
re la t i vi t y, k no wl e d ge th e y wer e n ot s u p pos ed t o ac q u ir e at t he ir a ge . It s e em s th at
a lb e it d if f ic ul t, t h is dr e w t he ir in ter es t an d t h is s at is f i e d t h em th e m os t. Bes i d es , t he y
ha v e a n i nm at e c ur ios i t y a n d wi l li n gn es s t o l ear n n e w t h i ngs .
T hrou g h t he ex p os ur e t o v ar i ous s ubj ec ts , s tu d en ts h a d th e o pp or tu n it y to
d is c o v er ne w i nt er es ts an d ta l e nts . I n de e d, 10 / 12 of t he c h i l dre n s ta te t ha t t h e y ha v e
l ear n ed n e w t h in gs th at i nt er es t t hem s uc h as t h e e c o - s ys tem , t h e D ar wi n e v o lu t io n,
B io l o g y a nd s p ac e p h ys ic s .
4. 2. 2 T he d ev e lop m e nt of a c ad em ic s k il ls
Co nc er n i n g t he pr oj ec ts th e y wer e as k e d t o do ,
th e y wer e c ha l l e ng i ng an d d em and i n g; th e y req u ir ed a
c om bi na t io n of s k il ls , s uc h as c r it ic a l t h i nk in g an d
pro b l em - s ol v i ng s k i l ls . Fu r t her , a var i et y of pr oj ec ts
wer e d o ne s o t h at d if f er e n t s k i l ls c o ul d b e d e ve l o pe d.
In d ee d, wh at m os t s t ud e nts arg u e is t h at th e y
f ee l t h at t he y h a v e l e ar n t to c o o pe r a te b e tt er, t o s o l ve
pro b l em s an d t o ap p l y t he ir k no wl e d ge wh en re q ui re d.
T he m aj or it y of th e s t ud e nts s a ys t ha t th e y l ik ed
th em m ore t ha n th e on es th e y d o at s c h oo l ; t h e y wer e m or e d if f ic u l t bu t m ore
i nt eres t i ng a n d th e y r e f lec te d t he ir i n ter es ts .
A nn a ‟s f a t her s a ys :
“A nn a is c ons t an t l y be i n g oc c u p ie d wi t h th e m as t er c l as s es p roj ec ts t hr o ug h ou t t he we ek ; s h e l ik es wh a t
s he le ar ns a nd wa nts t o l ear n i t i n de p th b y r e a di n g i t
ag a i n a n d ag a i n a n d b y as k in g q ues t io ns . Sh e h ad
f org ot te n h er b o ok le t a t s c ho o l onc e a nd s h e f e l t
m is era b le t ha t s he c o u ld n ‟t wo r k on h er p r oj ec t d ur i ng
th e we ek .”
As A n na ‟s f at h er a ls o po i nts ou t:
“W hat A nn a r ea l l y l i k ed was t ha t t h e y h ad d eb a tes ,
pres e nt at i o ns , i nt e r ac t i on wi t h e ac h o th er t o c om pl et e a
tas k . A ls o , t h at t he y d i s c us s e d th i n gs t h at c o nc er n th em
an d wh ic h a r e o u t of the s yl l a b us . I n a dd i ti o n, af t er d o i ng Ph ys ic s , t h e y v is it e d a
re le v a nt m us e um whic h t he y l ik ed a l o t. F urt her , t h e y or g an i ze d a par t y b y th em s el v es
an d s h e f el t v er y pr o u d of t h at . T h e y d o no t do s uc h t h in gs a t h er r eg u l ar s c h oo l .”
4. 3. M otiv at i on: a f a c t or inf lu en cin g t he st udent s ’ p e rfo rm an c e
At t h is p o in t, i t s ho u l d be m ent i on e d t h at a p art f r om the ir l e v el of i nt e ll i g enc e,
par t ic ip a nts ‟ m ot i v at i o n p la ye d a v er y im po rta nt r ol e i n th e ir p er f orm anc e as we l l .
In d ic a t i ve l y, f o ur c as e s wer e ex p l or ed .
P av lo s was a hi g h l y i nt e l li g en t s tu d en t bu t l o w - m ot i v at ed t o par t i c i pa te i n th is
pro gr am . T hus , h e d i d n o t d o h is h om e wo rk and h e d i d no t p a y a t te n ti o n t o t h e
l es s o n. A ls o , h e l ac k ed c om m unic at i o n s k i ll s a nd c o u ld n ot i n ter a c t ver y we l l wi th h is
c l as s m ates . Af t er a f e w we ek s of at te n da nc e , he dro p pe d o ut of t h e pr ogr am .
T hanos was a h i g hl y i nt e ll i g en t s tu d en t a n d h ig h l y - m ot i va t ed t o par t ic ip a te in
th is pr ogr am . H e was h ig h - ac hi e v er bo t h a t s c h oo l a nd i n th is pr ogr am , res p ons i b le
an d m at ur e. He c om b i ne d h is k no wl e d ge a n d a p p l ie d it t o ot her d om ai ns . He s e em ed
29
to e nj o y l e ar n i n g n e w th i n gs , ex pl or i ng n e w ar e as of k no wl ed g e an d he es p ec ia l l y
ap pr ec ia t e d t h e ac a d e m ic de v e l opm en t t his pro gr am of f ere d h im .
An g elo s wa s a h ig h l y i nt e l l ig e nt s t ud e nt a n d h ig h l y - m ot i va t ed t o par t ic ip a te i n
th is pro gr am , bu t n ot f or th e ac a d em ic de v e l opm en t t o b e ac q u ir e d. A ng e l os s e em ed
par t ic u l ar l y i n ter es te d in c o v er i ng h is s oc i o- em ot i o na l n e eds ; l i t tl e i n ter es t d id he
s ho w i n ne w k no wl e dg e . Ins t ea d, h e wa nt e d to dr a w ot he rs ‟ att e nt i on , p l a y a n d
i nt erac t wi t h h is c l as s m ates .
Loun a was a n ot v er y h ig h l y i n te l l i ge nt g ir l b ut v er y m ot i va te d t o b e p ar t of t h is
te am . S h e tr i ed t o do her pr oj ec ts a nd s h e t ri ed t o p ar t ic i p at e i n t he l es s on . S he wa s
ea g er t o s oc i a l i ze wi th th e r es t g ir ls . S he we nt th ro u gh th e w ho l e pro gr am qu it e
s uc c es s f ul l y, a lt h ou g h i t wa s v er y d if f ic u l t f o r h er .
5. Conclusions
O v er al l , t h is d em an d in g p u l l - o u t pr o gram s ee m s to ad dr es s t he g if t ed c h i ldr e n ‟s
ne e ds to de v e l op t h e ir s oc i a l a nd ac a dem ic s k il ls . W ithi n t h e f ram e work of the m as ter c l as s es , t he p ar t ic ip a nts wor k e d i n a te a m , int er ac t ed wi t h p eers wi t h t he s am e
ne e ds , m ad e f r ie n ds , i nt er ac t ed wit h a t e ac h e r wh o c ou l d un d ers t a nd t hem , d e v e lo p ed
th e ir ac a dem ic a n d s o c i al s k i l ls , ex p l or ed i n de pt h s ubj ec ts th e y were f am i l ia r wit h as
we l l as s u bj ec ts t he y wer e n ot f am il i ar wit h an d d is c o ve re d n e w t a l en ts a nd in te res ts .
W hen th e p ar t ic i pa nts wer e as k ed if t h e y wou I d lik e to a tt e nd s u c h a pr o gr am
ag a i n, 1 1/ 12 r e p l ie d pos i t i ve l y s i nc e, as t he y s t at e d, th e y wo u l d l ik e t o le ar n ne w
th i ngs , m ak e n e w f r i e nds , e nr ic h t he ir k n o wl ed g e, d is c o ver t he ir s ec re t ta l e nts , le ar n
i n de p th a s ubj ec t a n d h a v e a ll t h e ir q ues t io ns a ns wer ed .
P are n ts ‟ c om m ents s eem to a gr ee wi th t he s t u de n ts ‟ s ta tem e nts a b ou t t he
pro gr am .
6. Teaching implications
T his s m al l c as e s t ud y d em ons tr a tes t h e ne ed t o of f er d if f ere nt i at ed ins tr uc t i on
to g if t ed c h i ldr e n. D i f f er en ti a te d i ns tr uc t i o n s ho u ld b e i n tr o duc ed a t a l l l e v els of
ed uc at i on , es pec i a l l y i n t he m ul ti - l e v e l c l as s ro om th a t th e ed uc at i on a l s ys t em
prom ot es . G if t ed c hi l dr e n ar e d if f er en t, t h e y h a ve d if f er en t n e eds an d t he y ne e d
d if f ere nt tr e atm en t b ot h b y t he ir f am il i es a nd t he ir s c h o o l.
P art ic u la r l y, pu l l- ou t pr o gr am s th at a dd res s g if te d c h i ldr e n ‟s ne eds s h o ul d b e
prom ot e d b ot h at pu b l i c a n d pr i va t e s c ho o ls .
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Πξ νη άζ ε ηο γ η α ην ει ι ε λ ηθ ό εθ πα η δε πη ηθ ό ζ ύζ ηεκ α. Ζκ εξ ί δα η ν π Σ νκ έα Δ πη ζη ε κώ λ
ηεο Αγ σγ ήο η ν π ΠΣ Γ Δ, Π α λε π ηζ ηή κ ην Αζ ε λώ λ .
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31
CHILDREN IN THE MAELSTROM OF THE GREEK CIVIL WAR.
EDUCATIONAL AND SOCIAL PRACTICES AT THE BEGINNING
OF THE COLD WAR
Iliadou-Tachou Sofia
Associate Professor / University of Western Macedonia, Greece
Mpetsas Ioannis
Assistant Professor / University of Western Macedonia, Greece
Abstract
Contemporary historiography indicates an increasing interest in the mass evacuation of the „war
handicapped‟ children of the Greek Civil War, in the aftermath of the WWII, between government‟s troops,
backed by the United Kingdom and United States, and rebel forces, the military branch of the Greek
Communist Party. An infinite valley of tears, raping of childhood innocence, violent rupture of family ties,
children taken by force from their parents are representations promoted by relevant literary, academic and
political discourses. The protection of the children victims of the armed conflicts during the Greek Civil War
had activated an international humanitarian alert. Local, translocal and global dynamics, at the very
beginning of the Cold War, identified the formation and transformation of the social and educational
policies and practices towards the children victims of the Greek Civil War. Consequently, our analysis
revolves around the particular patterns of the social and educational policy which had been adopted by the
two opposing sides of the Cold War. Aiming at identifying those particular patterns as perceptions and
practices by the two sides on protection for children victims caught up in high-intensity internal conflicts
such as civil wars, our research attempts a contrapuntal reading of diplomatic documents, manifests,
press articles and illustrations regarding the Greek children as victims in the maelstrom of the Civil War.
Keywords:
Family deprivation, educational practices, social practices, Greek civil war
Introduction
One of the most tragic pages in the contemporary history of Greece had been the mass
evacuation of the „warhandicapped‟ children during the Greek Civil War between government‟s troops,
backed by the United Kingdom and United States, and rebel forces, the military branch of the Greek
Communist Party (Margaritis, 2002). In the aftermath of the Second World War, the well known
“Paidomazoma” (child abduction) or “Paidofylagma” (child guarding) had been a tipping point for the anticommunist or, respectively, the anti-government propaganda campaings in the frame of the Cold War and,
at the same time, one of the main causes of division in Greek society for decades in the postwar period
(Heatley, 2007).
The intentions of that tragic period of Greek history have been obscured by the mists of time.
While the left preferred to think of the communist evacuation and resettlement of children as being done
for their safety and education (Siani - Davies, Katsikas: 2009, 563), their critics called it paidomazoma
(child abduction) and they believed that the abducted children would be indoctrinated as “communist
janissaries”. On the other hand, as far as the communist party was concerned, the Greek government
abducted the children in order to transform them into “monarcho-fascists”, while the other side claimed
that they were obliged to “kidnap” the children in order to save them from the communists (Vervenioti,
2010: 122).
An infinite valley of tears, raping of childhood innocence, violent rupture of family ties, children
taken by force from their parents became representations promoted by both the sides, the right-wing
governments and the leftist rebels (Royal Greek Embassy, 1950; The American Youth for the Youth of
Greece 1948). However, above and beyond the communicative management of the subject, that
unprecedented and unrepeatable tragedy has marked the personal memory of the children who
experienced the events and the family memories of the later generations as well.
Without any exaggeration, the Greek civil war was associated with a humanitarian crisis, which
could be seen as one of the worst nightmares in recent Greek history. Political and social polarization had
32
seeped into society as a whole. The armed violence enacted among small communities, like in villages,
the massive deaths of innocent citizens, the imprisonments and the executions of thousands of people are
only some of the aspects of the violence (Margaritis, 2002).
Consequential upon the civil war, a mass evacuation of civilians was held in conlfict areas. Among
the refugees, thousands of children, after being turned into a political issue and a potential propaganda
weapon by both sides of the conflict, had been evacuated from their homelands. They were children who
had already suffered many hardships during the previous period of occupation by the Germans and their
allies. For many evacuees, the civil drama had left in its wake family tragedies and insecurity at all levels.
The number of expatriated children was immense. Two main groups of children had been evacuated. The
first group consisted of approximately 28,000 children who had been moved to the communist countries
by the rebels. The second group were the children included in the 700,000–750,000 civilians, who were
evacuated by the Government‟s army from mountainous and border regions (Vervenioti, 2010).
At the beginning of 1948, communist groups began evacuating children out of Northern Greece to
neighboring communist Balkan countries. This was justified as removing children from combat areas to
safety. Officially, the Provisional Democratic Government, formed by the Communist Party of Greece at
the end of the year 1947, offered three reasons for the evacuation of the children: firstly, that there were
thousands of children who were facing starvation in the areas blockaded by the Greek Government and,
secondly, that they were endangering their lives, as government aircraft were raiding villages and
farmlands. The third reason given presented the evacuation as a necessary response to the attempted
“abduction” of children from Northern Greece to the Paidopoleis (children‟s towns), which had been
ordered by Queen Frederica (Danforth, Van Boeschoten, 2011, Papageorgiou, 2008).
After a long and arduous journey across the Balkan Peninsula, which lasted many days or even
months, the first group of child refugees had been accommodated in “children‟s homes” at the People's
Democracies (Danforth, 2003). There, a network was set up for the Greek-speaking education of these
children. The children distributed to the “children‟s homes” had been grouped according to age. They
would remain there until the age of 15 and then they were supposed to join the communities of the host
country (Ristovic, 2004). In the fall of 1950, when, for international political reasons, it became obvious
that the Greek refugee children would have to remain in the host countries, the state authorities developed
a policy of integration of the refugees. Except for a very small number of children who were repatriated to
their homelands, the vast majority remained in the People's Democracies or emigrated to Canada or,
even, Australia (Mitsopoulos, 1979).
As regards the other side, the Royal and Government circles attempted to justify their initiatives for
the resettlement of the children as a legitimate and necessary response to the actions of the communist
rebels. They alleged that the rebels were committing mass child abduction (Paidomazoma), and that the
abducted children would be indoctrinated as “communist janissaries” (Papageorgiou, 2008).The children
evacuated by the Greek Government forces were transferred to Queen Frederica‟s camps, which had
been constituted ad hoc for their resettlement. The ages of the children that had been „removed to safety‟
ranged from four to sixteen years. However, older children were also transferred, in order for them not to
be recruited by the enemy forces. During the period 1948-1950, 18,000 to 23,000 children arrived at
Frederica‟s camps, where they were cared for until the end of the Civil War, when most of them returned
to their homelands. They were Frederica‟s children, who, depending on the case, had been “re-educated”
at the Paidopoleis (children‟s towns) camps or at specific camps on the islands of Leros, Crete and Kos
(Andreou et al., 2012; Vervenioti, 2010).
Method
For those two groups of children, two different networks of Greek or Greek language education
had been created, providing, at the same time, diametrically opposite types of political socialization and
culturalization through boarding schooling (Andreou et al., 2012; Bontila, 2004). Our research aimed at
identifying the normative attitudes and social practices that the two different education projects had
attempted to cultivate, in order the displaced children to redefine the crucial family and local ties of
devotion. Additionaly, our analysis revolves around the particular patterns of the social and educational
policy which had been adopted by the two opposing sides of the Cold War. Aiming at identifying those
particular patterns as perceptions and practices by the two sides on protection for children victims caught
up in high-intensity internal conflicts such as civil wars, our research attempts a contrapuntal reading of
diplomatic documents, manifests, press articles, illustrations and school textbooks regarding the Greek
evacuated children in the maelstrom of the Civil War.
Comparativehistorical analysis, as a body of methods that offers insights into the social
phenomena (Lange, 2013), is used in order the research questions to be explored. In the two comparison
groups of children similarities and differences had been explored through the comparative method. The
impact of the particular socio-political factors within the educational and social practices by the two sides
were explored through the historical analysis (Lange, 2013). Data derived from the narrative analysis
undergone the procedure of the qualitative content analysis.
33
Results
Regarding the concept of the projects, there are notable similarities between the two camps.
During the civil war the evacuation of the children from frontline areas had been presented as a triumph
for both the warring camps. Leftist or government press frequently was publishing letters from parents
thanking the rebels or Queen Frederica, respectively, for protecting their children (Andreou et al. 2012).
The absolute priorities in safeguarding and promoting the welfare of the refugee children, consisted in
building concentrated settlements, in carrying out a census of the refugee population and in providing
food, clothing and short term education programs in an institutionalised environment (Hassiotis, 2011;
Mitsopoulos, 1979). Initially, the projects were intended to function as a network of shelters for the
protection of minors who were victims of the war and of abandoned or orphan children whose lives were in
danger. Children would be repatriated and reunited to their biological families shortly after the victorious
end of the conflicts. Both the camps were emphasizing the fact that certain aspects of a normal childhood
had to be reconstructed out of the chaos and trauma of war, through a “system of collective living, that
would best ensure and monitor the health and education of the children and substitute family life”
(Papageorgiou, 2008).
Agents of the projects for the care and education of the children refugees hosted in the
Paidopoleis or, respectively, the “children‟s homes” at the People's Democracies became structures set up
ad hoc for that purpose.
The “Committee to Help the Children” (EVOP), under the leadership of Petros Kokkalis, Minister of
Social Affairs and Education of the Greek Communist Provisional Government, undertook the
responsibility for the resettlement and education of the children in the hosting countries (Bontila, 2003).
During the period 1948-1956 the “Committee to Help the Children”, accountable, in any case, to the
Communist Party, was dealing with the administration and organization of the refugees‟ education, the
textbooks, teachers‟ training, and children‟s professional orientation (Mitsopoulos, 1979).
As regards the children evacuated by the Greek Government forces it was the Queen‟s Fund,
which was involved to their resettlement. Paidopoleis were set up in various parts of Greece, on the
mainland and the islands, in order for children to be moved away from areas of conflict by the
Government‟s army and find food, shelter and welfare services. For this reason, branches of the Fund
were established in every prefecture of Northern Greece, where various structures were created and
coordinated to serve the Fund‟s objectives (Hassiotis, 2011). The executive body of the Fund was a group
of twenty women, the “Commissioned Ladies of the Queen‟s Fund”, who were responsible for choosing,
locating and caring for the children to be sheltered and educated (Mela, n.d.).
There are, also, remarkable similarities regarding the organization and daily operation of the
“communist children‟s homes” and the “royal children‟s towns”. The official view about their operation,
recorded in various publications of the royal Fund or the “Committee to Help the Children”, respectively,
highlighted the importance of a regular medical care, plenty of food, a safe and secure emotional
environment (Mitsopoulos, 1979; Zouvas, 1956). Both the sides reclaimed young women from the local
communities, the so called “mothers”, to take care of the children and to give them emotional support.
Excessive military drill, boarding school attainment, evening activities were forming the daily routine, while
sports events, theatrical performances, film screenings, lectures, libraries, excursions were embellishing
the everyday life of the children (Mitsopoulos, 1979; Mela, n.d.).
The evacuated Greek children were usually described as grateful for the generous hospitality
offered to them. The partisan press was publishing letters from Greek children settled in the People‟s
Republics, who described the conditions of their life there as exceptional (Andreou et al., 2012: 49). Quite
frequently, the articles were framed by pictures depicting happy children eating, attending classes and
engaging in various sports and arts activities. It was clear that, in the war of propaganda, pictures were a
powerful weapon used by both sides to influence public perception and shape impressions. Respectively,
Queen Frederica seems to enjoy the gratitude of the children accommodated in Paidopoleis (Life,
20/11/1950).
The experience of displacement provided to children an intense political education. Ten years of
compulsory education, bilingual education needs, emphasis on polytechnic education, obviously in relation
to its immediate economic value, the overdose of communist ideology determined for the refugee children
at People‟s Democracies a quite different syllabus, compared to the curriculum covered by the
Paidopoleis (Mitsopoulos, 1979). Vocational training in village arts and crafts, related to inferior
professional roles, religious instruction and lessons about the importance of family and village life, of good
citizenship and of cooperation were the key elements provided in the frame of the education project in
Paidopoleis (Danforth, Van Boeschoten, 2011).
The qualitative analysis of the reading textbooks for the elementary school shows totally different
socialization intentions of the two different projects. Books taught in Paidopoleis regularly portray
stereotypes of religious children, happy households, loving mothers, patriotism, national and constitutional
loyalty and hard working (Andreou et al., 2012). On the other side, stereotypes in the reading books of the
Greek refugee children usually referred to women and mothers as social fighters, to the rebels of the
“Greek liberation struggle”, to workers and farmers, to the leader (Bontila, 2003). These books, as well as
34
the history and geography books, they often emphasized the future of the children in a liberated Greece,
where they would be able to serve their ideals (Mitsopoulos, 1979).
In both education projects, parallel patterns provided by the textbooks, as intentional conventions
of children‟s thought, demonstrated an alternative dimension concerning the parental loss or deprivation.
Stalin or Queen Frederica, respectively, are represented to love and protect the children, to belong to
them in the context of an ambivalent relationship, and they are displayed as being everyone‟s father /
mother. The god-like figure of Stalin, through words, intonation, body language and narrated actions
demonstrates a father, who shares the children‟s values, understands their agony and saves them from
danger (Bontila, 2003). On the other hand, Frederica is represented or illustrated as the lovable and
sensitive “Mother” of all children (Antoniou, 1949; Zouvas, 1956; Hassiotis, 2011).
In both projects the family members who failed or were unwilling to join the “right side” are
included in the image of the other.
For example, a child in Paidopoleis, whose sibling may had followed -voluntarily or not - the
groups of children taken to Eastern Europe, would have to read about its brother: “together with thousands
of others, walking into the unknown, to the countries of the Iron Curtain, to be there enslaved by the
poison of the communist ideology, will take the dagger of treason in its hands as an adult, and probably
come back to Greece as a “red janissary” to burn down their home, to slay its mother, if living, and to
destroy churches, the family home, and everything Greek” (Antoniou, 1949). A child, whose father had
been a rebel, would have to read in the section entitled “Cannibalisms”: “scenes of horror, scenes of
frenzy, revealing the brutal instincts of communist bandits, are common occurrences in Greek border
villages. Thousands of crimes are committed against the rural habitants, with unprecedented ferocity”
(Antoniou, 1949).
On the other side, the children accommodated in the Eastern Bloc countries were learning that
their siblings were hungry and destitute, enslaved to a monarch-fascist regime and local and foreign
plutocrats, perennially fighting to throw off their yoke. Frederica‟s plan to “keep the children safe” had been
adduced as an atrocity intended to eliminate them: “recently 512 children of those taken by the monarchofascists from the arms of their mothers and fenced in the slave markets of Hitlerite Queen Freiki and
Americanocracy died from the cold” (DSE News Broadcast, 20/12/1948). Those reports emphasized that
the children Queen Frederica had undertaken to “protect” were living in squalid conditions, starving and
forced to beg.
Discussion
The thousands of children who had been displaced by both armies within and outside their country
and had been deprived of their support systems –family, community- in conflict situations, were an
attractive issue for the international community within the frame of the Cold War, particularly for the
Western system of values and attitudes, that could build a valid argument on the cruelty and immorality of
the opposite side. The guerrillas swarming over Northern Greece, pillaging and abducting thousands of
young boys and girls, alarmingly became a common issue in newspapers around the world. In 1948-1949,
Athens coordinated a large propaganda campaign which aimed to internationalize the “mass kidnapping of
children”.
Our paper focused on normative attitudes and social practices that different education projects
had attempted to cultivate, in order the displaced Greek children to redefine the crucial family and local
ties. It is obvious that the children been expatriated by communist rebels and those been evacuated by the
Greek Army, were the objects of two experiments, referring, on one hand, to the communist educational
project and on the other hand to the anticommunist one. The interpretation of the results allowed us to
make suggestions and highlight some possible directions for further research.
The education projects presented roughly should be considered, in the context of the “hot” start of
the Cold War, as patterns which emanated from conflict and competition among communism and anticommunism. In the case of the communist regimes, the active involvement of the Soviet Union in the
issue of the Greek refugee children has been demonstrated in several papers (Ristovic, 2004; Voutira,
Brouskou, 2000). In the case of the Greek Royal Institutions and the Greek Government, there are strong
indications. In that specific period they had functioned as executive branches of the United States
intervention in Greece (Botsiou, 2009). In this context could be understood the decision of the Greek
Government to seek the institutionalization of the evacuated children in Paidopoleis, shortly after a
meeting carried out between the head of the American Mission for Aid to Greece and the Greek Foreign
Minister, concerning the protection of children in the war zone (Vassiloudi, Theodorou, 2012).
Consequently, the projects were closely related to the political education of the children. Educating
the “good” citizen, the government‟s project was aiming to create pure patriots and virtuous citizens
through religious consciousness, national and constitutional loyalty. On the other side, for the communist
part a well educated citizen should obtain socialist consciousness, trust the great leader and be prepared
to return in his home country. Systematic indoctrination of the children of the Greek civil war became
rampant on all subjects (Voutira, Brouskou, 2000; Hassiotis, 2011). It was also all-encompassing and,
since it began at such an early age, it could be completely uncontested. That form of indoctrination was
35
similar, as regards its methods and aims, for the children in Paidopoleis and the re-educated “abducted
children” in the communist countries of Eastern Europe.
Recently, more and more data has been obtained, mainly through various memoirs and oral
histories, concerning the living conditions of the children at the “communist children‟s homes” and the
“royal children‟s towns” or their experience of living there. Historians have begun to look at the memories
and attitudes of the evacuated children and provide us with some extremely fruitful grounds for
comparison. Ideological indoctrination, political socialization and integration seem to be constant priorities
of both the projects. The informants‟ ideological starting point, their experienced conditions and risks
during the Greek Civil War and their personal, social and professional development in the aftermath period
seem to be the factors that determine their overall attitudes (Vassiloudi, Theodorou, 2012; Hassiotis,
2011, Danforth, Van Boeschoten, 2011, Van Boeschoten, 2010). Additionally, through the oral narratives
are revealed practices and manipulations that were depriving the childhood of those children. The
recruitment of the older refugee children by the Democratic Army (Van Boeschoten, 2006), illegal
adoptions and rape of children in the case of Paidopoleis are some of the disclosures that recently have
emerged.
The experience of family loss and expatriation and the consequences of that loss should remain in
silence for the Greek children of the civil war era. Instead, the projection through time and the constructing
of self and other defined their identity through social practices that replaced the family living with collective
centres and their father or mother with emblematic imaginative figures. In the name of a supreme ideal
they had been deprived of their families and their homeland. For many of those children, the contradiction
had been so great or irreconcilable, that no coherent or reasonably unified set of narratives about
themselves could emerge. The elements of an emotional life offered them were impossible to work into a
smooth and consistent whole. A number of literary works and oral histories have taken up this theme and
incorporated expulsion into family stories centring on attempts of the „war handicapped‟ children to find
answers as to where they have come from and what comprised their identity. In these narrations, recurring
theme is one of never quite arriving and of a home which has never fully become a home.
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37
Antisocial behaviours in adolescence:
The role of family environment
Morgado, Alice M.
University of Coimbra – Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences, Portugal
[email protected]
Vale Dias, Maria da Luz
University of Coimbra – Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences, Portugal
[email protected]
Abstract
Family variables have an indisputably important role as protective and risk factors for the development of antisocial
behaviours. Structural stability, control, supervision, consistency, good communication and emotional bonds have
been proven essential and consensual family characteristics that have the ability to promote adjusted social
behaviours and prevent antisocial tendencies.In the context of a broader investigation aiming to understand, from a
developmental framework, how antisocial behaviours develop and manifest in adolescence, in this paper we present
and discuss data showing the importance of perceived family environment and its differential influence on distinct
behavioural manifestations in different individuals. Our hypothesis, based on the state of the art in the field, is that
better quality in family environment works a protective factor against antisocial conducts.Data for this part of the
study was collected in schools and educational centres in Portugal using a socio-demographic questionnaire for
adolescents and their parents built specifically for this study, as well as the Portuguese versions of Youth Self-Report
(YSR, Achenbach, 1991), Child Behaviour Checklist (CBCL, Achenbach, 1991), and Family Environment Scale
(Moos & Moos, 1986). Hence, our data will allow to develop some important considerations regarding the role of
perceived family environment on antisocial behaviours in adolescence, in particular, the role of cohesion,
expressiveness, conflict, independence, achievement orientation, intellectual and cultural orientation, activerecreational orientation, moral and religious aspects, organization and control. Moreover, we identify important
cues for designing effective prevention programs able to promote healthy family environments for adolescents and
their families.
Key words:
family, environment, antisocial, adolescence, behaviours
Introduction
A general assumption regarding the meaning of antisocial behaviours could be that they describe
behaviours that violate social rules intended to promote respect and consideration towards other people‟s
life and property (Kagan, 2004). Such definition makes it clear that antisocial behaviour is a socially
determined construct that may include many different subtypes (from overt to covert), levels of
destructiveness, forms (from direct to relational), functions (from instrumental to reactive), onsets (from
early to late) and pathways (desistance or persistence). Ultimately, it “must be interpreted as a social
event, with meaningful subtypes, topographies, antecedents, and functions” (Dodge, Coie & Lynam, 2008,
p. 437).
“Family works as the platform from which the individual‟s normal or disturbed social development
takes place” (Fonseca, 2002, p. 2). There is currently no doubt that the role of the family is crucial for the
development of social behaviours since it is within the family that children will first learn how to behave in
social settings and will develop “their first socioemotional schemas (…), that become prototypes of social
relations” (Haro, 2000, p. 23). In short, it is within the family that children learn and rehearse social
interactions, and it is in that context that they will receive reinforcements and/or punishments according to
the adjustment of their conducts, allowing them to identify what sets of behaviours are acceptable and
may be repeated and what behaviours should be avoided. Therefore, studying the family appears to be a
key element to understand the antisocial phenomenon, its origins and the way it manifests and develops
38
in adolescence, a stage when “the relationship between adolescents and their parents involves a delicate
balancing act, with parents struggling to exert the right amount of support and control while continuing to
allow their adolescents to explore their autonomy” (White & Renk, 2012, p.158).
Literature Review
“During childhood the family environment constitutes the basic social ecology in which the child‟s
behaviour is manifested, learned, encouraged or suppressed (Dishion & Patterson, 2006 in Hoeve, et al.,
2008, p. 223). Several studies have mentioned the possibility that, regardless of structural features of the
family, it is the way its elements interact with each others that will influence the children‟s development, in
particular, the development of social adjustment (Hetherington, Cox & Cox, 1982; Morgado, Vale Dias &
Paixão, 2011; Schneider, 1993). In this sense, family management practices, including control, discipline,
supervision, and rejection have been frequently mentioned in literature as determinants of adolescents‟
social conducts, since “a low level of family management during early adolescence was associated with a
higher prevalence of chronic and late increasing violence” (Herrenkohl, Hawkins, Chung & Nagin, 2006, p.
211-212). Indeed, family management practices can be significant risk factors for involvement in violence,
delinquency and other antisocial manifestations, especially when they are characterized by lack of
adequate control, monitoring, discipline, supervision, and a balanced system of reinforcements and
punishments (Farrington, 2004; Gottfredson & Hirischi, 1990; Herrenkohl et al., 2006; Thornberry & Krohn,
2004; Veneziano & Veneziano, 1992).
Nevertheless, some investigation points out that “regardless of the control perceived by the child,
the perception of high emotional support and low levels of rejection lead to a more positive adjustment”
(Pereira, Canavarro, Cardoso & Mendonça, 2009, p. 461). In fact, as previously mentioned, the presence
of conflict, cohercion and hostility in the family environment may increase the risk of involvement in
deviant behaviours (Moffitt, 2006; Patterson & Yoerger, 2002; Veneziano & Veneziano, 1992). Aspects
related to the quality of communication and relations within the family have been found, as well, to
influence antisocial trajectories, particularly aspects related to the parents‟ reduced involvement in their
children‟s lives (Thornberry & Krohn, 2004), and to little warmth in parent-child relations (Laub, Sampson
& Sweeten, 2006). Authors seem, in fact, to concur when establishing an association between poor family
environments and delinquency: “delinquents with the most serious behavioural difficulties also came from
family environments with few or no strengths and openly expressed conflict and violence” (Veneziano &
Veneziano, 1992, p. 603).
Accordingly, parental rearing practices are believed to play an important role in the adjustment of
children‟s and adolescents‟ social development. Agreement appears to exist regarding the fact that
neglectful, harsh, explosive, punitive and inconsistent parenting styles are most commonly associated with
delinquency in adolescence than other patterns of rearing styles (Farrington, 2004; Hoeve, et al., 2008;
Laub et al., 2006; Moffitt, 2006; Rutter, Giller & Hagell, 1998; Thornberry & Krohn, 2004).
Overall, based on current knowledge in this field, authors studying the family‟s role in the
development of antisocial trajectories mention some possible protective factors mediating the risk for
developing antisocial conducts in childhood and adolescence. Monitoring and supervision are some of the
most reported aspects in literature for parents to take into account in order to protect their children from
being involved in deviant trajectories. The development of the children‟s internal controls and the
implementation of consistent discipline, control, and problem-solving strategies in the family are pointed
out, as well, as protective factors against deviant trajectories (Herrenkohl et al., 2006; Laub et al., 2006;
Patterson & Yoerger, 2002; Rutter et al., 1998). There is, in fact, no doubt that “youths benefit when
parents provide supervision, set clear rules and expectations for behaviour, and reinforce good behaviour
in their children” (Herrenkohl et al., 2006, p. 211).
Moreover, the quality of bonds between parents and children may work as an important protective
factor, especially if the family environment is defined by a good emotional atmosphere, with agreement,
cooperation, ability to reach group decisions, responsiveness, and explicit and unambiguous
communication patterns (Rutter et al., 1998; Veneziano & Veneziano, 1992). Indeed, “parent and family
connectedness have been shown to be protective factors against youth violence” (Henrich et al., 2005;
Resnick et al., 1997, 2004, in Stoddard, McMorris & Sieving, 2011, p. 248).
Nevertheless, the family‟s role appears to be stronger in childhood than in adolescence, since at
this later stage of development, the role of school and peers becomes more prominent. In fact, if we look
into developmental perspectives to understand family factors in antisocial conducts, it is consensual that
the weight of family variables changes as development takes place: “it is expectable that the impact of
family factors, as well as of peers or school factors, will not be equal in different ages throughout
adolescence” (LeBlanc & Janosz, 2002, p. 46). There is no doubt that adolescence is a developmental
stage when individuals tend to spend less time with their families as interactions with peers increase in
frequency, and, in many cases, occur without adult supervision. Patterson and Yoerger (2002) consider
that a late-onset trajectory of antisocial behaviours is partly due to changes in parental rearing practices
during adolescence, when parents may be less effective in dealing with their children, in particular
39
regarding management aspects such as control, discipline, monitoring, problem-solving strategies, and
positive reinforcement. Accordingly, Thornberry and Krohn (2004) mention that, in adolescence, parents
have less control over their children‟s behaviours, and parent-child relations tend to be more strained and
conflicting.
In sum, family variables have an indisputably important role as protective and risk factors for the
development of antisocial behaviours. Control, supervision, consistency, good communication, and
emotional bonds appear to be essential and consensual family characteristics that have the ability to
promote adjusted social behaviours, and thus prevent antisocial tendencies. Nevertheless, the weight of
family factors is not constant during development, which raises the challenge of understanding the
dynamics of family structure and family environment in determining antisocial trajectories as children
develop (Morgado & Vale Dias, 2013). Moreover, there is still much to be explained and discussed
regarding the family‟s role in antisocial behaviours. Undoubtedly, there is a big variety of possible family
characteristics influencing antisocial trajectories that deserves the attention of developmental psychology.
Methodology
Having in mind the theoretical framework above considered, the aim of this paper is to describe
differences in perceived family environment between adolescents who reported having and not having
manifested antisocial behaviours, and between adolescents from the general population and
institutionalized young delinquents. Furthermore, we intend to identify perceived family environment
variables that may significantly predict antisocial behaviours in adolescence, and explain the role of family
environment in antisocial behaviours in adolescence. Ultimately, our goal is to find clues for intervention
with families in order to prevent antisocial behaviours in adolescence.
Therefore, two hypothesis were raised:
H1: There are differences in perceived family environment between antisocial and non-antisocial
boys (1.1. Institutionalized delinquents have more negative perceptions of their family environment than
adolescents from the general population; 1.2. Institutionalized delinquents have more negative
perceptions of their family environment than non-institutionalized antisocial adolescents)
H2: Perceived family environment has a significant contribution to the prediction of anti-social
behaviours in adolescence.
Sample
In order to test such hypothesis, we gathered a sample of school boys (from Coimbra, Portugal) and a
sample of institutionalized delinquent boys (from five educational centres in Portugal). In both groups,
th
th
boys were attending school between the 5 and the 11 grades. However, in terms of socioeconomic
status, there were great differences between the two samples, as it can be verified in table 1.
Table 1: Sample
Age
School
Year
SES
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
Low
Medium
High
School N=72
Frequency Percentage
3
4,2
14
19,4
17
23,6
11
15,3
13
18,1
4
5,6
3
4,2
5
6,9
2
2,8
0
0
0
0
0
0
18
25,0
18
25,0
17
23,6
8
11,1
4
5,6
3
4,2
4
5,6
17
23,6
38
52,8
17
23,6
Institution N=116
Frequency Percentage
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
4
3,4
18
15,5
34
29,3
35
30,2
20
17,2
3
2,6
2
1,7
13
11,2
41
35,3
34
29,3
3
2,6
25
21,6
0
0
0
0
103
88,8
11
9,5
2
1,7
40
Procedures
The measures used consisted on a socio-demographic questionnaire built for the purpose of this
investigation, with questions regarding living conditions and social behaviours as well as the Portuguese
versions of Youth Self-Report (YSR), Achenbach, 1991; Fonseca et al., 1999) and of Family Environment
Scale (FES), Moos & Moos, 1986; Matos & Fontaine, 1996).
Prior to the instruments‟ application, permissions were asked to the Ministry of Science and Education
(for the school sample) to the Ministry of Justice (for the institutionalized sample), as well as to the
National Committee for Data Protection (CNPD). In schools, prior to the participants consent, parents
were asked to give their informed consent as well. In the second case, youths were asked to provide their
informed and voluntary collaboration. In both contexts all participants were assured of the confidentiality
and anonymity of their answers. The measures were applied collectively in classroom settings in two
sessions of 50 and 90 minutes or three sessions of 45 minutes.
Results
Firstly we tested differences regarding the antisocial scores obtained by institutionalized boys and
all school boys and between institutionalized boys and antisocial school boys (school boys were
categorized into Antisocial and Non Antisocial according to their answers to the socio-demographic
questionnaire‟s item: “Have you been involved and caused any of the following situations:  Theft 
Aggression  Physical Threats  Verbal Threats Destruction of places/objects”?), verifying the
existence of significant differences in both comparisons, as shown in table 2.
Table 2. T test for comparison of YSR‟s mean scores
Group
School
Institution
School_Antisocial
Institution
YSR
Antisocial
Antisocial
Mean
2,60
9,32
3,90
9,32
Std.Dev.
3,394
4,652
4,316
4,652
Mean Dif.
t
P
-6,722
-10,568
,000
-5,419
-6,138
,000
Regarding the first hypothesis, we were able to confirm that institutionalized delinquents displayed
more negative perceptions of their family environment than boys from the general population (table 3.),
especially in what concerns “cohesion” (p=,006) “conflict” (p=,000), and “intellectual cultural orientation”
(p=,033). Moreover, institutionalized delinquents showed more negative perceptions of “conflict” (p=,009)
in their family environment when compared to non-institutionalized antisocial adolescents.
Table 3. T test for comparison of FES‟s mean scores
Group
School
Institution
School
Institution
School
Institution
School
Institution
School
Institution
School
Institution
School
Institution
School
Institution
School
Institution
School
Institution
ASB Sch.
FES Scales
Cohesion
Expressiveness
Conflict
Independency
Achievement
Orientation
Intellectual Cultural
Orientation
Active Recreational
Orientation
Moral Religious
Emphasis
Organization
Control
Cohesion
Mean
44,31
41,11
33,80
33,54
21,26
25,76
34,65
33,72
35,86
34,33
31,89
29,42
36,95
35,29
29,46
29,22
40,18
39,55
36,18
35,14
42,90
Std.Dev.
7,135
7,627
4,521
5,067
5,922
6,018
4,833
4,836
5,725
5,713
7,071
7,928
6,107
5,834
8,164
8,357
5,294
5,992
5,089
5,479
7,897
Mean Dif.
t
P
3,196
2,819
,006
,257
,351
,726
-4,497
-4,873
,000
,922
1,231
,220
1,534
1,731
,086
2,470
2,157
,033
1,661
1,783
,077
,246
,193
,847
,633
,735
,463
1,047
1,291
,199
1,788
1,113
,272
41
Institution
ASB Sch.
Institution
ASB Sch.
Institution
ASB Sch.
Institution
ASB Sch.
Institution
ASB Sch.
Institution
ASB Sch.
Institution
ASB Sch.
Institution
ASB Sch.
Institution
ASB Sch.
Institution
41,11
32,80
33,54
22,47
25,76
34,27
33,72
35,00
34,33
30,77
29,42
34,03
35,29
28,43
29,22
39,37
39,55
36,60
35,14
Expressiveness
Conflict
Independency
Achievement
Orientation
Intellectual Cultural
Orientation
Active Recreational
Orientation
Moral Religious
Emphasis
Organization
Control
7,627
4,817
5,067
5,882
6,018
5,445
4,836
5,602
5,713
7,532
7,928
6,094
5,834
8,224
8,357
5,014
5,992
4,636
5,479
-,743
-,745
,460
-3,292
-2,719
,009
,543
,497
,622
,672
,584
,562
1,344
,862
,393
-1,260
-1,018
,314
-,782
-,463
,646
-,185
-,173
,864
1,462
1,481
,145
Our second hypothesis was partially confirmed, since some variables of perceived family
environment had a significant contribution in the prediction of scores of YSR‟s “antisocial” scale, as it can
be verified in table 4. In particular, “conflict” (β=,460; p=,000), and “intellectual cultural orientation” (β=,211 p=,001) predicted antisocial scores when both samples were inserted together for the regression
analysis in a significant model that explained 28% of variance.
Table 4. Multiple Linear Regression Model
Dependent V.
YSR
Antisocial
Independent V.
Conflict
Intellectual Cultural O.
P
R
Adj R
,000
,537
,280
2
F
36,010
Beta(std)
,460
-,211
P
,000
,001
Conclusions
With this study we were able to confirm the existence of important differences, not only
between samples, but also between antisocial adolescents with different deviant paths (institutionalized
and non institutionalized). In what concerns perceived family environment, it became clear that
institutionalized boys tend to have lower perceptions of cohesion and intellectual and cultural orientation
and higher perceptions of conflict than boys from the general population. Furthermore, what appears to
set apart institutionalized from non institutionalized antisocial boys is a higher perception of conflict in the
family environment. Results also showed that variables regarding family management practices and
personal development within the family are predictors antisocial behaviours, namely conflict and
intellectual cultural orientation.
These results provide us, indeed, some important clues for designing interventions with families
aiming to prevent antisocial trajectories in adolescence. In fact, efforts should be made in order to improve
communication within the family and avoid situations of conflict. Thus, important issues to work with
families may include fostering a positive environment where adolescents may feel free to share their
feelings, opinions and concerns and clearly establishing duties and roles for each member of the family. It
would also be prolific to educate families to participate in intellectual and cultural activities that may
interest all members of the family, involve all family members in common meaningful activities that
promote personal (and familial) development and knowledge. It should be noted, however, that preventive
efforts would benefit if they were made as earlier in development as possible, since in adolescence the
family‟s influence in the individuals‟ behaviours appears to be lower than in childhood.
Unfortunately, there are some limitations to this study. Firstly, some conditions were not
controlled, such as the existence of psychological and developmental deficits that were not assessed, as
well as drug and alcohol consumption by the participants. In addition, due to the limited number of girls in
educational centres and to the unavailability of institutions that include female sectors, we were only able
to assess boys, which leaves important aspects of gender aside. Finally, it would have been preferable to
base our analysis in other measures besides self-report instruments, since we are relying in the
individuals testimony, which can, possibly, be biased. However, the access to families (especially in the
case of institutionalized boys) was extremely difficult. In fact, because of the geographic distance between
the families‟ homes and the educational centres and due to the small frequency of visits it was impossible
42
to ask all the parents to participate. Furthermore, the majority of the families asked refused to participate,
manifesting lack of capacity or time.
Nevertheless, our results still maintain their value, especially in the sense that they show the
predictive value of some family environment variables and that it is possible to differentiate in terms of
perceived family environment, not only between delinquents and non-delinquents, but also, between
individuals manifesting less severe forms of antisocial behaviours and individuals whose antisocial
conduct led them to educational institutions. This suggests the possibility of interventions with families of
boys who are in initial stages of an antisocial path in order to prevent them from persisting in a trajectory
of more severe antisocial conducts and its implicit consequences, offering important cues for intervention
efforts in this contexts.
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44
Mothers’ and kindergarten teachers’ beliefs about their relationship:
The issues of Trust and Communication
Petrogiannis Konstantinos
Hellenic Open University, Greece
Email: [email protected]
Penderi Efthymia
Democritus University of Thrace, Greece
Email: [email protected]
Abstract
The relationship between parents and teachers along with parents‟ practices are proposed as the two
constituent dimensions of the construct of parental involvement. This research presents Greek mothers‟
and kindergarten teachers‟ beliefs about their relationship using a newly constructed measurement, the
“Quality of Parent-Teacher Relationship Scale in the Kindergarten” (QPTRS-K). A sample of 230
kindergarten teachers and 913 mothers nationwide participated in the study. The data revealed two
reliable factors for both mothers and teachers: “Trust” and “Communication”. Results indicated that
mothers and teachers had very positive views about their relationship, although mothers seemed to hold
stronger perceptions about their relationship with the teacher. Interestingly, no correlation was found
between mothers‟ and teachers‟ perceptions providing support for the incongruence in their belief
systems. The evidence is in line with findings from a number of international research studies concerning
different developmental periods.
Key words:
Mothers-kindergarten teachers‟ relationship, beliefs, Trust, Communication
Introduction
Family-school connection was longitudinally one of the most favorite themes in the psychoeducational research literature and constitutes a field of abundant theoretical debate and empirical work. A
critical issue, among a plethora of others, is parental involvement and the development of substantial,
reciprocal and trusting parent-teacher relationships, which have been found to be related to children‟s
development and learning. Especially nowadays, this interaction is of critical importance for children‟s
optimal development and learning due to the dramatic changes in societal parenting conditions during the
last decades (Hujala et al., 2009; Rimm-Kaufman & Pianta, 2000). For example, Smith and Hubbard
(1988) argue that when parents and teachers relate well and develop a good relationship based on
supportiveness, reciprocity and balance of power, children feel more comfortable with the teacher, are
more talkative, happier and better-adjusted to the preschool environment. Accordingly, Reynolds,
Weissber, and Kasprow (1992) found that the qualitative aspects of parental involvement reported by
teachers (such as satisfaction with parent-teacher contact and their overall working relationship), rather
than the quantitative (such as frequency of parents‟ participation in school activities), predicted early
adjustment for kindergartners and first graders.
Especially with regard to the preschool period, it is acknowledged that parent-teacher
collaboration is very critical, which is enforced by the fact that children‟s transition from home to a
preschool setting or from preschool to elementary school is occurring (McWayne at al., 2004). For
example, frequent communication and cooperative relationships between mothers and caregivers were
found to be related to more positive socialization processes that may benefit child development (Owen,
Ware, & Barfoot, 2000).
In Greece the issue of parental involvement has only recently gained theoretical and empirical
interest since educational policy until lately did not support parents‟ active participation in the school
setting. The focus of existent research is on the types of parental involvement, the context and the extent
of parent-teacher communication. Little is known about the qualitative characteristics of parent-teacher
45
interaction, while kindergarten remains, from an empirical research point of view, almost an uncharted
field that necessitates empirical attention (Pirchio, Volpe, & Taeschner, 2011).
Even less is known about the quality of parent-teacher interaction in kindergarten and there is lack
of measurement tools that capture the distinctive characteristics of the relational and affective expressions
of family and kindergarten connections
The main elements of the parent-teacher relationship quality
The quality of parent-teacher interaction is a complex concept as it refers to a process that
involves both objective and subjective features of personal and interpersonal characteristics, behaviors,
attitudes, believes and expectations that reflect the broader socio-cultural context in which they are
embedded.
Based on an extensive review of the empirical studies literature, in an effort to define and measure
the quality of relationship, a set of indicators could be used, namely (see Figure 1):
i. Emotional tone of the relationship. It can be understood though the positive and negative
feelings that parents and teachers experience during interaction, the general emotional impression from
their contact.
ii. Affective blueprint of interaction. It reflects the levels of distance or closeness parents and
teachers experience during interaction and communication.
iii. Behavioral regularities that reflect levels of collaboration between parents and teachers. The
existence of co-operative behaviors and the similarity of goals, expectations and ideas are among the
aspects that indicate a positive relationship between parents and teachers.
iv. Evaluation of the contribution to the relationship. It refers to the personal characteristics of
parents and teachers, especially those related to their specific roles that enforce their interaction.
Emotional tone of
relationship
Affective blueprint of
interaction
(e.g., I feel comfortable
to talk to the teacher)
(e.g., The parents are
friendly with me)
Quality of
parent-teacher
relationship
Behavioral regularities that
reflect levels of collaboration
(e.g., I would expect more from
parents when I mention a
problem with the child)
Evaluation of the
contribution to the
relationship
(e.g., Communication with the
teacher helps me better
understand my child)
Figure 1. Indicators of the parent-teacher relationship quality
It should be noted that there are no clear boundaries among these indicators of the relationship quality
between parents and teachers. This is especially useful however for the operational specification of these
categories in order to empirically assess the structure of parent-teacher relationship quality.
The purpose of the study
Taking into consideration the previously mentioned evidence, both in the international and national
stage, considering (a) the importance of parent-teacher relationship and its quality in children‟s academic
and social development, especially during the early years, (b) the lack of a measurement during the
kindergarten‟s period and (c) the new developments in the Greek kindergarten national curriculum
concerning family-school connection, together with (d) the lack of empirical data to describe how the
stakeholders responded to these new mandates, we delivered a study aiming to capture parents‟ and
kindergarten teachers‟ beliefs about the affective aspects of their interaction through the development of
46
the “Quality of Parent-Teacher Relationship Scale in the Kindergarten” (QPTRS-K; Penderi, 2012), as well
as the congruence between their perceptions.
Method
Participants
In this study 913 mothers of 441 (48%) boys and 472 (52%) girls attending full day (42%) and half
day (58%) kindergarten classes, and 233 kindergarten teachers, randomly selected, participated in the
study. The participants were recruited through a stratified sampling procedure from 33 prefectures (out of
53 in total) representing the 13 regions of the country. Eighty nine (38%) kindergartens were based in
metropolitan urban areas, 42 (18%) in urban areas, 61 (26%) in semi-urban and 41 (18%) in rural areas.
Mothers‟ mean age was 35 (sd=4.66; range: 22-54 years) and kindergarten teachers‟ mean age
was 41 (sd=7.70; range: 24-58 years) with an average teaching experience of 14 years (sd=9.05; range:
1-35 years).
Procedure
All the kindergarten teachers were contacted by the first author and were informed about the
research purposes and process. The teachers were asked to randomly chose 4 children from their
classroom and, in turn, to ask their mothers if they were willing to participate in the study. A letter
containing a more comprehensive description of the study and requesting permission to contact families
was mailed to the mothers. Following their consent to participate, questionnaires were sent and returned
either in person or by post. Return rate reached almost 94%.
Measures
Quality of Parent-Teacher Relationship Scale in the Kindergarten (QPTRS-K)-Parent and Teacher
forms. This scale was designed on the basis of the four aforementioned indicators of the quality of parentteacher relationship proposed in this study and includes two equivalent forms: one for teachers and one
for parents. It comprised 20 items that were selected from a larger initial pull of items presented in other
relevant instruments such as Elicker‟s Parent Caregiver Relationship Scale (PCRS; Elicker, Noppe,
Noppe, Fortner-Wood, 1997) and Vickers and Minke‟s (1995) Parent Teacher Relationship Scale (PTRS)
as well as from a pre-survey study interviews with mothers and kindergarten teachers, conducted by the
first author. The scale was tested in two pilot studies that allowed for item refinement. Respondents rated
each item on a five-point Likert type scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Before
analysis all the items were coded in such a way that higher score to reflect positive characteristics of
parent-teacher relationship.
Results
Descriptive (Item) Statistics of the QPTRS-K (parent and teacher form)
With regard to the analyses outcomes, the descriptive statistics in Item level indicated sufficient variability in
data distribution (in both forms). The findings were also indicative of the cohesion of the scale and in the same time
they provided evidence for the lack of conceptual overlap between the items.
Factor analysis of the QPTRS-K (parent and teacher form)
To determine the construct validity of the 20-item QPTRS-K scale for parent and teacher form, a
series of principal component analyses were performed, as the purpose was the detection of the dimensions that
constitute the nature of the quality of parent-teacher relationship and the reduction of variables by grouping items
into factors (Tacq, 1997).
A number of decision rules were applied to determine the number of factors to be retained
reflecting the most parsimonious factor solution: (a) the Kaiser (K1) criterion rule of eigenvalues greater than
1 (Guttman, 1954); (b) the inspection of the screeplot, i.e. Cattell’s scree test (Cattell, 1966); (c) Velicer‟s
(1976) minimum average partials (MAP); (d) the use of Horn's (1965) parallel analysis (HPA) (see also Buja
& Eyuboglu, 1992); (e) retention of at least three items per factor with salient loadings (> .30); (f) demonstration of
adequate internal consistency for each factor, with alpha coefficients >0.70; (g) avoidance of “cross-loading”
items (i.e. multiple salient factor loading) and (h) holding simple structure (mutually exclusive assignment of
items to factors with the maximum number of items retained).
Following the application of the criteria mentioned earlier we concluded to a 2-factor solution with 15 items
since 5 items loaded differently in the two scale forms and were excluded from further analyses. The remaining 15
47
items presented a parsimonious profile loading under the same components across all the analyses in both forms
(see Table 1 and Table 2).
Table 1. Principal component analysis for QPTRS-K, parent form
Item
Trust
2. The kindergarten teacher is friendly.
.753
17. I admire the way the kindergarten teacher works with
the children.
.744
19. The kindergarten teacher understands me.
.710
1. The kindergarten teacher does what is necessary for my
child.
.706
14. I feel comfortable to talk to the kindergarten teacher.
.698
9. The kindergarten teacher teaches my child the right
things to start primary school.
.686
7. The kindergarten teacher is interested in listening to me.
.679
5. The kindergarten teacher is consistent in what she says
and does.
.661
12. Communication with the kindergarten teacher helps me
better understand my child.
.583
Communication
11. I have similar believes with the kindergarten teacher
about the child‟ behavior.
.807
6. I have similar believes with the kindergarten teacher
about discipline methods.
.804
15. I have similar believes with the kindergarten teacher
about what can the child achieve.
.800
3. I have similar expectations with the kindergarten teacher
about the child.
.712
20. I have similar believes with the kindergarten teacher
about what should my child learn.
.686
13. The kindergarten teacher is responsive when I mention
a problem with my child.
.549
Table 2. Principal component analysis for QPTRS-K, teacher form
Item
Trust
7. Parents in my class show interest to listen to me.
.806
14. I feel comfortable to talk to the parents in my class.
.801
2. Parents in my class are friendly.
.781
1. Whatever the child needs, I trust parents.
.670
5. Parents in my class are consistent in what they say and
do.
.633
9. I trust parents to help the children prepare for the primary
grades.
.563
17. I admire the way parents in my class raise their
children.
.558
19. I feel that parents in my class understand me.
.488
Communication
48
12. Communication with the parents in my class helps me
better understand the children.
.390
6. I have similar believes with the parents in my class about
discipline methods.
.792
15. I have similar believes with the parents in my class
about what can the children achieve.
.784
20. I have similar believes with the parents in my class
about what should the children learn.
.762
11. I have similar believes with the parents in my class
about the children‟s behavior.
.707
3. I have similar expectations with the parents in my class
about the children.
.679
13. The parents in my class are responsive when I mention
a problem with the children.
.494
The first factor, including 9 items (17, 19, 2, 1, 14, 9, 5, 7, 12), was named Trust/Acceptance and
seemed to reflect the three (emotional tone, affective blueprint and contribution to the relationship) of the
four aforementioned indicators of the quality of parent-teacher relationship. The second factor, comprising
of 6 items (20, 6, 15, 11, 3, and 13) for both forms, was named Communication/Responsiveness and
described the levels of collaboration between parents and teachers. The scale showed the same high
levels of internal consistency for both parent and teacher forms.
QPTRS-K (parent and teacher form) reliability
To provide evidence for the internal consistency of the measure, Cronbach‟s alpha was estimated
for the total scale and the subscales for parent and teacher forms. The QPTRS-K showed the same high
levels of internal consistency for both parent and teacher forms (a= .89 and a= .88 respectively). Equally,
the first factor, Trust/Acceptance, revealed similarly high alpha scores for both forms (a= .86 and a= .83,
for mothers and kindergarten teachers respectively). In the same line, the second factor,
Communication/Responsiveness, showed analogously high levels of internal consistency (a= .83 and .81
for parent and teacher form respectively).
Incongruence of mothers and kindergarten teachers’ ratings
In a second stage, the possibility of congruence between mothers‟ and kindergarten teachers‟
perceptions of their relationship quality represented by the two emerged factors (Trust/Acceptance and
Communication/Responsiveness), was examined revealing no significant correlations. Furthermore
differences between the two groups were examined by applying the t-test criterion for independent
samples.
Table 3. Group differences for Trust and Communication factors between mothers and kindergarten
teachers‟ perception regarding the9ir relationship quality
Mothers
Kindergarten
teachers
M
sd
M
sd
t
p
Cohen‟s d
Trust/Acceptance
38.8
4.6
32.7
4.5
18.47
.001
1.34
Communication/Responsiveness
24.0
4.2
19.6
4.0
14.47
.001
1.06
Total score (15 items)
62.8
7.7
52.3
7.6
18.62
.001
1.37
The incongruence of their views was confirmed since in both factors as well as the whole summative
score of the scale mothers‟ perceptions were significantly more favorable regarding their relationship and
interaction with the kindergarten teachers (see Table 3). Furthermore, Cohen‟s effect size values
suggested a high practical significance.
49
Discussion
The main purpose of the present study was to provide evidence for basic psychometric properties
of the Quality of Parent-Teacher Relationship Scale for kindergarten (QPTRS-K) (Parent and Teacher
Forms), a newly constructed measure that was designed to assess the relational aspects of parentteacher interaction, using data from a national Greek sample of 913 mothers and 233 kindergarten
teachers.
Two reliable and valid components of their relationship quality emerged and were interpreted
similarly for both. These two constructs were considered as reflecting Trust and Communication. The most
important factor for both partners seemed to be Trust/Acceptance. It consisted of items that reflected the
three of the four indicators of the affective component of parent-teacher interaction, the “affective blueprint
of interaction”, the “emotional tone of relationship” and the “evaluation of the other part‟s contribution to
the relationship”. These items described stakeholders‟ sense of partner‟s trustworthiness and acceptance
by the other. Trust could be described as the acceptance of the other person or the mutual acceptance in
the context of parent-teacher relationship. It refers to the respect for the personality of the other person,
the confidence in his/her skills and knowledge, the satisfaction from work with the child or the contribution
to the relationship. It could be argued that it is this component that interprets the qualities described in the
Confidence subscale of PCRS (Elicker et al., 1997) and the Joining subscale of PTRS (Vickers & Minke,
1995).
The second factor was named Communication/Responsiveness and may be conceived as
referring to the quality of the contact. Parents‟ and teachers‟ satisfaction from their communication is
reflected in the frequency, openness and immediacy of their interaction as well as in the shared
understanding and the similarity of beliefs and expectations this communication generates for the child
and their education.
The constituent items of this second factor seemed to describe mainly parent-initiated information
exchange, representing the Behavioral regularities that reflect levels of collaboration category of quality
indicators proposed in the study. It seems that for kindergarten teachers the fact that parents initiate
communication and share information about the child and family issues is not embedded in their notion of
collaboration but mostly reveals that they are trusted and accepted by parents. The fact that parent-school
collaboration is organized and managed by the school itself and that teachers frame collaboration
according to their own terms not favoring parents‟ initiatives is reported in the literature (e.g. Abrams &
Gibbs, 2002; Addi-Raccah & Arviv-Elyashiv, 2008; Bernhard et al., 1998; Lawson, 2003). Finally,
similarities can be identified with “Collaboration” subscale of PCRS (Elicker et al., 1997) and
“Communication” subscale of PTRS (Vickers & Minke, 1995).
Mothers‟ and teachers‟ perceptions about their relationship were not found to correlate.
Incongruence between parents and caregivers‟ views of their relationship has been reported in other
studies that focus on preschool settings (Elicker et al., 1997; Joshi & Taylor, 2007; Pirchio et al., 2011)
and, in Greek context, by Mavropoulou (2002) concerning parents and teachers relationship in primary
grades in Greece.
Moreover, the data showed that mothers have more positive believes about their relationship with
kindergarten teachers. This finding is in line with evidence provided by a number of relevant international
studies that show parents‟ more optimal views about their children‟s teachers compared to teachers‟
perceptions of the families and the relationship they develop with them (Adams & Christenson, 2000;
Owen et al., 2000; Rentzou, 2011; Shpancer, 2002). This optimistic stance towards teachers may reveal
parents‟ need to feel that their children enjoy a proper care and educational services by persons that are
qualified, interested, caring and trustworthy. Moreover, parents may feel that when their relationship with
teachers is positive it would have positive effects in the teacher-child relationship as well and
consequently may “polish” their perceptions about their interaction with teachers.
The results have implications for both research and policy. The development of a measure that
takes into account the developmental characteristics of parent-teacher quality and permits longitudinal
assessment across educational settings and levels could be useful in order to promote knowledge and
understanding of the complex issue of parent-teacher connection. Moreover, the QPTRS-K was
developed in Greece and was tested with a Greek sample of mothers and kindergarten teachers. The use
of the scale with other Greek and international samples would provide additional data for the psychometric
properties of the scale and its appropriateness to capture the quality of relationship between parents and
kindergarten teachers regardless the socio-cultural and linguistic background in an attempt to gather and
compare evidence that could be used to improve educational policies and programs.
Future research should also focus on the relation between stakeholders‟ practices for involvement
and interaction and the quality of relationships as well as the effects on children‟s developmental and
educational attributes.
50
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52
The role of school choice in the formation of migrant family strategies
Rerak-Zampou Monika
Univeristy of Patras, Greece
[email protected]
Lempesi Georgia-Eleni
Univeristy of Patras, Greece
[email protected]
Abstract
Various forms of family-led mobility have become a major component of migration intakes worldwide and the main
channel of legal entry into the EU (Kofman & Meetoo, 2008). Therefore, discussing mobility it has become essential
to conceptualize this process in the broader spectrum of family. The following research is intended to present case
study on a Polish migrant family and indicate the role of its members in the process of decision making. Focus is
placed on the importance of school choice for the formation of family strategies.
Key words:
Family strategies, mobility, family decision-making, school choice, Polish migrants
Migrant family strategies
Becoming and being a migrant involves making a set of relevant decisions. According to social
capital theory individual decision-making is embedded in wider contexts, such as those of families, kin and
ethnic communities (Massey et al, 1994 cited in: Vandenbrande et al., 2006). Thus, mobility decisions,
likewise, are not isolated resolutions, but are taken within a predefined relational context and are
impacted, among others, by family-related considerations. Resent mobility literature indicates that both
theory and research emphasize the relevance of household as the core decision unit in migration
(Vandenbrande et al., 2006; Bonin et al., 2008; Zaiceva & Zimmermann, 2008; Santacreu, Baldoni, &
Albert, 2009; Moskal, 2011).
Families are more likely to have combined trajectories of mobility than others: in their case
decision about going abroad is complex and the possible economic advantages of mobility are often not
the principal decisive factors. Even though migrants may go abroad alone, they are often involved in
complicated webs of relationships and family networks both in the host country and back home. That is
why when discussing mobility it is important to approach family in the broadest sense to include kinship
networks and trans-generational relations. Mobility decision is usually influenced by the participation in
networks that provide different kinds of support. Transnational kinship networks assure the practical
support (such as child care), material, informational and emotional supports.
In his study De Jong (2000) has identified concepts relevant for the study of migration decisionmaking and constructed model of this process. We found that this model corresponds with present study
but based on our research on Polish immigrants in Athens we reconstructed it to include the education of
children, concept proved to be of great relevance for Polish people in Greece. Figure 1 presents altered
model of migration decision-making applicable to our case.
Figure 1. The model of migration decision-making.
Networks (family and
friends ties)
Gender roles/power
relations
Individual
characteristics
Residential satisfaction
53
Household
characteristics and
resources
FAMILY
STRATEGY
Migratory plans
School/education
Migratory constraints
and facilitators:
*
Prior
migratory
experience
* Immigration policy
* Labor contacts
* Money to move
* Discrimination
In the present study we focus on education, networks, residential satisfaction and migratory plans,
all of them relevant for the formation of long-term family strategies.
Family strategies are influenced by the sets of features: socio-demographic (age, education,
family status), networks support (with co- nationals, kinship support in the country of origin, relations with
nationals of the host country) and the institutional environment of the host country (employment
opportunities, immigration policy, welfare benefits and overall socio-economic integration into the host
society) (Kosic & Triandafyllidou, 2003). They can be additionally impacted by double caring
responsibilities: transnational ones and those in the destination country. Current literature recognizes
complexity of family decision making influenced by tangled family dynamics, socio-cultural context and
power relations. Family strategies are often a result of compromise achieved among the family members
in the process of decision making. Family migration strategies are not just onetime choices, but rather
results of an on-going process of negotiations that may be re-evaluated and re-considered several times
over the life-course.
School choice as a part of family strategy
Sociological literature presents education as an essential factor in relation to migration; schooling
becomes a crucial first step towards successful adaptation to mainstream society for immigrant children
and the children of immigrants (Zhou, 1997) supporting them in achieving social advancement. School
environment with its norms, values, and support, plays an important role in facilitating social integration in
a broad sense: it has the power and tools to promote positive inter-group contacts within which diverse
groups can interact, learn from one another and develop positive attitudes towards one another (Papoulia
– Tzelepi, Spinthourakis, Kartergaris, Stefanidis, & Synesiou, 2003).
Children‟s education as well as parents‟ expectations about the opportunities available in the
destination country may impact on family migration strategies (Ackers & Gill, 2008; Ryan & Sales, 2013).
Scholars emphasize the influence of the stage children have reached in schooling as an important factor
in creation of migration strategies. For example, older children (especially those at secondary school or in
college) are seen as more likely to have their education disrupted by migration whereas younger children
are viewed as able to cope with the experience of migration and getting to know new systems (Ryan &
Sales, 2013). Nevertheless, parents often do not want to disturb their children‟s education and wait for
them to finish schools to decide on family‟s eventual mobility. Relevant literature indicates that parents
have a great influence in decision-making around educational trajectories and spatial strategies and often
they are the ones to have a decisive voice and tend to remain very rational in adopting the strategies of
support for education of their children.
Polish immigrants in Athens get to select from the variety of educational offers: Greek public and private
schools, various international schools and the Polish School. Nevertheless, taking into account the
migratory pattern that majority of those migrants present (economic emigration characterized by low paid
jobs) the actual school choice concerns free of charge institutions: either the public Greek schools or the
Group of Polish schools at Polish Embassy in Athens (the GoPSaPEiA).
The study
Study focuses on migrant family strategies of a Polish family residing in Athens in order to indicate
the role of its members in the process of strategy formation. The main emphasis was placed on the role of
school choice in this process. We have used ethnographic methodology focusing specifically on
biographical narrative techniques altogether with in-depth long term interviews. We have investigated the
case of Barbara, Polish mother of two schoolchildren (the names of all family members were changed to
ensure anonymity). Seven interviews, each one lasting one-and-half hour, were undergone between
February and November 2012.
54
Barbara’s life story
Barbara came to Greece approximately 22 years ago (she was in her early 20ies). Greece was a
transit country for her on the way to Canada. But not succeeding in going further and meeting her future
husband Ryszard, Barbara eventually stayed in Greece.
Barbara has two children: Kamil, 11 and Dominika, 17. Family rented a flat in the center of Athens.
At the time of the research Barbara worked below her qualifications as a tailor in a small family industry
owned by Greeks. Barbara‟s husband owned a small garment business where they used to work together,
but due to economic difficulties one of them had to leave. At home family spoke Polish and watched Polish
TV.
During the initial meetings Barbara seemed satisfied with her life, happy and self-confident. With
time she showed some signs of discontent, frustration and professional unfulfillment.
Children’s education
Barbara‟s daughter, Dominika, finished Greek primary and lower secondary school and at the
same time she completed the complementary, Saturday classes at the GoPSaPEiA. Dominika attended
Polish kindergarten. The decision to send her to Greek school was made under suggestion of Greek
teacher, family‟s friend.
At the time of research Dominika lived in Poland (in a dormitory) and went to general upper
secondary school there. Her school was not far from the village her mother came from, so the girl
occasionally went to visit grandparents and other relatives.
Family arranged for Dominika to continue her education in Poland because she did not fill well in
Greece, always stood out, felt different. In Poland she “feels much better, she‟s very happy, studies a lot
and she is a very good student. In future Dominika plans to study at one of Polish universities.
At the time of research Kamil attended Greek primary school (6th grade) as well as
complementary, Saturday lessons at the GoPSaPEiA (5th grade). According to Barbara, Kamil felt great at
Greek school and had plenty of friends there.
During the third meeting Barbara told us that Kamil wanted to go to Polish lower secondary
school. That day Barbara was not sure what the family would do, where they would send Kamil. Together
with husband they were considering both options: public Greek school or daily system at Polish school in
Athens. On the other hand, talking about long-term plans, Barbara told us that they wanted their son to
continue education in Greece, so she rather considered sending son to a Greek secondary school.
Nevertheless, during one of the final meetings Barbara revealed that her son had started to talk about
going to upper secondary school in Poland, just like his sister. During the last meeting Barbara stated that
their plans had not changed and that Kamil would go to Greek secondary school.
Networks: family and friends ties
Barbara had a few Polish friends in Athens. Ryszard‟s sister with daughter also lived in that city;
however families did not spend much time together. Both Barbara‟s children had many friends from the
Polish school. In the Greek lower secondary school Dominika had only one Greek friend. Kamil was
repeatedly described as child being in the center of attention, having many friends in his Greek school. His
best friend from that school was a boy from Albania; he had also another best friend from Polish school.
However, when asked about time after school Barbara explained that son‟s Greek friends live far from him
so Kamil spent most time with Polish peers. As here was no place to go and play near their house he did
not have friends in the neighborhood. Parents took him to the nearby park, where they arranged to meet
with other Polish families with children. To Kamil‟s birthday parties only Polish friends were invited (due to
the alleged distance). When it comes to being invited to other children‟s birthday parties, Barbara claimed
that Kamil was generally not invited, but did not want to discuss that subject. The reason was once again
the distance.
Residential satisfaction
Barbara seemed to enjoy living in Greece: she liked the climate and the sea. She enjoyed Greek
lifestyle, liked local cuisine even though she did not know how to cook Greek food. As she said: „Even the
same wine tastes better in Greece”. She liked the Greek way of celebrating religious holidays.
Migratory plans
It is important to mention that during our investigation recipient repeatedly emphasized the fact
that all the decisions in this family were made by the both parents. During the first meeting Barbara told us
that together with her husband they had planned to return to Poland when they retire. Now, due to the
crisis, they might have to go back earlier. Still, talking about moving back she did not seem to be excited.
Quite the contrary, Barbara said: „ I cannot imagine to leave... I got used to living here, we have stayed
here for such a long time... we have jobs...” (first meeting); „I spent half my life in Greece. I know how to
run errands here, where to go. In Poland I feel lost and I have to ask, always. I like to go to Poland but
also like to come back to Greece. Here's my home” (third meeting).
55
During the following meetings, discussing the future, Barbara repeated numerous times that her
family wanted to stay in Greece, but that it all depended on employment: „If we are able to work here we
will stay, if not, we‟ll leave”. Barbara had discussed it with her husband, and they had made a plan in case
they had to leave Greece: settling in Lodz, (the center of the textile industry in Poland) and hopefully to
finding employment there.
Talking about the future she referred to education of children, but also their personalities. Barbara
explained that her son was not like the daughter, so he could not be away from parents, go to high school
in Poland; it would be hard for him to part with parents. That is why Barbara considered Greek secondary
school; it would allow her son to both: continue education in Greece and stay close to parents.
During our last meeting Barbara confirmed that they planned to stay in Greece as long as they had their
jobs.
Discussion
Present study considers strategies as a result of decision-making process of family understood as
collectivity of individual actors, all taking part in strategy formation. The evidence came from testimonies of
only one family member, thus might be biased by potential subjectivity. Relevant seem to be the fact that
in case of the investigated family the most important decisions were made together by both parents, acting
in a way that included welfare of children taking into consideration their personalities. Thus, our study
proves that migrants‟ planning and decision-making are implicated in the context of family relationships
and considerations.
In present research financial considerations proved to be the most important factor influencing
mobility strategies and dominating education of children. Barbara implied that if crisis in Greece got worse
they would leave regardless of son‟s schooling. Among other factors named by Barbara as those keeping
her family in Greece were: the beauty of this country and the Greek lifestyle. The influence of more distant
relatives on the process of strategy formation was not demonstrated in the present research.
The following sociogram (Figure 2) presents the patterns of friends and family ties described by Barbara.
Figure 2. The patterns of Barbara‟s friends and family networks
Close relations include members of nuclear family: husband, son and daughter. Other relatives
seem to have emotional importance for participant. Still their impact on family life and decisions was rather
low. Friends were never mentioned as a factor impacting decision whether to stay or leave.
Environment of the host country appears to have an influence on the process of family strategies
formation. In our study it was proved in case of educational strategies impacted by the third person
convincing parents to send children to Greek public schools. Additionally, negative experience of daughter
due to the lack of acceptance among Greek peers connected to feeling of isolation led to the decision to
send her to Poland to continue her secondary education. This action caused great changes into
organization and functioning of family life regarding distortion of family substructures (the parent-child
56
relationship, and the relationship among siblings), introduction of strategies of indirect parenting, renegotiation of family expenses (to include additional dormitory, phone, internet fees, tickets, etc.), etc.
Family used Internet every day for rather lengthy conversations with daughter in Poland. This
communication strategy resulted from disability of engaging in frequent face-to-face visits.
Barbara‟s plans seemed not to be clear-cut: she could not say with certainty when she and her
family would return to Poland, whether her daughter would move back to Greece or stay in Poland after
finishing her studies. The livelihood strategy introduced by this family involved staying in Greece as long
as possible. The only thing that could make them go back to Poland was the lack of employment in
Greece. In this case Barbara and her husband had formed a plan of moving into the third largest Polish
city well-known for its garment industry in search for employment (due to their education and professional
experience).
Conclusions
The results of present research indicate that Barbara‟s family seemed to be well settled. Their
work and, to some degree, children education as well as social networks were rooting them in Athens, and
through them their stay was also becoming more long-term. Parents tended to have decisive voice in the
course of formulating broad strategies for family sustenance and improvement around educational and
spatial trajectories and they remained rational in adopting the strategies of support for education of their
children taking into consideration youngsters‟ welfare.
Present research proves that strategies are not isolated resolutions, but are impacted by familyrelated considerations. In case of our study those considerations mainly include professional career of
both parents and the education of children. It turned out that the school choice, a relevant part of family
strategy, in case of the investigated family was of secondary importance. Even though parents‟ decision to
send their daughter to Poland to continue education resulted directly in the split of the nuclear family this
step was made. Still, parents stayed in Greece, proving that the most important consideration, underlined
several times by the participant of our research was the employment and financial considerations.
Environment of the host country and residential satisfaction connected to it proved important determinants
of mobility strategies in the present research.
We believe this study proves that migration strategies are not one-time choices, but rather results
of an on-going, constant process of renegotiations and may be re-evaluated and re-considered several
times over the life-course. During the 10-month study family plans towards the future abode and children
education were changing, and so were the family migratory strategies. It is essential to say that strategies‟
reformations were enabled by family decision to start complementary education at Polish School in
Athens. Doing so the family beforehand secured children education: it would not suffer from potential
return to homeland as children could easily continue their education in Poland. Thus, if forced to do so
(e.g. by increasing crisis in Greece), Barbara and her husband are able go back to Poland at any time and
send their children to Polish public school to continue their education.
Summarizing, we believe that present study shows that family strategies are influenced by the mix
of socio-demographic features complicated interactions of care responsibilities, impacted by network
support in the sending country and the environment of the host country. Relevant are family
considerations, especially education of children and plans connected to their future. Still, the most
important factor in the process of family strategy formation are employment considerations.
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58
Family in the scientific literature of British Journal of Sociology of
Education: Tendencies and perspectives for the field of Sociology of
Education during the first decade of the 21st century
Koustourakis Gerasimos
Assistant Professor / Department of Educational Science and Early Childhood Education,
University of Patras
Email: [email protected]
Spiliopoulou Georgia
Kindergarten Teacher, Postgraduate Student / Department of Educational Science and Early Childhood
Education, University of Patras
Email: [email protected]
Asimaki Anny
Lecturer / Department of Primary Education, University of Patras
Email: [email protected]
Abstract
The purpose of this paper is the detection of issues concerning the relationship between family and
education as they have been presented in the literature of the British Journal of Sociology of Education
(BJSE) during the first decade of the 21st century. Specifically, in this paper we investigate and discuss
the following research questions: (a) what is the orientation and the subject matter of the articles published
in BJSE in the mentioned period concerning family, (b) what are the theoretical and methodological tools
used by the authors for carrying out these studies, (c) which is the gender identity of the authors of these
papers, and (d) which are the geographical areas in which these studies have been carried out and
referred to and what is the position held by Greece and Cyprus among them. For approaching and
analyzing our data and finding answers to the above questions we used the method of content analysis as
the most proper for this kind of research.
Keywords
Family, Sociology of Education, British Journal of Sociology of Education
Introduction
Family constitutes the first, determinative and fundamental socializing factor of young person
(Hughes & Kroehler, 2007; Nova-Kaltsouni, 1998). In fact, from the view of Sociology of Education, it is
recognized that family relationships, influences and contributions are decisive for the educational course
and the future professional outlets and choices of children (Kyridis, 1996, 1997; Papakonstantinou, 2007;
Sianou-Kyrgiou, 2005, 2010; Pyrgiotakis, 1998).
In this paper we focus our interest on the approach, study and analysis of the scientific literature
which refers to family and has been published in the content of the most significant –from the side of
scientific prestige– journal of Sociology of Education in Europe. In particular, our purpose is to assess, by
taking into account the content of the valid scientific journal British Journal of Sociology of Education
(BJSE), the contemporary scientific theoretical and research interest about the relationship concerning the
st
triangle: family, school and child during the first decade of the 21 century. The purpose of BJSE is the
development of a worldwide dialogue about issues of sociological theory and research during the almost
34 years of its function as it has been published every year since 1980 (British Journal of Sociology of
Education, n.d.).
59
Theoretical considerations
According to Bernstein (1999), scientific knowledge belongs to vertical discourse and is
distinguished from horizontal discourse which belongs to everyday knowledge. Vertical discourse, namely
scientific knowledge, is divided into two distinguishable categories of knowledge:
(α) In hierarchical knowledge structures which relate to physical sciences. This category of
knowledge constitutes “coherent structures of knowledge which are systematically organized according to
clear notions and principles” (Bernstein, 2000, p. 157). And,
(β) In horizontal knowledge structures that “take the form of specialized languages, each one of
which includes specialized ways of systematic research and specialized criteria for the production and
circulation of texts, as it happens in the case of social and anthropological sciences” (Bernstein, 2000, p.
157). The science of Sociology is placed in the category of horizontal knowledge structures (Bernstein,
1999) since the theoretical assumptions and methodological approaches are different between scientists
who, for instance, work on the basis of structure-functional scientific paradigm, the Marxist conflict
approaches, the hermeneutical approaches, the weberian or the combined approaches (Hughes &
Kroehler, 2007; Giddens, 2002; Lampiri-Dimaki, 1990; Lamnias, 2002; Moore, 2004; Moore & Muller,
2002).
Sociology of Education, which constitutes organic part of the science of Sociology, was actually
nd
born as a result of the conditions emerged after the 2 World War with the aim of studying educational
and social inequalities and the analysis of the relationship between education and society (Nova Kaltsouni, 2010; Fragoudaki, 1995). Sociology of Education as a scientific branch is placed in the
horizontal knowledge structures with “weak grammar”, that is, with not so stable principles and rules, since
it is characterized by a multiparadigmatic character and multitype methods and techniques in approaching
social and educational reality, often differentiated according to the adopted scientific paradigm (Blackledge
& Hunt, 2002; Kelpanidis, 2002; Lamnias, 2002; Mihalakopoulos, 1990). In this case it is interesting to
examine if the theoretical and methodological approaches of the papers related to family and published in
st
BJSE at the beginning of the 21 century shape the picture of an horizontal knowledge structure with
weak grammar, in other words, to what extent they correspond to the scientific multitype of the field of
Sociology of Education.
Research Questions – Methodology
In this paper we are going to deal with the following research questions:
 What is the orientation and the subject matter of the articles published in BJSE concerning family
st
during the first decade of the 21 century?
 What are the theoretical and methodological tools used for carrying out these studies?
 Which is the gender identity of the authors of papers, published in BJSE concerning family? And,
 Which are the geographical areas in which these studies have been carried out and referred to and
what is the position held by Greece and Cyprus among them?
For approaching and analyzing our data and finding answers to the above questions we used the
method of content analysis. As unit of analysis there is taken the “scientific article” in the content of which
it is presented the contribution of family to the analysis and explanation of the relationship between
education, family and child (Krippendorff, 1980). The location of these papers became through the
examination of the issues of BJSE published during the period 2000-2010. The research and elaboration
of the content of the mentioned units of analysis was carried out through the effort to answer to each one
of the above research questions. The findings of this research are going to be presented afterwards.
Results – Discussion
From the study of the research material during the mentioned period there were found 33 units of
analysis concerning family. During the mentioned period there were published 410 scientific papers in
BJSE and the papers referred to family represent the 8.04% of them.
In Figure 1 there is presented the distribution of the papers concerning family in the content of
BJSE according to the year of their publication.
60
Figure 1: Distribution of scientific literature concerning family in the scientific journal BJSE.
BJSE: Articles on Family (%)
18
16
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
The study of the elements of Figure 1 shows that in relation to the sum total of the scientific material of
BJSE the percentage of published scientific papers concerning family is not stable during the mentioned
period. Specifically, the highest percentage of published papers concerning family is found in the years
2010 (16.3%), 2005 (13.9%), 2004 (11.8%) and 2007 (9.3%). On the contrary, it is found that in the 2006
scientific production there are no published papers concerning family and in 2003 there are limited papers
concerning family (2.8%). We should notice that the sum total of the scientific literature in BJSE
concerning family is composed of research articles.
In Table 1 there is presented the distribution of the papers published in BJSE during the period
2000-2010 according to their subject matter.
Table 1: Subject matter of the scientific papers concerning family.
Subject matter of the articles
Communicative interactive relationships between family
and school
«Capital», family and education
Social inequalities, social discriminations, family and
education
Socialization in family and school destination of pupils
Family and New Technologies
Frequencies
10
Percentage %
30.3
9
7
27.3
21.2
5
2
15.1
6.1
The study of the elements in Table 1 shows that a large number of papers approaches the subject
matter of “Communicative interactive relationships between family and school” (10 papers, 30.3%), as well
as the subject matter of the relationship between different forms of “Capital, family and education” (9
papers, 27.3%). In addition, the subject matter of social inequalities and discriminations (7 papers, 21.2%)
as well as the socializing effect of family, which determines to a large extent the school course of pupils (5
papers, 15.1%), occupied the researchers. Also, two papers (6.1%) focused their interest on the
examination of the relationship between family and use of New Technologies.
Particularly, in the case of scientific papers which focus on “Communicative interactive
relationships between family and school” as a significant section of scientific interest appears the
investigation of the effort of parents‟ involvement and participation in educational processes either with the
aim of influencing the teachers in shaping their educational practices (Archer, 2010; Borg & Mayo, 2001;
Dahlstedt, 2009; Edwards & Alldred, 2000), or with the aim of cooperation between teachers and children,
something that is expected to be helpful to children (Forsberg, 2007; Levine-Rasky, 2009; MaClure &
Walker, 2000). The relationship between parents – teachers is often proved to be difficult and prompts
researchers‟ interest to try to understand and explain it (Bæck, 2010; Macfarlane, 2009; Ranson et.al.,
2004).
The papers which focus on the unity “Capital, family and education” use to a large extent the
theoretical views of Pierre Bourdieu and try to approach the effect of different forms of “capital” in shaping
the views and practices of parents as well as their educational and cultural choices concerning their
children (Brooks, 2003; Hanafin & Lynch, 2002). Such significant forms of capital detected in research
concerning family, are cultural capital (Bodovski, 2010; Symeou, 2007), linguistic capital (Yoon & Gulson,
2010), emotional capital (O‟Brien, 2008) and social capital (Green & Vryonides, 2005; Heath et. al., 2010).
The family capital is also approached through Coleman‟s relevant theory (Li, 2007).
In the case of the category “Social inequalities, social discriminations, family and education” the
examined papers focus on the investigation of unequal access and discriminations, pupils are suffered in
61
school, according to: a) the ethnotic and racial origin of their family (Connolly & Keenan, 2002; Crozier,
2005; Crozier et.al., 2008), b) their social origin with emphasis on the treatment of children from unprivileged social classes (Broadhurst et. al., 2005) as well as the choice of suitable school for children
from urban families (Levy & Massalha, 2010), c) the influence of religious factor, which results in
educational discrimination against girls in countries such as Turkey (Rankin & Aytaç, 2008), and d) the
discriminating treatment of children with special needs (Rogers, 2007).
The subject matter of the approach of the factor of childrens‟ socialization in family and its effect
on the educational course of children occupied some researchers. Particularly, research focused on the
detection of the educational career of children from divorced families (Colpin et. al., 2004), on the role of
“good mother” (Vincent et. al., 2010) and on the effect of upbringing children from middle-urban social
classes on their educational course and success (Neves & Morais, 2005; Vincent et.al., 2004).
Finally, two scientific papers (6.1%) approach the category “Family and New Technologies”. In
these papers it is investigated the use of Technology of Information and Communication from
technologically literate and illiterate parents and their children (Angus et. al., 2004) as well as the attitudes
and perceptions of parents about the use of New Technologies by young people (Facer et. al., 2001).
st
In the case of papers concerning family published during the first decade of the 21 century in
BJSE, a large part of them (13 papers, 39.4%) develops its scientific speculation and argumentation
based on the survey of the relevant with the subject matter research bibliography without relying on
specific theoretical notions of specific social scientists These papers reveal the existence of multitype
strategies to the scientific field of Sociology of education about the approach and elaboration of research
data. And this appears from the fact that some papers choose the application of quantitative approaches
(Broadhurst et. al., 2005; Matěakejů & Straková, 2005; Rankin & Aytaç, 2008; Vincent et. al., 2010), many
others choose qualitative research hermeneutic approaches (Angus et. al., 2004; Colpin et.al., 2004;
Connoly & Keenan, 2002; Crozier, 2005; Crozier et. al., 2008; Facer et. al., 2001; Hanafin & Lynch, 2002;
MaClure & Walker, 2010) and in a small number it is adopted a combination of quantitative and qualitative
analysis of research data (Levy & Massalha, 2010).
In Table 2 there is presented the distribution of papers concerning family, which have a clear
theoretical framework (20 papers, 60.6%), according to the scientists from the theory of whom there are
derived notions about the construction of their theoretical framework.
Table 2: Theoretical notions about the construction of the theoretical framework of papers in BJSE
concerning family.
Used theories by:
Bourdieu
Foucault
Ball
Coleman
Lareau
Putnam
Rose
Allatt
Apple
Austin
Bakhtin
Bastiani
Bernstein
Crompton
Davies & Harre
Epstein
Freire
Habermas
Hage
Hallway
Parsons
Popkewitz
Reay
Savage
Theoretical notions
Habitus, forms of capital (cultural, economic, symbolic),
game, field, power relations
Power, governmentality, truth, discourse
Performativity and propriety, class strategies
Cultural capital, family capital
Cultural capital, parental strategies, linguistic patterns,
race
Cultural capital, social networks
Responsible citizen, advanced liberal society
Emotional capital
New right ideology
Communicative action
Communicative action
Home-school relations typology
Code theory
Professional jobs
Positioning theory
Home-school relations typology
Critical education
Active communication
Spatial theory of nationalist practice
Positioning theory
Natural carer
Pedagogicalization
Emotional capital
Middle class (Weberian approach)
Number of
papers to
which are
referred:
9
3
2
2
2
2
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
62
Tomilson
Warnock
Wittgenstein
Woods
Communication home-school
Inclusive education
Communicative action
Home-school strategies
1
1
1
1
Studying the elements in Table 2 we notice that the theoretical framework of the papers concerning family,
published in BJSE during the period 2000-2010, is constructed by notions derived from the work of social
scientists who apply different scientific paradigms such as structural-functionalism (e.g. Parsons,
Coleman, Putnam), conflict – critical approaches and theories of social reproduction (e.g. Apple, Freire,
Habermas), post-structural approaches (Foucault), hermeneutic approaches (e.g. Bastiani, Epstein,
Woods) and combined approaches (e.g. Bernstein, Bourdieu, Savage who adopts a weberian analysis of
social classes). So, through the theoretical and methodological choice of papers concerning family there
emerges a picture of a scientific field, which belongs to vertical discourse and, specifically, to horizontal
knowledge structures with weak grammar (Bernstein, 1999). In addition, the construction of the theoretical
framework of papers concerning family is based to a large extent on notions mainly from Bourdieu‟s theory
(in 9 papers, 27.3%) and to some extent from the theoretical views of Foucault (in 3 papers, 9.1%) as well
as Ball, Coleman, Putnam, Lareau and Rose (from 2 papers, 6.1% for each case).
In Table 3 there is presented the distribution of papers concerning family published in BJSE during
the period 2000-2010 according to the methodological tools used for their realization.
Table 3: Methodological tools used for the realization of research papers concerning family published in
BJSE.
Methodological Tools
Interview
Observation and interview
Observation, questionnaire and interview
Questionnaire
Questionnaire and interview
Historical analysis, micro and macro-analysis
Frequency of
papers
24
3
2
2
1
1
Percentage %
72.7
9.1
6.1
6.1
3.0
3.0
The study of the elements in Table 3 shows that almost all research papers concerning family
published in BJSE applied the technique of interview for the collection of their research data (30 papers,
90.9%). This technique was used either alone (24 papers, 72.7%) or in combination with other techniques
(6 papers, 18.2%). Particularly, interview was used in combination with questionnaire (1 paper, 3%),
observation (3 papers, 9.1%), as well as in combination with questionnaire and observation (2 papers,
6.1%). Only in two scientific papers (6.06%) the collection of empirical data was carried out exclusively
with the use of questionnaire. Finally, in the case of one paper (3%) there was applied the historical
approach in combination with micro and macro-sociological analysis with the aim of understanding and
explaining the cooperation between parents and teachers in the case of Queensland in Australia
(Macfarlane, 2009). Consequently, from the observation data in Table 3 there is inferred a multitype of
methodological choices for the realization of papers concerning family and a strong tendency towards the
application of research focused on micro-level, conducted by means of the researchers‟ personal contact
with specific social subjects (parents and their children).
In Table 4 there is presented the distribution of the authors‟ papers concerning family published in
BJSE according to their gender.
Table 4: Presence of women authors in papers of BJSE concerning family.
Authors in
each paper
One
Two
Three
Four
Five and above
Sum total
Authors in
each case
13
11
7
1
1
33
Sum total of
authors
13
22
21
4
7
67
Women
authors
9
12
17
3
6
47
Women
authors (%)
69.23
54.54
80.95
75.00
85.71
70.14
The study of the elements in Table 4 shows that the largest part of authors occupied with family in
papers positively evaluated from critics of BJSE and published in that journal are women (47 cases,
70.14%). The tendency of quantitative supremacy of women is being preserved in all papers‟ cases
concerning family regardless of the number of authors who cooperated for their creation. Such a thing
reveals, on the one hand, the existence of an engendered habitus, which seems to energize the
63
dispositions of many women, social scientists, and drives them to engage in issues that belong
traditionally to a specific “scientific field” of preferences and interests, such as family (Bourdieu, 2007). On
the other hand, such a thing makes obvious the fact that there are no neutral research questions or
neutral research records and drives us to understand their social definition (Bourdieu, Chamboredon &
Passeron, 2007).
In Table 5 there is presented the distribution of papers concerning family, published in BJSE,
according to the country from which research data were drawn.
Table 5: Countries on which research concerning family focused.
Countries
United Kingdom
Canada
Ireland
Cyprus
Australia
Sweden
Malta
U.S.A.
Norway
Israel
Turkey
Democracy of Czech
Portugal
Frequencies
13
4
3
2
2
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
Percentage %
39.40
12.12
9.09
6.06
6.06
6.06
3.03
3.03
3.03
3.03
3.03
3.03
3.03
The study of the elements in Table 5 shows that the largest part of the studies concerning family is
found in United Kingdom (13 studies, 39.39%), the country where BJSE is published. Next, there follows
Canada (4 studies, 12.12%), Ireland (3 studies, 9.09%), and Cyprus, Australia and Sweden (2 studies
each, 6.06%). One study (3.03%) draws data from the reality of the countries Malta, U.S.A., Norway,
Israel, Turkey, Czech and Portugal. Consequently, the findings in Table 5 reveal that the majority of the
research papers concerning family, correspond to the first composite of the title of the journal BJSE,
namely British (25 papers, 75.8%). And that comes about, because it has to do either with papers which
focus on Britain itself or on countries which belong to the British Commonwealth and they have close
historical relations with this country.
In addition, the choices of the papers‟ subject matter concerning family are interrelated with the
specific social, economical, political and cultural conditions of the countries in which the research was
conducted. This is evident particularly in papers focused on Israel (Palestine issue and education of
children from Arabic families: Levy & Massalha, 2010), on Turkey (religiousness, Muslim and
handkerchief: Rankin & Aytaç, 2008) and on Czech (post-communism period and social reproduction:
Matěakejů & Straková, 2005). The immigration of population mainly from countries of British
Commonwealth to United Kingdom, as well as the issue of social discriminations and educational
inequalities, which they entail, to countries such as Britain and Ireland influenced the papers‟ focus of
interest in family (Broadhurst et. al., 2005; Connolly & Keenan, 2002; Crozier, 2005; Rogers, 2007). Also,
the issue of multiculturalism in countries such as U.S.A. and Canada resulted in the approach of matters
concerning the correlation of factors, which constitute the triangle: immigrants‟ family, pupil and school
(Bodovski, 2010; Levine-Rasky, 2009; Li, 2007; Yoon & Gulson, 2010). Finally, two studies from the
Helladic space are found in the content of BJSE, which were carried out in Cyprus. In these studies there
are detected the relationships and the cooperation between family and school (Symeou, 2007) and the
influence of social capital on shaping the views of Greek-Cypriot parents about the choices regarding the
education of their children (Green & Vryonides, 2005).
Conclusions
According to the issues examined above we result in the following conclusions:
st

During the first decade of the 21 century in the content of the scientific journal BJSE there has
been published a small number of papers, in which it is analyzed the relationship between family and
education (33 papers, 8.04% of the sum total of the journal‟s literature). These research papers shape
their subject matter by taking into account the particular characteristics and the conditions of the societies
on which they focused their attention. Characteristic example constitutes the subject matter of specific
papers which refer to Canada and are related to the issue of multiculturalism (Li, 2007; Yoon & Gulson,
2010), to Israel where exists the Palestine issue (Levy & Massalha, 2010), to Turkey where it comes to the
surface the handkerchief and girls‟ education (Rankin & Aytaç, 2008), and to Czech where there is interest
for social inequalities during the post-communism period (Matěakejů & Straková, 2005).
64

The theoretical and methodological choices of the papers about family published in BJSE, shape
a picture of a field which belongs to vertical discourse and specifically to horizontal knowledge structures
with weak grammar (Bernstein, 1999, 2000). This is inferred from the fact that the construction of their
theoretical framework relies on notions derived from many social scientists, who use different scientific
paradigms (e.g. structural-functionalism, theories of social reproduction, hermeneutic approaches, etc).
Particularly, the theoretical framework of the papers concerning family is formed by the derivation of ideas
from 28 scientists among which the ideas of Bourdieu are dominant (use of its theory in 9 papers, 27.3%).
In addition, in most papers there are chosen micro-level analyses since data are collected from a specific
and relative small number of parents and pupils mainly through interview, while in some cases there was
applied the triangle method (6 papers, 18.2%) combining interview with questionnaire and observation.
Finally, the subject matter of papers concerning family is found: a) in the effort to analyze the relationships
that parents develop with school and teachers and the impact on the educational course of their children,
b) in the detection of the effect of different forms of “capital” that family possesses on the educational
perspectives of its children, c) in the investigation of issues that concern social inequalities and school
discriminations according to the family origin of pupils, and d) in the detection of the effects of children‟s
socialization in families with special characteristics, such as single-parent families, on their educational
career.

The majority of authors in papers regarding family matters are women (47, 70.14% and 20 men
authors, 29.86%). Such a fact implies possibly the existence of an engendered habitus (Bourdieu, 2007),
which is related to preferences about the engagement in specific sections of research interest.

The majority of papers concerning family published in BJSE come from Great Britain itself (13
papers, 39.4%) and from countries which have close historical connections with this country as they
belong to the frame of countries of British Commonwealth (11 papers, 33.3% from: Canada, Ireland,
Australia and Cyprus). Consequently, the number of papers concerning family (9 papers, 27.3%) which
come from U.S.A. or from countries related to European continent is smaller (Sweden, Norway, Malta,
Portugal, Czech, Turkey and Israel).
In conclusion, we would like to mention that it would be scientifically interesting the continuation of
detection and sociological analysis of papers concerning family in the scientific journal BJSE as well as in
other European and American journals, which belong to the field of Sociology of Education and have
scientific prestige.
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67
Family capital and schooling.
A study to Albanian immigrants in Greece
Koustourakis Gerasimos
Assistant Professor / Department of Educational Science and Early Childhood Education, University of
Patras
Email: [email protected]
Asimaki Anny
Lecturer / Department of Primary Education, University of Patras
Email: [email protected]
Abstract
In this ethnographical study the Coleman‟s theory on family capital is exploited in order to investigate the
influence of the forms of capital of immigrant families that affects the schooling of their children.
Specifically, this research focuses on two families of Albanian immigrants staying about twenty years in
Greece and analyses the relationship between their physical, human and social capital and the
educational route of their children. The analysis of the research data showed that the educational level of
parents, their professional occupation in Greece, expectations for the future of the family‟s children, as
well as their efforts to adapt and integrate into Greek society, contributed to the activation of family‟s
capital in a such way that the educational course of their children was ultimately determined.
Keywords
Family capital, Albanian immigrants, Schooling
Introduction
Since the fall of the regimes of actually existing socialism in Europe, Greece has constituted an
entry country for immigrants. Two decades on, this has brought about her transformation into a
contemporary multicultural society (Baldwin-Edwards, 2004; Cavounidis, 2002; King, 2002).
The first and largest wave of immigration to Greece, which began in 1991, comes from neighbouring
Albania. The majority of immigrants living in Greece today and who correspond to about 65% of the total
number of immigrants, are Albanian and are to be found dispersed throughout Greece (Lianos, 2001;
Rovolis & Tragaki, 2006). First the Albanian men emigrate and then they bring over their wives and
families and establish themselves virtually permanently in Greece. A large number of Albanian immigrant
families have children who were born in Greece and followed the educational route which is determined by
the Greek education system (Iosifides et.al., 2007; Rovolis & Tragaki, 2006). The employment of Albanian
immigrants in Greece is concentrated mainly in building work and agriculture and to a lesser extent,
industry and tourism. In addition, quite a few immigrants have managed to create their own commercial
and contracting enterprises (Labrianidis et.al., 2004; OECD, 205). Albanian families living in Greece
function in an introverted, traditional way and follow a system of strict morals and customs, which are
based on the cultivation and maintenance of family bonds of solidarity and mutual support (Iosifides et.al.,
207).
This work constitutes an ethnographic study which makes use of Coleman‟s theoretical positions.
More specifically, the object of this study is to trace the extent to which the different forms of capital which
exist in the family (physical, human, social capital) affected the educational route of the children from two
families of Albanian immigrants who have been living in Greece for almost twenty years.
Theoretical framework
Coleman‟s approach to capital differs from Bourdieu‟s approach, as the latter analyses the
contribution of education to the phenomenon of social reproduction (O‟Brien & O Faithaigh, 2005).
Coleman‟s theory clearly has structuralist roots, however it proves useful for the approach to and
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explanation of the way families which follow traditional models and values function (Dika & Singh, 2002),
which is the case with the families of Albanian immigrants who live in Greece (Iosifides et.al., 2007).
A basic position of Coleman‟s theory (1998, p. 109) is that the social capital which exists in the
family contributes to the shaping of the human capital of the next generation. In particular, family capital
includes the following three, distinct forms of capital:
 Physical capital, which refers to the family‟s material wealth. This capital is determined by the parents‟
income, the possession of and means of acquiring the material goods which the family owns. In other
words, it refers to the family‟s personal and real estate. The family‟s physical capital can aid the children‟s
educational path in cases where money is available to bolster their learning efforts and face their learning
difficulties (Coleman, 1988; Dika & Singh, 2002; Li, 2007). In Greece this takes the form of money spent
on private tuition for the children.
 Human capital refers to the educational level of the parents and is linked to their ambitions for their
children‟s future, as well as to their skills, knowledge and ability to set rules and follow particular
strategies, through which the learning effort and path of their children are directed (Dika & Singh, 2002).
The parents‟ human capital constitutes an important factor which can either support, or not, their
children‟s learning efforts (Coleman, 1988). In particular, in the case of immigrants, a very important
factor in the educational path of the children proves to be the parents‟ ability to use the language of the
host country (reading, writing, speaking) (Li, 2007).
 Social capital is analyzed in the categories social capital within family and social capital outside family
(Coleman, 1988). Social capital within family refers to the personal relationships which develop within the
family between its members and especially to the existence of real communication between parents and
children. This means that the parents should be actively involved with the child, helping him/her with
school work, talking to him/her about his/her problems and experiences at school. Here the presence of
the parents in the home is considered significant in the case where they really are involved with their child.
In addition, the parents‟ ambitions regarding their child‟s performance at school, as well as the way the
child spends his or her time at home, are fundamental aspects of social capital within family (Coleman,
1988; Dika & Singh, 2002). Social capital outside family is determined mainly by the parents‟ social
relationships, but also by those of the child with members of the local community. In this case, it is
interesting to trace the social relationships and contacts of foreign parents with locals, the parents‟
cooperation with teachers, their participation in school activities and school institutions, such as the
school‟s parents‟ and guardians‟ association, as well as the development on the part of the foreign
students of social relationships with their classmates (Coleman, 1988; Dika & Singh, 2002).
According to Coleman (1988) the most significant form of capital is social capital within family in the
case where strong personal relationships between parents and children develop. This means that if
parents don‟t develop strong relationships with their child, even though they may be physically present in
the home, then this is not due to their educational advantages, in the case of educated parents.
Methodology
The basic research question which concerns us in this study is: What is the effect of the different
forms of family capital on the educational course of the children from two Albanian families, who have
lived in Greece for about twenty years, and on whom our interest is focused?
In the present study, the ethnographic method was used (see: Baszanger & Dodier, 1997; Cohen,
Manion & Morisson, 2007; Emerson, 1995; Fetterman, 1998; Mertens, 2005), which considers social
groups (in this case two families of Albanian immigrants) with a common culture, suitable for study
(Creswell, 2011, p. 513).
In order to build up a detailed record of the beliefs, practices as well as the behaviours of the two
families of immigrants, (in other words, to carry out ethnography), we planned and attempted to have a
relatively long-term approach to them, for a period of about four months. We visited them on average
once a week, for between two to three hours each time. Using the objective of the research as a basis,
we used a set of popular forms of data collection, which are applied to ethnographic studies, such as
semi-structured interviews, participatory observation, territorial cartography and content analysis (see:
LeCompte & Schensul, 1999; Wolcott, 1999). During our frequent visits to the families‟ homes, we kept
detailed notes on the issues which concern the various forms of family capital, the interaction between
parents and children, as well as relationships with the social environment. In addition, we carried out
semi-structured interviews and informal discussions with the parents and the children. In the latter case,
we kept detailed notes after each discussion.
The research material that we collected was ranked and analysed as a small set of non-overlapping
issues, in other words, into the three categories of capital: physical/economic capital, human capital and
social capital.
Finally, we tried to record our analysis thoughtfully so that our impressions and conclusions could
lead to new research dimensions and new questions, which could form the starting point for a continuation
of the research (Creswell, 2011, p. 526).
69
Basic characteristics of the two families of immigrants
The first Albanian family came to Greece in 1991 as illegal immigrants for economic reasons, and
became permanently established in Patras. The family is made up of the two parents and their three
children, two boys and a girl, 28, 24 and 17 years old respectively. The boys were born in Albania and the
girl in Greece. Their immigration came about under the auspices of their family circle, which extended
hospitality to them and looked after them during the first, difficult period of adjustment to a new life as
immigrants. In Albania, both parents were farmers. In Greece, from the outset of their life as immigrants
the father has done building and gardening work and the mother works in houses as a cleaner. The boys
of the family studied at Vocational High Schools, night school in the case of the first, day school in the
case of the second, and followed the specializations of electrician and refrigeration engineer, respectively.
From their studies at the particular high schools, they acquired useful practical knowledge and skills which
allowed them to practice the professions of electrician and refrigeration engineer. The girl of the family is
a student in the second grade of senior high school. All the members of the family have been granted
greek nationality and the boys did their military service in the greek army. The oldest boy managed,
through personal effort and without private tuition, to be admitted as a graduate of night school, to the
Department of Electrical Engineering at the Technical Educational Institute of Patras. However he didn‟t
continue his studies since the need to make a living forced him to choose work over his studies.
The second Albanian family also immigrated illegally to Greece for economic reasons in 1991. This
family was made up, initially, of four members. The father, the mother, a girl and a boy who are today 26
and 24 years old respectively and were born in Albania. Before their immigration to Greece, the mother
worked as a dressmaker in a state industry and the father as a builder for the state. When they came to
Greece, they didn‟t have family to support them, but immigrated because they had been informed that
there was work in the construction industry. Their first stop as immigrants was the city of Halkida. There
the parents worked three shifts a day: the father as a builder and waiter, and the mother as a cleaner and
kitchen help in a restaurant. The family remained together in Halkida until 1999. Then the parents
separated. The father returned to Albania, taking with him the son. He started a new family there from
which he acquired two more sons, 3 and 7 years old today. After the breakup of the family, the mother,
with her daughter and her own mother, moved to Patras as they had family in the wider area. Here the
mother worked as a dressmaker and cleaner in houses and shops. Today, due to the recession, work is
limited and she concentrates on cleaning houses. Without any private tuition, the girl passed the
university entrance exams, and was admitted to the Department of Business Administration at the
Technological Education Institute of Patras, from which she has graduated. During her studies, as well as
after her graduation, she worked on and off as an employee for mobile phone companies and as a
waitress. Today she remains underemployed and in essence is unemployed. The boy of the family who
lives with his father in Albania, is a graduate of the school of Architecture of the University of Tirana.
Physical Capital, family environment and investment in educational goods
Neither of the two families of immigrants we approached owns real estate in Greece. In their own
country, they each have a house. The first family, which remains together, has invested a lot of the
money they made in Greece in the building of a two-storey house in Albania. The second family has an
old house in Albania which is in a bad state due to the separation of the members of the family, and is to
be the son‟s. The father has created a business in his country, which is concerned with construction and
commercial activities and as a result has made his own personal fortune with his new family. Despite that,
he occasionally visits Patra to communicate with his daughter, but does not help his first family financially,
and when he comes, he spends the night with another relative of his own.
Today‟s income for the immigrant families is 1,600 euros for the first, as three of its members are
employed on almost a daily basis, and 600 euros for the second, where only the mother works. In the
period prior to the economic crisis, the total income for the first family was over 3,500 euros a month and
for the second, it approached 2,000 euros a month.
The houses of both families are to be found in downgraded working class neighbourhoods, on the
outskirts of the city of Patra, where the building is disorderly and the houses old. In the area where the
first family live, there are also a lot of other Albanian immigrants. In the neighbourhood where the second
family live, there are also a lot of gypsy families. Both of the families we approached live in old houses,
only a few square metres in size, without central heating, and the rent they pay is. The first family‟s house
is in better condition, since the members have the technical know-how and willingness to maintain it,
having even installed air-conditioning. In contrast, the second family‟s home is showing the signs of wear.
In these homes, there is only the necessary furniture. The cartography of the first family of immigrant‟s
house reveals the existence of three bedrooms, a reception room, a very small kitchen and a WC. The
second house comprises two bedrooms, a reception room a kitchen and a WC. The particular
characteristics of the occupations of the members of each family are evident n the houses. More
specifically, the first house is particularly well-equipped with electronic goods, among which a large
70
Plasma TV, with all the latest technology, dominates the sitting room. In the second family‟s house there
are three sewing machines two of which are of a professional type, revealing the mother‟s technical
knowledge of dressmaking.
In the first family‟s house, with the exception of the daughter‟s school books, there is nothing to
indicate their intention to invest in educational resources. This family had the means, if it so wished to
invest in such resources since in the period prior to the economic crisis the members of the family were
earning a lot of money. However, apart from building the house in Albania, they were interested only in
acquiring material goods, such as various electronic items, three cars and two motorbikes, which seem to
offer them social status among their fellow country men living in Patras. In contrast, in the case of the
second family a lot of the money that was made through work during the time they lived in Halkida, was
invested in learning resources. This tendency was continued by the mother after the immigrant couple
separated. It is particularly characteristic that a large bookcase dominates the daughter‟s bedroom, and
the bookcase is tightly packed with greek literature, a many volumed greek encyclopaedia, a large number
of school reference books, books for learning the English language, as well as a lot of reference books
concerning Business Administration. In addition, in this particular room there is a world map on one wall,
as well as an organized study corner. Such a corner, or at least a space set aside for study, is missing
from the house of the first family of immigrants. In fact, during our visits, we sometimes found the small
daughter doing her homework in the kitchen or in the dining room.
Human capital and ambitions for the learning path of the children
In the case of the first family of immigrants, both parents had attended school in their home country
and had received their high school leaving certificate without however showing any intention of
undertaking university studies. When they came to Greece none of the members of the family knew
greek. They learnt the greek language mainly through their contacts with their greek employers. Today
both parents speak greek fairly well, they can read with difficulty but they can‟t write greek at all. When
they came to Greece the two sons were 8 and 4 years old respectively and attended greek schools. Due
to the parents‟ inadequate knowledge of greek, they were unable to help them with their homework. This
lack was made up for with the help of relatives‟ children who went to greek schools. Both parents told us
that they wanted their children to study in order to have better luck than them, avoiding manual labour.
However, the fact that their sons didn‟t manage to study in the end, doesn‟t bother them. And this is
because they believe that the children have achieved the goal which they taught them „to become good
people‟. Indeed the particular family follows a moral code which we saw they embrace and apply in their
everyday life from the parents and children. The particular family was oriented towards securing its
survival and its permanent establishment in Greece. So, through arduous work, to which the sons‟ efforts
now contribute, they managed to acquire money, some of which has been saved and some invested, both
in their own country, and in the purchase of material goods. The family‟s choices and ambitions change in
the case of the daughter since it appears that with the granting of greek nationality, the battle for survival,
establishment and integration in Greece, has been won on their part. It is characteristic that the
integration of all immigrants is related to their gaining legal status in the host country, and to their
integration into the labour market (Kasimati, 2006, p. 365). So, today they are investing money for their
daughter in the following educational services, which it is hoped will secure her the necessary credentials
to testify to her skills and education: a) in a private English school in order to learn that language and
acquire the First Certificate in English. And b) from year two of senior high school, in a central tutoring
school in Patras, in order for her to gradually prepare for, and ultimately succeed in, the Panhellenic
entrance exams for higher education which will take place in the following school year.
Differentiation in the parents‟ own educational opportunities and ambitions existed in the second
family of Albanian immigrants. Here both parents had graduated from high school in Albania and wanted
to study in the Albanian university, but were unable to, for political reasons. This was because the
Albanian political framework during the rule of Hoxha forbade the children of dissidents from following
studies in tertiary education. In the discussions we had with him, the father mentioned with pride that he
had been an outstanding student at school. His ex-wife, who had been a classmate, confirmed this.
Through relatives, who had emigrated to Germany during the period of the Hoxha regime, he managed to
secure a scholarship to continue his studies at a German university. However, the regime forbade him
from leaving Albania, and as a result, he had to abandon his plans for university studies. The father‟s
great love of learning is expressed as learning-worship, and is projected onto his two children. In
particular, when the two parents emigrated to Greece in 1991 they didn‟t know greek but through intensive
personal effort they quickly acquired both the spoken and written language. In this their interaction and
the development of social relationships with Greeks in Halkida helped. In particular, the father, who
speaks excellent greek and does not appear to be foreign, studied a lot in order to acquire the greek
language, both spoken and written, in order to be able to help his children with their school obligations
himself. The ambitions of the parents of this particular family for their children‟s education, and in
particular those of the father, were exceptionally high and continue to be so even today. Apart from the
fact that he demanded excellence from them, he tried to direct them in their educational choices so that
71
they could secure a job with high social and professional status. Hence, he wanted his daughter to study
to become a doctor and his son an architect. His ambitions were realized in the case of his son. However
he continues to pressure his daughter to undertake postgraduate and doctoral studies in the area of her
studies, in order for her to feel, as he himself and also his daughter emphasize, repeating his words
„useful for herself, the family she will have and society‟. In fact, the father claims that if his daughter
doesn‟t gain a doctorate, then she won‟t have achieved anything important as far as her education and the
claim for a satisfactory career are concerned.
Social capital, social incorporation and participation in the children’s education
The participatory observation which we undertook, as well as our personal contact with the
members of the two families revealed that they function based on traditional models. Family bonds are
particularly strong and the „kinship‟ proves to be a refuge in difficult times. Within these Albanian families
there are clear hierarchical relationships, with their own cultural and communal moral rules (Markoukis,
2010, p. 189). The father is the leader and as far as the sexes are concerned, the oldest son comes after
the father and has the next highest status in the family. The father appears to always make the decisions
in the family. This doesn‟t change even after the separation of the parents, in the case of the second
family, since the father continues to make decisions and to attempt to direct the educational choices of his
children. In addition, although this particular father has created a new family in Albania, he visits Patra
now and then to see his daughter and to guide her educational and social choices. Of course, this is
helped by the comfortable financial position he has acquired due to the businesses he has in his country.
The cultural scene of the everyday life of the two families we observed is characterized by hard
work to cover their basic needs. In particular, as far as the first family is concerned, the parents are away
from the house almost all day due to work and they devote little time to communication with their children.
Here the children‟s general respect for their parents ensures that the family functions well. It is
characteristic that the money the members earn from their work is given to the father, who manages it, in
consultation with them. However it appears that his word is final in the choices made. For example, the
construction of the house in Albania is a result of his desire, while his children want to live in Greece. The
interactive relationships between the parents and their children appear to be clearly differentiated in the
case of the small daughter. Since the parents continue to work long hours and are unable to help with her
learning effort we noticed that their role regarding the supervision and completion of her school obligations
has been taken on by the first son. It is worth noting that the role of the 28 year old brother and 17 year
old daughter of the family resembles the role of father and daughter.
In the case of the second family, during their residence in Halkida, and despite the absence of the
parents from the house for hours on end, since they worked all day on three shifts, there was an intense
interactive relationship of communication and supervision of the children as regards their school
responsibilities. So, on a daily basis where the father returned home very late, he would wake the children
and, performing the role of the tutor, examine them and check them regarding their preparation and
consistency in their school lessons. In addition, he made a habit of getting the children to revise their
lessons every morning before they left the house for school since he demanded excellence from them.
Since the educational demands of the father on the children were high, they decided that the mother
would give up her evening shift to help them with their school lessons. After the parents‟ separation the
mother shouldered the responsibility of the paternal role for her daughter. In the case of the particular
family, there was continual communication between the parents and the school, since they would go to be
informed by the teachers of their children‟s progress. In addition, they were members of the Parents‟ and
Guardians‟ Association of their children‟s primary schools. Moreover, the mother and daughter mentioned
to us a number of times that the father complained to the teachers when he thought his daughter‟s
assessment to be unfair, since he wanted excellence for her. In contrast, the parents of the first family
didn‟t visit their children‟s schools due to their linguistic inability to communicate with the teachers. In fact,
as the oldest son mentioned to us characteristically: „They have never come to my school. Not to register
me, nothing…[]…We helped our parents with the language. Since, as children we understood more
quickly and more easily….The roles changed a little‟. Here it is worth noting that the parents of the first
family speak Albanian to each other and communicate in Greek with their children. Today in the second
family linguistic communication between the members is only in greek. The mother admits that it is
difficult for her to speak her mother tongue when she visits Albania to see her son. Her son himself, who
visits Patra very often, to see his mother and his sister, told us „It‟s really funny to hear Mum speak Greek
to the Albanians and then translate her words into Albanian …[]…When I want to tease her I speak
Albanian to her for a long time and she gets confused‟‟.
Differentiation between the two families exists in how they make use of the children‟s free time
during the parents‟ absence from the house. The children of the first family usually watch television or
play outside in the neighborhood with fellow Albanian children. In contrast, in the second family, focusing
their efforts on their school lessons, and in general studying books, was imperative for the children. And
this was because they expected to be checked on their lessons by their parents whatever time they
72
returned home from work. In addition, when the children finished their homework, they used their free
time to play educational games together.
In the case of the first family social capital outside family was determined by the social relationships
and contacts of the parents with relatives, and then with other Albanians living in Patras, only. Every year
the parents participate in functions organized by their fellow countrymen‟s association and they
themselves, as well as their relatives, arrange family get together on name days and holidays such as
Christmas, „Clean Monday‟ (the first Monday in Lent), and Easter. Unlike their parents, the children
maintain social relationships with their fellow countrymen, relatives and fellow villagers, but they have also
developed social relationships with the Greeks they met at school and also through their jobs.
As far as the second family is concerned, social capital outside family is determined by the
maintenance of relationships with relatives, but their close social circle is made up mainly of Greeks.
Apart from that, what is particularly characteristic is the mother‟s rich vocabulary, while her manner of
speaking gives the picture of a particularly linguistically cultivated individual. Moreover the daughter, who
is permanently established in Patras, has created and maintains broad social capital, mainly with Greeks
who she met during her educational and professional course.
Discussion and Concluding remarks
The analysis of different types of capital in the families of Albanian immigrants we approached and
observed, revealed the following:
 Despite the fact that the physical capital in the case of the first family is clearly greater that that of the
second, since more individuals are working, it would appear that this wasn‟t a significant factor in
determining the educational path of the children. And this is because the money which the family earned
through work was invested mostly in material goods and savings. In contrast, in the case of the second
family there was a tendency to invest in educational goods, such as books, school reference aids, reading
material and educational games. In other words, money was spent on acquiring educational resources
which would assist the children‟s learning efforts.
 Social capital within family clearly influenced the children‟s educational choices and learning pathway.
A characteristic fact is that in the case of the second family the following emerge: a) the devotion of more
time on the part of the mother to helping her children with school work. And this a result of the deliberate
decision to reduce her hours of work and consequently the supervision and checking of the children by the
father, on their school obligations, regardless of the time he returned home; b) The constant interaction of
the parents with their children‟s teachers in order for them to be informed of their performance at school;
c) Social integration, following the parents‟ personal effort to learn and use the greek language proficiently.
This allowed them to develop wider social relationships with Greeks and to participate in the activities of
the Parents‟ and Guardians‟ Association at the Primary Schools where their children were pupils.
Consequently, the second family‟s involvement in the educational processes, and their participation in
decision-making concerning the educational choices of their children, seems to have shaped an educable
environment, which had particular, positive results for the children‟s education, in comparison with the
other family of Albanian immigrants. In the first family of immigrants there is a structural deficiency in its
social capital (Coleman, 1988, p. 111) since the parents are, in essence, absent from their children‟s life,
the interactions between them are limited. These particular parents didn‟t go to their children‟s schools to
inquire about their progress since even today they cannot use the greek language with ease. In addition,
the parents display a defensive communalism, which is defined by their maintenance of relationships only
with relatives and fellow countrymen. The differentiated educational ambitions concerning the daughter
can be interpreted by considering the fact that the oldest son has been socialized into the greek social
reality and it seems that, within the hierarchical, traditional framework of his family, in effect he plays the
role that the father cannot fulfill. So, he himself supports her as a father, keeping an eye on her and
guiding her. In addition, this son, like his brother, has differentiated social and human capital to his
parents, since he speaks the greek language exceptionally well and has become incorporated into greek
society having served in the greek army and having created friendly and social relationships with Greeks.
Consequently, we observe the confirmation of Coleman‟s position (1998) that the existence of social
capital within family, which translates as real communication between parents and children, influences the
educational course of the latter. We also see this in the second family of Albanian immigrants that we
approached.
 Although the educational biography of the parents in both the families is apparently similar, the
educational ambitions they had for their children and the effective learning of the greek language
(speaking, reading, writing) on their coming to Greece, seem to have obviously influenced the educational
course of their children. This is because the parents in the second family of immigrants, in contrast to
those of the first, wanted, and managed to help their children effectively with their school obligations. In
addition, although the parents of both families appeared to desire the educational progress of their
children, only those of the second family proved successful in the accomplishment of that goal. Here, the
factor of the father‟s incomplete learning effort comes in, for even today he seeks to make his own
educational dreams come true, through his children. In reality, his learning ambitions are being realized in
73
the case of his son, who lives with him in Albania and is completing his studies in Architecture. In
contrast, his ambitions remained incomplete in relation to his daughter, who studied Business
Administration in Greek TEI, and not Medicine, as he had wanted. That‟s why he insists on encouraging
her to continue her studies at a postgraduate level at least, in the area she chose to study.
Finally, it would be interesting to carry out research with families of Albanian immigrants who are
greatly differentiated as far as the factors of human and social capital are concerned, in order to
investigate the effect of their family capital on the educational course of their children.
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74
Psychological aspects of home preparation in the first two years of
school attendance
Lenka Šulová
Department of Psychology, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague
Michala Škrábová
Department of Psychology, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague1
Abstract
The topic of this study addresses preliminary results of the Czech part of a Czech-French-Canadian study.
st
nd
Owing to the scope of the research this study only presents results of children in the 1 and 2 grade. This
study focuses on home preparation for school. The observed criteria are children‟s attitudes to home
preparation for school, perceived success of school children, their degree of self-regulation, and children‟s
perceived assistance with home preparation on the part of the parents. We were also interested in the
differences between boys and girls in the observed variables. To understand better the relationships
between the variables, we performed a regression analysis which showed that the differences in the
degree that a child feels successful at school are mainly determined by the type of behavioural strategy a
child adopts in connection with homework (“HW”) during the first years of school attendance. Furthermore
we established that differences in children‟s self-regulation are chiefly determined by children‟s feelings in
connection with HW and children‟s perceived success.
The study is financed by Czech Science Foundation (GA ČR 406/08/0423, GA ČR 13-28254S) and
Charles University Foundation PRVOUK P07„Psycho-social aspects of quality of life‟.
Keywords
Attitudes, perceived success, self-regulation, home preparation, upbringing, education, schoolchildren
The problem
At present we can perceive a certain pressure on preschool children in the sense of their
preparation for school and assurance of their subsequent success at school. Many parents transfer their
anxiety that their child will not be successful at school to the future pupil and the pre-school child
participates in many premature courses and playgroups, which should give the child, in the parents‟
opinion, a head start on the others. For similar reasons parents demand deferment of school attendance
for their child more often than is absolutely necessary. We believe that the period of preschool age should
be left to the child‟s spontaneous play and spontaneous manifestations and should not be unnecessarily
reined in by the parents‟ ambitions and fears if it is not really necessary to remedy the child‟s objective
problems.
On the contrary, after starting school when children are mature enough, according to most
experts, to deliver a working and by extension, a school performance, when they are mature enough to
compare with their peers, parents can help their child very much to live through this period of radical
changes satisfactorily with maximum profit for the child‟s overall mental development and future working
habits (Grolnick, Ryan, 1989). One important instrument in this assistance is parents‟ assistance with
home preparation for school. Joint homework may become a nightmare for all the participants or can be a
sound foundation for the child‟s later learning and working habits and perhaps for the child‟s selfregulation or perceived success. Of importance for homework may also be reinforcement of the parents‟
authority in the eyes of the child and the cohesiveness of the family as a whole.
Another member of the research team was PhDr. Monika Morgensternová, Ph.D., who died in November
2011.
75
We will therefore present in this paper the Czech part of a Czech-French-Canadian project. The
theme of the project was cooperation among parents, teachers and schoolchildren in home preparation for
school and doing homework in the first five years of school attendance (Corno, 1996; Corno, Xu, 2003;
Šulová, Zaouche-Gaudron, 2003).
One of the stimuli for this research was a suggestion from our colleagues at University
of Toulouse and University of Nimes (Odette Lescarret, Claire Safont-Mottay, Nathalie Oubrayrie-Roussel)
and colleagues from University of Quebec (Rollande Deslandes), to take part in a joint intercultural study
with a focus on the interaction parent-pupil-teacher. Another motivation for this study was the unending
discussion of responsibility towards children. Who in society is the guarantor of their upbringing and
education? Is it the school or the parents? Who should react sensitively to the changing demands of
society as a whole?
Owing to the extent of the results we will only focus in this paper on the attitudes to home
preparation of first and second grade children without correlation to the data obtained from teachers and
parents. Since we consider the period of the first two grades of elementary school crucial from the
perspective of acquisition of working habits at school and from the general perspective of child‟s
integration into society, we believe that it deserves an in-depth examination (Šulová, 2009; Šulová,
Morgensternová, Scholl, 2012).
Although home works considered a significant element of the learning process, psychological
research does not confirm a direct correlation between doing homework and school results. Although
Dettmers, Trautwein and Lüdtke (2008) proved in their international study conducted in 40 countries of the
world a positive correlation between time spent doing homework and elementary school pupils‟ results.
This correlation disappeared when other factors (e.g. socio-economic status) were taken into account.
This study also points to the fact that it is necessary to view the research into the influence of homework
more comprehensively. Trautwein and Lüdtke (2009) also carried out a follow-up study on older pupils in
the second grade of elementary school, in which it was shown that cognitive skills, family background and
parents‟ assistance with home preparation correlate positively with motivation to do homework and effort
in doing them. A significant role in doing homework is played by the subjective feeling that a task is
meaningful.
Xu (2011) did research with pupils in the second grade of elementary school and determined that
doing homework is strongly correlated with the teacher‟s feedback and understanding of the usefulness of
a task. Girls finished their homework much more often than boys, which motivated our research to
determine whether younger girls approach home preparation with more responsibility and whether boys
and girls differ in the other aspects of home preparation.
Another stimulus for our research was research conducted by Froiland (2011), who confirmed in
his quasi-experimental study that if parents motivate their children to do home work and help them set
themselves and attain goals, the children have a more positive attitude towards homework in comparison
with children whose parents do not motivate their children. We were interested in whether parents‟
assistance with home preparation is related to children‟s attitudes to HW, children‟s self-regulation and
children‟s perception of school success.
The aims of the research
We consider this study, in view of the low number of studies focusing on children in first and second
grades, a study of an exploratory character. Therefore, we aimed to find out:
What are the differences between boys and girls in the observed aspects of home preparation?
What are the relationships between different elements of the attitude to home work, a child‟s selfregulation, his or her perceived success and assistance from the parents‟ with home preparation?
The methods
To collect the data we used a questionnaire designed by our Canadian colleague Rollande
Deslandes whose results will be presented here. This questionnaire with many age-related and personrelated modifications (for teachers, for parents, for school children) is based on HPI (Homework Process
Inventory; Cooper, 1998, 2001; Cooper et al, 2000) whose French modification was standardised in
Canada and France. It is also based on the questionnaire „Thinking About My Child‟s Homework or My
Homework‟ (Hoover-Dempsey, Sandler, 1995) and her own methods (Deslandes, Bertrand, 2002, 2003).
The questionnaire used in this study had been translated and adapted to be understandable in the Czech
milieu.
st
nd
In this study we used a version of the questionnaire for younger children (1 and 2 grade), which
contained 46 simple items so designed that small children keep their attention. The questionnaire
contained several demographic questions (such as the child‟s gender and grade) and further questions
about home preparation conceived with the aid of graphically attractive rating scales understandable to
children (see Table No. 1).
76
Table No. 1 – Example of questionnaire items
Do you think
your homework
and preparation
…
I
strongly
disagree
I disagree
14
are important and help you succeed?
15
help you like your school?
I strongly agree
I agree
2
3
The questionnaire items were used to define the categories of interest to us as we wanted to
understand the issue of homework into which weal ways input 4-6 questions from the questionnaire:
 Attitude to homework - affective –does the child like homework or not; (α=0.525).
 Attitude to homework- behavioural – how responsibly does the child behave when doing
homework; (α=0.512).
 Attitude to homework- cognitive – does the child think that homework helps him or her to
understand the subject or to learn something; (α=0.521).
 Self-regulation –how strong the child‟s will is; (α=0.672).
 Child’s perceived success –how successful does the child regard himself or herself in relation to
school achievement; (α=0.544).
 Environment for preparation for school – does the child prepare a place to work, turn off the
television or not; (α=0.327).
 Parents’ assistance with HW – does a parent influence the child, like to help the child with HW,
check the assignments and motivate the child to carry out tasks; (α=0.549)
Using the Cronbach alpha method we tested whether the questions in the individual areas are
correlated statistically, whether the categories of questions we created make sense. We only worked with
categories whose variability is greater than 0.5, which applied to all the categories, excluding the category
„environment for school preparation‟ (α=0.327).
The representative sample
Part of the representative sample was elementary school Modřany in Prague and elementary
school Edisonovain Teplice, 103 girls and 110 boys. The data were collected over four years. It was a
transversal type of research. For the purposes of this study we added up children‟s data from first and
second grades. The children completed the questionnaires by themselves, sometimes with assistance
from their teachers and administrators of the questionnaires. First-grade children were helped by a person
who read the questions to them and the children only expressed themselves graphically. We had tested
the assessment with them to make sure they understood the questions.
Table No.2 Characteristics of the representative sample
st
1 grade
Gender
Total
2
nd
grade
Total
Girls
27
76
103
Boys
36
74
110
63
150
213
The results
Ordinary significance level for the whole correlation table equals 0.05. Using Bonferroni Correction
we modified the significance level to 0.0024 for each individual correlation (see Table No. 3). The
correlations marked with an asterisk in the table are significant as they meet this criterion.
2
3
Attitude to homework - cognitive
Attitude to homework- affective
77
Child‟s
attitude
Child‟s
to
Child‟s
attitude to
homewor attitude to
homewor
k
- homework kSelfGender affective behavioural cognitive regulation
Pearson‟s
Correlation
Gender
Significance
Child‟s
attitude to
homework affective
Pearson‟s
Correlation
Child‟s
attitude to
homework behavioural
Pearson‟s
Correlation
Child‟s
attitude to
homeworkcognitive
Pearson‟s
Correlation
Selfregulation
Child‟s
perceived
success
Parent‟s
assistance
with HW
Significance
Significance
Significance
Pearson‟s
Correlation
Significance
1 -.189
.007
Child‟s
perceive
d
success
Parent‟s
assistan
ce with
HW
-.126
-.152
-.142
-.138
-.053
.072
.030
.042
.047
.454
.422*
.357*
.367*
.112
.000
.000
.000
.116
.254*
.562*
.124
.000
.000
.082
.214*
.523*
.002
.000
1 .525*
.000
1 .177
.012
1 .236*
.001
1 .369*
.000
Pearson‟s
Correlation
.210
.003
1 .184
Significance
.009
Pearson‟s
Correlation
1
Sig.
tailed)
(2-
Table No. 3 Relationships between observed variables (correlation coefficients)
* - p ≤0.0024
On the basis of Bonferroni Correction we cannot say that differences between the genders exist in
any of the observed variables. In the data we can see, however, that girls tend to have a stronger attitude
to HW and regard more positively the benefits of HW, have stronger self-regulation and perceive
themselves as more successful than the boys. No differences were found between boys and girls in the
measure of assistance from their parents with home preparation.
It can be also seen in Table No. 3, that there is a strong correlation between the degree of
children‟s liking of homework, responsible behaviour when doing their homework, and whether they think
that homework helps them understand the subject. Children who like homework also have a stronger selfregulation and perceive themselves as being more successful. Self-regulation is positively correlated to
the child‟s perceived success and all elements of the attitudes to HW. It was found that children‟s
perceived success is very closely related to the responsibility with which they do their homework. It is
interesting that parents‟ assistance with HW in the case of boys is most closely related to the cognitive
area of attitudes to HW, that is the way they think about HW and its benefits, whereas behaviour in home
preparation and liking for homework do not correlate to parents‟ assistance. Likewise, parents‟ assistance
is unrelated to the way children perceive themselves and is only loosely related to self-regulation.
Relationships between the variables (in line with the aims of the study)
To determine which variables affect a child‟s perceived success and his or herself-regulation, we
used regression analysis. In the first model the dependent variable was the child‟s perceived success. As
an independent variable in the first model we only used gender, and in the second model we included
gender, attitude to homework -affective, behavioural and cognitive, self-regulation, and parents‟
assistance with HW.
78
Table No. 4– Dependence of child‟s perceived success on other observed variables (regression analysis)
F model No. II (3.887)=20.674 (p≤0.000)
Model I
Model II
(ß
weight)
(ß weight)
Gender
-.143*
-.050
Attitude to HW - affective
---
.024
Attitude to HW – behavioural
---
.480**
Attitude to HW – cognitive
---
.032
Self-regulation
---
.190**
Parent‟s assistance with HW
---
.073
ΓR
.020*
.356**
2
.020*
.377**
2
R
In the use of the first model, in which only gender was included, the „child‟s perceived success‟
was predicted by gender. In the use of the second model, which included other categories, we see that the
differences in the „child‟s perceived success‟ are mainly determined by the child‟s behaviour in the context
of HW (behavioural area of attitude to HW) and the child‟s self-regulation. Prediction ability of Model No. 2
is 37.7%.
As a dependent variable in a further regression analysis we used self-regulation. As an
independent variable in the second model we used the variables gender, attitude to homework –affective,
behavioural and cognitive – the child‟s perceived success and parents‟ assistance with HW.
Table No. 5–Dependence of child‟s self-regulation on further observed variables (regression analysis)
F model No. II (2.029)=9.171 (p≤0.000)
Model I
Model II
(ß
weight)
(ß weight)
Gender
-.104*
-.013
Attitude to HW - affective
---
.256**
---
-.025
Attitude to HW – cognitive
---
.036
Perceived success
---
.250**
---
.127
.011
.200**
.011
.211**
Attitude
to
behavioural
Parent‟s
HW
ΓR
R
2
2
–
HW
assistance
with
In the use of the first model, in which only gender was included, „child‟s perceived success‟ was
predicted by gender. In the use of the second model, which included other categories, we see that the
differences in „self-regulation‟ are mainly determined by the child‟s feelings in the context of HW (affective
attitude to HW) and the child‟s perceived success. Prediction ability of Model No. 2 is 21%.
Discussion
This study endeavoured to better understand the issue of pre-school preparation and its
psychological aspects. One of our secondary objectives was to confront our results with the results of the
Froiland study (2011), which concluded that if parents motivate their children to do homework and help
them set and meet goals in home preparation, children have a more positive attitude to homework. We
79
therefore wished to determine whether parents‟ assistance with home preparation correlates with
children‟s attitudes to HW, their self-regulation and their perception of school success.
The results of our study that for girls as well as boys parents‟ assistance with HW is most closely
related to the cognitive area of attitudes to HW, the way children think about HW and its benefits. This
result could, unlike the Froiland study (2011), indicate that parents‟ assistance affects the conscience of
little children of the benefits of assignments but is unrelated to their emotional relationship to homework.
Liking for HW and parents‟ assistance only correlates with girls which has evidently to do with girls being
more emotional, which can be regarded as corresponding with the findings of Xu (2011), according to
which girls report much more frequent completion of homework than boys. In our opinion it would be
useful to work with this finding in the sense of slight adaptation of the work over boys‟ and girls‟ home
preparation. Boys need to know more that HW is really beneficial to them and how specifically. Girls must
like doing HW and must feel more that their success in homework will bring them positive rating from the
parents.
Neither in the case of the boys nor in that of the girls did we find a correlation between the child‟s
responsibility in home preparation and parents‟ assistance, which is in our opinion a surprising finding and
it would be useful to pursue further research in this area. Can one speculate that a child perceives in this
area as more important the teacher‟s authority rather than the parents and perceives homework as his or
her duty independent of the parents?
With girls parents‟ assistance correlates to perceived success and does not correlate with selfregulation and the case of boys it is the contrary. For girls parents‟ appreciation of good home preparation
is evidently more valuable and parents should take this fact into consideration. By contrast, for boys is
evidently parents‟ assistance with homework is important for acquisition of working habits (self-regulation).
It is therefore important for parents to lead their children to conscientious and entertaining and meaningful
accomplishment of tasks, by which they can strengthen self-regulation, thinking of the benefits of HW or
healthy self-confidence of their children. The research results also show that it is very important to allow
the child to observe the working habits of the parents in the pre-school period and jointly reinforce the preschool child‟s working rituals in joint activities with the parents at a time that is not yet intended for doing
homework.
A parent should approach a child bearing in mind that performance is not the child‟s sole quality. A
parent should appropriately balance the child‟s working prerequisites. If a child is too apprehensive, this or
her task should be facilitated a little and if too negligent and absent-minded, keep the child under more
supervision (Šulová, Morgensternová, Škrábová, 2011).A parent should therefore lead a child to a good
understanding of the benefits and purpose of homework and point out to the child that if he or she is
attentive at school, homework will be easier.
It is shown how important is parents‟ positive approach to the school in general and its
significance. A clearly presented positive approach and its reinforcement in the child‟s and parents‟ joint
activities from the pre-school period is probably more important than parents‟ assistance with homework.
Cooperation between parents and children in home preparation has incontestably a positive effect
on the quality of homework and the child‟s later performance at school. Yet some authors point out a
possible negative effect of parents‟ participation in home preparations (Hoover-Dempsey et al, 2001).
They mention unreasonable pressure on the child. A parent may put pressure on a child so that the child
finishes homework quickly and correctly. The reason may be a lack of time a parent is willing or able to
devote to the child or overestimate the child‟s capability. They mention a misunderstanding of the
objective of home preparation for school. A parent has the notion that the objective is for the child to finish
apiece of homework quickly and correctly. The parent does not realise that the objective of a task is often
for the child to autonomously set the speed of carrying out a task and gradually assume responsibility for
correct solution, repeat the subject in peace and absorb it. They mention that it is sometimes too difficult
for parents to admit that their child has limited possibilities in some study subjects and is unable to
„surpass himself or herself‟. This unreasonable parental ambition and pressure is then transferred to the
child, which may lead to stress reactions and aggravation of the child‟s difficulties (for example, on the
level of concentration, self-confidence, independence). Such behaviour on the part of the parents may
disturb the climate in the family in general.
This occurs when the length and difficulty of home preparation is disproportionate to the child‟s
development phase or personal capacity. Parents usually know their child well and they are equipped with
intuitive parenthood or parental didactics (terms used by H. Papoušek), and should therefore understand
the child‟s limits with much sensitivity.
This sometimes happens if home preparation does not bring an effect for the performance at
school (Natriello, McDill, 1986). It is difficult for a child if he or she is always unable to give the expected
performances. The child‟s assignments must allow the child to fulfil the at least occasionally (ideally in
most cases) with success.
In these cases and in other negative cases a child may lose interest in learning, lose natural
curiosity in general, may feel physical or mental tiredness, may feel that he or she will not cope with what
is demanded, will fail, is more anxious, is discontent with the loss of free time which he or she was
accustomed to spend in another way, feels a change in the family atmosphere and the parents‟ approach
80
(Šulová, Morgensternová, 2009). It is very important task for parents, teachers and society at large to lead
a child sensitively to development of curiosity and positive attitude to the school in general.
One of the research objectives was to establish what differences there are between girls and boys
in the variables. The preliminary results showed that girls have a stronger emotional relation to HW. Girls
also have stronger self-regulation and perceive themselves as being more successful at school. In boys‟
perceived success we found a very strong correlation between the responsibility with which they behave
when they do homework, while in the girls we found a positive correlation to self-regulation.
At first sight it might seem that the homework system is configured to be more acceptable for the
mentality of girls, which may involuntarily influence further aspects of boys‟ lives. Here it might be
worthwhile if teachers conceived some tasks with more respect for the gender specifics of pupils. A
positive finding is that girls and boys do not differ significantly in terms of parents‟ assistance with HW.
To understand better the correlations between the variables we carried out correlation analysis
plus regression analysis, which showed that differences in children‟s perceived success are not
determined by gender but by the way a child behaves in the context of HW (behavioural area of attitude to
HW) and the child‟s self-regulation. We found that differences in self-regulation are mainly determined by
the way a child feels in the context of HW (affective area of attitude to HW) and the child‟s perceived
success. These results indicate that positive emotions to home preparation can significantly influence a
child‟s self-perception as a successful one at school and responsible behaviour in home preparation may
have positive effect on the measure of the child‟s self-regulation.
In our opinion the results show that home preparation is important for self-assessment and for
acquisition of the habit of independent work, for which the child gradually assumes responsibility and it
should therefore be preserved at schools. What is important, however, is that homework should be
meaningful for children and understand it.
It is also important not to encourage in children too much independence and not to ignore the fact
that what is particularly important for a child is sufficient social contact, proximity and support from the
family members (Muhlenbruck, Cooper, Nye, Lindsay, 2000). At this age children need a stable family
background, regular and readable family rituals, certainty. What matters in home preparation is not only
the task but also the fact that the child and parent spend time together. In some extreme cases home
preparation and parents‟ assistance with an assignment is the only opportunity for mutual communication.
This is the case of very busy parents but also children who spend most of their free time in controlled
leisure-time activities. It should not be forgotten that a child often initially perceives doing homework as a
challenging situation and expects support from his or her parents.
Home preparation and its educational formative and educational objectives are:
 extending of knowledge acquired at school
 child‟s acceptance of his or her working duty
 learning working rituals
 acquisition of core study skills
 enhancing the ability to organize one‟s time
 development of self-management and personal discipline
Conclusion
The topic of this study addresses preliminary results of the Czech part of a Czech-FrenchCanadian study. The criteria included children‟s attitudes to home preparation for school, perceived
success of pupils, their measure of self-regulation and parents‟ assistance with home preparation as
perceived by children. To better understand the variables we carried out regression analysis which
showed that differences in the extent a child feel successful at school are not determined by gender, as
might seem at first sight but mainly by the way a child behaves in connection with HW. Furthermore, we
determined that differences in a child‟s self-regulation child are mainly determined by the way how a child
feels in connection with HW and the child‟s perceived success. These findings were then placed into wider
psychological and social contexts of the child-parent relationship.
References
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Cooper, H. (2001). The Battle over Homework. Common Ground for Administrators, Teachers, and
Parents. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Cooper, H., Nye, B.and Lindsay, J.J. (2000). Homework in the Home: How Student, Family and Parenting
Style Differences Relate to the Homework Process. Contemporary Educational Psychology, 25(4),
464-487.
Corno, L. (1996). Homework is a Complicated Thing. Educational Researcher, 25(8), 27-20.
81
Corno, L., Xu, J. (2003). Family Help and Homework Management Reported by Middle School Students.
The Elementary School Journal, 103 (5), 503-536.
Dettmers, S, Trautwein, U., Lüdtke, O. (2008): The relationshipbetween Homework Time and
Achievement is not Universal: Evidence from Multilevel Analyses in 40 Countries, School
Effectiveness and School Improvement: An International Journal of Research, Policy and Practice,
20, 4, 375-405.
Deslandes, R., Bertrand, R. (2002). Parent Involvement in Schooling at the Secondary Level: Examination
of the Motivations. Journal of Educational Researcher.
Deslandes, R., Bertrand, R. (2003). Motivation des parents à participer au suivi scolaire de leur enfant au
primaire. Revue des sciences de l‟éducation.
Froiland, J.M. (2011). Parental Autonomy Support and Student Learning Goals: A Preliminary
Examination of an Intrinsic Motivation Intervention, Child Youth Care Forum, 40, 135-149.
Grolnick, W.S., Ryan, R.M. (1989). Parent Styles Associated with Children's Self-Regulation and
Competence in Schools. Journal of Educational Psychology, 81, 143-154.
Hoover-Dempsey, K.V.H.M. Sandler (1995). Parental Involvement in Child‟s Education: Why does it Make
a Difference? Teachers College Record, 95 (5), 310-331.
Hoover-Dempsey, K.V., Battiato, AC., Walker, J.M.T., Reed, R.P., DeJong, J.M., Jones, K.P. (2001).
Parental involvement in homework. Educational Psychologist, 36, 195-209.
Muhlenbruck, L., Cooper, H., Nye,B., Lindsay J.J. (2000). Homework and Achievement: Explaining the
Differences Relations at the Elementary and Secondary School Levels. Social Psychology of
Education, 4, 295-317.
Natriello, G., McDill, E. (1986). Performance Standards, Student Effort on Homework, and
Academic Achievement, Sociology of Education, 59, 18-31.
Šulová,L.,Zaouche-Gaudron, Ch. (eds.) (2003). Předškolnì dìtěajeho svět, Karolinum, Praha.
Šulová, L., Morgensternová, M. (2009). Interkulturní psychologie. Karolinum, Praha, 220 s.
Šulová, L.(ed.) (2009). V září půjde do školy. RAABE, Praha.
Šulová, L., Morgensternová, M., Škrábová, M. (2011). First results from Czech study of home preparation
for school in the first five years of school attendance. In: Catarsi, E., Pourtois,
J.P.(Eds.):Educatione familiare e servizi per l‟infanzia, tomo primo, Firenze University
Press,Florence, 234-252.
Šulová, L. Morgensternová, M. Scholl, L. (2012). Bilingvismus and interkulturní komunikace. Wolters
Kluwer, Praha, 120.
Trautwein U., Lüdtke, O. (2009). Predicting Homework Motivation and Homework Effort in Six School
Subjects: The Role of Person and Family Characteristics, Classroom Factors, and School Track.
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Note: The full text of this paper was published in print in the Czech Republic in 2013 in the journal
Československá psychologie (2, LVII, ISSN 0009-062X).
82
TRAINING PROGRAMME FOR COUNSELLORS, THERAPISTS AND
PARENT TRAINERS.
Αn integrative approach to training of counsellors, therapists and
parent trainers.
Papatriantafyllou Spyros, MA., ECP.,
Body psychotherapist
7 Vasilis street, 118.51 Athens
[email protected]
Giannakopoulou Lena
Pg.D. ECP – Body psychotherapist
Description of the programme
The training programme for counsellors, therapists and parent trainers addresses itself to
counsellors and psychotherapists or other professionals with a background in humanistic studies. It has
been designed and is applied within the training activities framework of „Athens Synthesis‟.
During training the participants acquire basic knowledge and skills in parent counseling as well as
training parents in group (seminar) or individual sessions. The training program is based on three axes
thus establishing an integrative approach.
The axes that are brought together are:
 Basic principles of adult education.
 Elements from various psychotherapeutic approaches.
 Elements of developmental psychology.
More specifically
a. The utilization of the basic principles of adult education consists mainly of the adoption of the
following axioms.
-When training, adults bring with them experiences which can prove useful.
-Adults need knowledge which will have direct impact in their daily routine
rather than sterile knowledge.
-Adults learn more effectively through personal participation.
Within a framework which utilizes the above mentioned axioms the participants are supported so that they
will receive the knowledge that they feel they need.
This will happen if they both receive new information and if they transform into new knowledge
their very own experiences. It is also expected that they will develop skills which they will use later when
they themselves become counselors and parent trainers. As for the role of parent trainer they will practice
in supporting adult parents, to utilize life experiences and turn them into new knowledge, something which
enhances their self-esteem, their feeling of responsibility and their creative abilities. They will learn in other
words to function in a capacity that will not only introduce knowledge but will encourage, facilitate and
mediate knowledge. After all this is what children need. Parents who will encourage, facilitate and mediate
so that their self-esteem will be enhance and they will be encouraged to become more responsible.
We could say that the best means through which to develop the above characteristics is for
children to be surrounded by significant others, such as teachers and parents, who cultivate their own
personal self-esteem and sense of responsibility, by people who search meaning in their actions
throughout their life.
b. Within the framework of the program, elements from different psychotherapeutic approaches
are used, such as systemic, psychoanalysis, J. L. Moreno‟s psychodrama, F. S. Pearl‟s
Gestalt therapy, W. Reich and A. Lowen‟s body psychotherapy, E. Berne‟s transactional
analysis etc. Use of these is made only to the degree that they contribute to the understanding
of the family functioning as a system, of the ways people create problems and obstacles in
their relationships as well as the types of behavior that facilitate communication. Apart from
the above, the use of elements of psychotherapy contributes to the correct application of
techniques which aid experiential learning in the way that this has been approached by
theorists such as M. Dewey, D. Kolb, J. Mezirow et al.
The utilization of techniques such as role playing, guided fantasies, expression through painting or other
materials, bodily expression and creative play aim to facilitate the training goal as they contribute to the
development of meaningful communication, security and trust, all of which are prerequisites for the
acquisition of knowledge, the development of new skills and a change in outlook.
83
c.
Elements from developmental psychology are also utilized to the degree that they contribute
to the understanding of the needs of every child during each and every developmental stage
that he/she is going through. In this respect the work of theorists such as J. Piaget, L.
Vygotsky, E. Erickson, J. Bowlby and of others is taken into account.
Methodology: The basic element of the methodology is experiential training.
I hear and I forget
I see and I remember
I do and I understand,
Confucius 551-479 B.C.
According to the learning pyramid in Edgar Dale Audio Visual Methods in Teaching acquire less
knowledge when they simply listen to a lecture while according to the same view they acquire more
knowledge when they themselves take part in it.
For the above reasons within the framework of parent trainer training the immediacy of personal
knowledge and experience are utilized in order to make the theory understandable.
On a secondary level the trainees acquire knowledge about how the personal experience is created while
at the same time they practice so as to acquire the ability to facilitate knowledge through such personal
experience.
BASIC TOPIC UNITS OF THE TRAINING PROGRAMME








The creation of the climate necessary for “real” training.
Knowledge, skills and abilities leading to the development of communication.
The creation of knowledge through personal experience.
Principles of family functioning.
Elements of group dynamics.
Elements of family communication.
Improving communication between parents and children.
Elements of Developmental Psychology – children‟s needs.
DURATION OF THE TRAINING PROGRAMME
The total duration of the programme is 70 hours during which the participants acquire basic
knowledge and skills on parental counseling as well as on training parents in groups (seminars) or
individual sessions.
For the realization of the seminars we use material on which the leaders are trained so as to be able to
organize a seminar for parents.
MATERIAL FOR TRAINING PARENT TRAINERS
The material is included in the manual: “Manual for parent trainers: Theory and Practice”. The
material is structured in two parts. The first part includes the necessary theory while the second part
contains a description of 24 structured two-hour sessions of hands on methodology. During their training
the trainees:
 Through personal experience come into contact with the theory included in the manual.
 Practice the application of the structured sessions for parents.
The topics of the sessions, in short, relate to: limits in relationships, functional communication between
parents and children, ways and techniques of achieving functional communication, in depth study of the
parental role, dealing with problems in a parent-child relationship, development of self-esteem,
prerequisites for the encouragement of children and understanding the basic needs that children have
during the various stages of their development. The main characteristic of the material is its articulated
character/structure which makes it easy to use and versatile in its application. More specifically it is based
on the development of 12 two-hour sessions which, it is suggested, take place in a specific order.
However, a seminar may need alterations or modifications in subject matter in order to adapt to the needs
of a specific group. These modifications may relate to the duration in which case the need may arise that
topics for development may be added while others may be replaced. For these reasons additional
structured sessions are provided. There is also a unit in which individual personal experience exercises
and encouragement games are presented which can replace some other suggested units or can be added
to the structure of a session depending on what the leader judges to be important. The result of this type
of structuring is that there exist a number of articulated elements which allow the material to be used with
a great degree of flexibility and be adapted to the needs of the trainer/leader as well as to those of the
84
group. Making use of the suggested material every trainer will, according to his/her experience, be able to
put together a unique seminar each time as regards the subject matter. In order to achieve that all that is
necessary is a combination of structured sessions, exercises and games.
85
Class Differences in the Greek Public Kindergarten: Cultural Capital
and Relation to School
Emilia Fakou
Teacher, PhD candidate, Department of Early Childhood Education,
National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece
[email protected]
Stephanie Vouvousira
Teacher, PhD candidate, Department of Early Childhood Education,
National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece
[email protected]
Nelli Askouni
Associate Professor, Department of Early Childhood Education,
National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece
[email protected]
Abstract
This paper examines the hypothesis that socioeconomic conditions and in particular, the family‟s cultural
capital shape children‟s relationship with education since their early days in school. The analysis is based
on action research conducted in two public kindergartens in Athens, during the school year 2012-2013.
The two kindergartens are located in districts with different social class profiles. The theoretical framework
of the research is informed by the work of Bernstein and Bourdieu. Our study proposes a way of
understanding class differences, as these are reflected on everyday interactions in the classroom and on
children‟s school performance. Data collection and analysis are based on the following axes: i) prior
knowledge and experience, ii) use of language in the official educational context and in everyday
communication, and iii) the relationship with the school‟s value/discipline context. The analysis takes into
consideration the social and educational characteristics of the parents and relates them to observed
differences in children‟s school behavior.
Keywords
Cultural capital, social inequality, action research, kindergarten
Introduction
One of the basic findings of the sociology of education is that socioeconomic conditions and
particularly the family‟s cultural capital have a significant influence on the way children relate to education
since their early days in school (Frangoudaki, 1985). Researchers usually focus on the levels of
compulsory or secondary education. Our paper attempts to investigate aspects of social inequality at the
kindergarten level, while taking into consideration the peculiar features of the kindergarten, such as the
more flexible organization of the curriculum and the absence of explicit evaluation procedures.
Our analysis is based on data collected through action research (see Altrichter et al. 2001),
conducted in two public kindergartens in Athens, during the school year 2012-2013. Two of the authors
4
actually teach in these schools .The schools are located in two districts of Athens with different social
class profiles; a middle class and a low class district, respectively. Our research started during our
collaboration for an undergraduate course on social inequalities in education, at the Department of Early
5
Childhood Education at the University of Athens . Our aim was to produce research material out of the
The research team consists of two primary school teachers and PhD candidates, Aimilia Fakou
and Stephanie Vouvousira, and Associate Professor Nelli Askouni. It should be noted that whenever „we‟
is used in descriptions of classroom experiences, it is the first two authors who are referred to.
5
86
everyday experience of the classroom, which could be used for instruction purposes during the course. At
the same time, a main motive for conducting our research was to analyze our experience as kindergarten
teachers from a sociological perspective, in order to attain a deeper understanding of the mechanisms
reinforcing inequality in the classroom and thus improve our own teaching practices., Our research,
therefore, serves two mutually reinforcing goals: on the one hand, it attempts to investigate class
inequalities and the ways they manifest themselves in the kindergarten, where children‟s first experience
with school takes shape; and, on the other hand, it seeks to develop practices for intervening in the
classroom, so as to mitigate the effects of social inequality and help children develop a positive
relationship with the school. This paper presents part of the research material we have collected, and
focuses exclusively on the first axis, that is, on class differentiations observed on children‟s attitudes and
behavior in the context of early childhood education.
Theoretical Framework
Σhe theoretical framework of our research is primarily informed by the work of Bernstein and
Bourdieu. Both theoreticians contribute in their own distinct ways to the systematic study and analysis of
inequality in education. According to Bourdieu, social class determines school success. School success is
determined not just by the family‟s economic capital, but mainly by a series of educational privileges
passed on in the context of the family. Families with a high level of education are characterized by the
possession of cultural capital whose main components are knowledge of the requirements of educational
institutions, competence in the use of the official language, familiarity with art, and appropriation of cultural
goods. The transmission of cultural capital takes place in a systematic, though non-evident manner within
the family environment, and shapes a set of positive attitudes and behaviors towards education and
knowledge in general. The result of this process is that children from different social classes are not
equally familiar with school culture, which is also the culture of the dominant classes. According to
Bourdieu, educational institutions conceal the class-determined character of the culture they transmit and
legitimize it as universal. By ignoring the class-determined relation to culture, the school evaluates the
unequal familiarization of students with cultural codes as a function of individual ability, and thus reinforces
the reproduction of social inequality through the principles of equal treatment and meritocracy (see
Bourdieu 1998, 2004; Bourdieu & Passeron 1990).
Bernstein‟s work (1985a) connects social inequalities in education with the structurally different
linguistic codes characterizing different social classes, and hence with class-determined differences in the
language children learn within the family environment. School success is related to competence in the use
and learning of the school language, the elaborated code, as Bernstein calls it, spoken by the higher
social classes. Children from these classes, already familiar with the school language from their family
environment, have complete mastery of the code of communication and are able to decipher automatically
its tacit requirements. By contrast, children from lower classes who speak a restricted code experience
school as a linguistically foreign environment in which communication is difficult. Ignorance of the
communication code often leads to inappropriate language use, which may be misinterpreted by teachers
as hostile or aggressive behavior. During the first years of school life, so important for the child‟s future,
distance from the school language constitutes a major educational obstacle (Bernstein 1961).
For Bernstein, the use and development of language is not merely a process of communication,
but a fundamental process of socialization and social control. The two codes, the restricted and the
elaborated one, express different social relations. Specifically, the elaborated code is connected to an
open role system. The main feature of this system is that family organization is person-oriented.
Hierarchical relations inside the family are not presented as a given. Hence, the rules flowing from them
are not imposed, but become the child‟s property through a process of early individualization, in which
discourse is the main vehicle. Such a context systematically encourages negotiation, argumentation and
justification, as well as the clear, verbal expression of individual judgments, assessments and intentions.
Thus, since early on, the child becomes sensitive to verbal expression, develops the ability to control her
emotions and, consequently, her impulsive behavior, and learns to express verbally her inner states and
dispositions. In this sense, discourse becomes a method of social control that structures, regulates and
organizes children‟s behavior (Bernstein 1985b). By contrast, the restricted linguistic code corresponds to
a system of organizing relations inside the family that Bernstein calls a closed role system. Social control
is achieved within a given distribution of power on the basis of a clear differentiation of family roles. In this
closed system, where the main element is the formal position of the child in the hierarchy rather than
individualization, there is a lesser need for the verbal expression of individual intentions and motives. Such
a system does not systematically encourage the verbal expression of individual judgments and
Our research is part of the Research Project in Educational Sciences (research axis 3) of the
Department of Early Childhood Education at the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens. It was
funded by the University‟s Special Account for Research Grants.
87
dispositions, or the elaboration of individual differences. This doesn‟t mean that there is no sensitivity to
individual differences, but that the latter do not become subjects for verbal expression and elaboration. In
this context, the verbal expression of personal thoughts, desires and emotions is limited (Frangoudaki,
1985).
The academic literature drawing from the work of Bernstein and Bourdieu is immense. A number
of studies examine the differences between social classes with respect to the family context of
socialization, the family educational strategies and practices, and the influence of different types of capital
on children‟s relation to school (among the more recent studies, see, for instance, Lareau 2000 and 2003;
Reay 1998; Crozier 2000; Ball and Vincent 2001). The investigation of class differentiations in educational
practices focuses on the role of the family and concerns all educational levels, from primary education (on
which special emphasis is placed) to choices in higher education (Reay et al. 2001). However, the
research output on early childhood education is significantly smaller (Plaisance 1986; Vincent & Ball
2007). In Greece, research in this field is still limited. Sociological studies on the social class aspects of
educational inequalities primarily concern university access (Kiridis 1997; Sianou 2006; Thanos 2010) or
early school leaving (Papatheophilou and Vosniadou 1998), and make use of quantitative methods. The
number of studies focusing on the educational practices of parents and their relation to education is
significantly smaller (Milonas et al. 1999; Manesis 2010; Kamarianos 2002). Qualitative studies that
investigate the everyday experience of the classroom and have social inequality as their axis of research
are rare. The kindergarten, in particular, still remains largely untouched by research.
The research we present does not aspire to fill this gap. It confines itself to proposing a tool for
systematically recording social differences in the everyday reality of the kindergarten and attempts a
preliminary description of those differences.
Methodology
The main aim of our research was to map the everyday experience of children and to identify existing
social differences among them. Specifically, our investigation focused on the axes of knowledge and
experience, language and behavior. A further aim was to investigate the extent to which what is observed
in class is related to children‟s social class.
The axes of observation were the following:
a. Prior knowledge and experience; what children know before coming to school, what experiences they
have outside school, and how their knowledge and experience are reflected on what they say or do in the
classroom.
b. Language and its social uses; how children address classmates or adults, how they use language to
resolve differences, how they use language in different situations (e.g., in front of the whole class, in small
groups, during play), their vocabulary, how often they take the initiative to speak, and so on.
c. Discipline; children‟s conformity to, or deviation from, implicit and explicit rules or the school‟s discipline
context.
We systematically investigated the class-differentiated ways in which children relate to school in
two public kindergartens with different social class profiles. The investigation lasted for an entire school
year and was based on the method of observation (Cohen and Manion 2000). Specifically, data collection
was based on the method of participant observation in the classroom (see Goetz and LeCompte 1984).
Research Sample
We tried to include in our sample children with different socioeconomic characteristics. The main selection
criterion was the educational level of the parents and, secondarily, their occupation. Our choice was
guided by the fact that, as evidence shows, the parents‟ educational level is more important for school
success than family income (Frangoudaki 1985). This differentiation is particularly important in the context
of the current economic crisis, characterized by high unemployment rates and significant income loss. It
should be clear that, in our view, the educational level of the parents indicates the possession of cultural
capital.
Four of the children were selected from a public kindergarten located in a low class district of
Athens. Two of them, a girl and a boy, were native Greek. The girl‟s (M1) parents were university
graduates. At the time we conducted our research, the father, an economist, was unemployed, while the
mother worked as an English teacher. The boy‟s (N) parents had only finished elementary school. The
father worked as a private security guard and the mother was a housewife. The other two children, a girl
and a boy as well, were children of Albanian immigrants. The girl‟s (M2) parents were university graduates.
The mother was a public employee and the father was a manual laborer (despite having a university
degree). The boy‟s (T) father had only finished elementary school and was a manual laborer; the mother
had graduated from a vocational high school and worked in the private service sector.
We also selected four children from a public kindergarten located in a middle class district. Three
of them were native Greek, two boys and a girl. The boys' (Κ1, Κ2) parents had both graduated from
vocational high schools and were small shopkeepers. The girl's (Δ) parents were both higher education
88
graduates. The father worked as a computer engineer and the mother was a high ranking public
employee. One girl (Ζ) was the child of a mixed marriage between a Greek man and a Spanish woman.
Both parents had university degrees and were both self-employed; the father was a civil engineer and the
mother worked as a translator.
Collection and analysis of the research material
Recordings were made on a weekly basis and lasted up to 30 minutes each, covering various
moments of daily life in the classroom or during breaks. Each day we came into contact with parents and
relatives and gathered information about the children‟s habits, living conditions and daily life. Such
information proved quite valuable.
All information gathered during the research was the subject of discussion and evaluation by all
three members of the research team, with the goal of codifying and analyzing the data. For those of us
who had the dual role of teacher and researcher, data analysis was also an occasion for reflection. The
close and continuous cooperation with the third member of the team, the “external” researcher, was
required in order to achieve the necessary distance from our own practices and examine critically the
meaning of daily life in the classroom.
In the context of participant observation, we kept descriptive, interpretative and methodological
notes from the beginning of the school year to the end (Kiriazi 2001). We systematically took notes on our
observations of verbal and non-verbal forms of communication. Special attention was given to
conversations among students or among students and teachers (Stubbs 1996); such conversations were
recorded systematically. Indirect forms of expression, like children‟s drawings of their favorite activities at
home, were also emphasized. From the beginning of the school year onwards, we systematically kept
notes on every child and on how he or she was involved both in organized and free activities in the
classroom. Focused discussion started with simple, descriptive questions, and allowed children to make
more personal and interpretative comments. Most questions were open-ended, so as to allow children to
form their own answers and organize information.
Research findings
The paper presents differences observed in relation to the following axes:
The knowledge children brought from home
Prior experience and cultural practices followed inside the family
Familiarity with the school language: experience with books and reading, command of grammar,
vocabulary, production of narrative discourse, writing skills
We will focus on snapshots from daily life in the classroom and on pieces of children‟s discourse.
The examples presented bellow pertain to children‟s prior knowledge and experience in relation to the
dominant culture and the official school language. By means of three pairs of contrasting examples, we
attempt to uncover differences related to social class.



The first two examples show that, from day one, children whose parents had a higher level of
education were already familiar with communicative rules and conventions, and could fluently express
prior knowledge.
Example 1a
First day at the kindergarten
Teacher: Who wants to say something? (M1
raises her hand.) So, tell us, M1.
M1: I know how to read and write
Teacher: Good, very good!
M2: (intervenes in the discussion) Then read
what it says here (she points to the title of her
book, the tone of her voice expresses doubt
about M1).
M2 raises her hand
Teacher: Yes, M2
M2: I know how to sing the alphabet song.
Teacher: Really? Would you like to sing it for
us?
M2: (She starts singing the Greek alphabet
song, her voice is steady) Alpha, Beta,
Gamma,...(she finishes the Greek alphabet
without mistakes)
Example 1b
During free play the teacher proposes N. to
learn with her how to play a new game with
buttons. He agrees. The game involves buttons
of all basic colors, one to five holes each, and a
string. Four other kids approach and say loudly
that they also want to play.
Teacher: I will show it to N. and he will tell you
how to play. (She spreads the buttons on a
table and looks at N.) We have some buttons
and a string. The buttons have various colors.
All right?
N. nods his head in agreement.
Teacher: They have various colors. For
example, what color is this one? (She points to
a yellow button.)
N.: Red
Teacher: No, it is yellow, the color we usually
use when we paint sun rays. This one? (She
points to a red one)
89
Teacher: What a lovely song! I think we will all N.: Green.
learn to sing it one day!
Teacher: Red.
M1: I know the English alphabet!
N.: Oh!
Teacher: Really, M1? Why don‟t you say it to
Teacher: This one? (She points to a green
us, too?
button)
M1: a, b, c...(she finishes the English alphabet N.: Green.
Teacher: And this one? (She points to a blue
without mistakes)
Teacher: How nice things both of you know! Will one)
you teach them to us?
N.: Blue.
M2: Yes
Teacher: Let‟s say that I want to pass my string
Teacher: How did you learn the alphabet, M2? only through the blue buttons. So, I take only
M2: I had a computer for the alphabet, I still
the blue buttons.
have it, it‟s for kids.
The children, including N., give her the blue
Teacher: How nice!
buttons. She passes the string through the
M1: I also know the alphabet.
buttonholes.
Teacher: And how did you learn the alphabet
Teacher: There, I did it! But now I want to pass
song, M1?
the string only through green buttons with three
M1: My mom taught it to me.
holes each. All right? N., can you give me the
one with three holes.
N. puts his hand on a blue button with three
holes. Another child says that it is not green. N.
points to a green button with one hole.
Teacher: One with three holes...
K.: It has only one!
N.: Oh!
N. gives the teacher two green buttons with
three holes each and she passes the string
through them.
Teacher: So, I made it! (She stretches the string
and spins it). Now, N., I want you to bring the
red buttons with four holes each
N. points to a red button with two holes.
Teacher: This is red. But does it have four
holes?
Children: No!
Teacher: Very nice. Now, I leave you the string
to continue the game. You have to think how to
make groups. You will say what criteria you
chose to make them. All right, N. will play with
some other kid and explain how to play the
game.
In example 1a, M1 and M2 are already familiar with the conventions for being a speaker/listener in
an educational environment. For instance, they know that they have to raise their hands and ask for
permission to speak. Further, both girls know what is permissible and appropriate to say in a school
environment. Being able to say the alphabet (English or Greek) is typically considered a means for
mastering reading and writing codes. The way their knowledge is expressed is reinforced by non-verbal
communication: M2 shows confidence about her knowledge to the point of assuming the role of the
teacher, doubting and testing what M1 knows. The acquisition of specific knowledge and skills appears to
be the result of direct parental involvement (“My mom taught it to me”) and of the availability of specific
educational means at home (“I had a computer for the alphabet, I still have it, it‟s for kids.”).
In example 1b, by contrast, we see N. having trouble recognizing basic colors or counting to five.
Such knowledge is part of the kindergarten curriculum, but teachers usually assume that children have
mastered it by the age of 5-6. Further, N. mostly gives one word answers or nods in reply, there are long
pauses in his speech, and he needs the help of the teacher or of the other kids to complete a task.
In the following examples we observe children narrate their experiences in front of the entire class
during a classroom discussion about how they spent the weekend. M1 and M2 talk fluently about their
experience of attending a theatrical performance for children. T. narrates how he spent the weekend
watching television, but only after the continuous encouragement of the teacher. We observe that only
children whose parents are university graduates have experience of watching films or attending theatrical
performances outside school. Children whose parents have a low level of education first experience such
cultural goods in the kindergarten. Also, for children in this category, watching television is common. It
should be noted that such discussions took place throughout the school year, and similar patterns in
children‟s habits and behavior were repeatedly observed.
90
Example 2a
Example 2b
M2: On Sunday I went to the theater with M1. Teacher: All right, and you T., how did you
We went there and the play was called “The spend your weekend?
Wizard of Oz”.
T.: On Saturday I watched a lot of TV.
Teacher: Really? Why don‟t you tell us about Teacher: What did you watch?
the play?
(pause)
M2: Well... (pause). The Wizard helped T.: I don‟t know...
everyone get what they wanted. (She speaks (pause)
slowly and emphasizes every word. In this way, Σ.: I don‟t remember.
she gives the impression that she is serious Teacher: You don‟t remember, ok. What else
did you do?
about the subject).
Teacher: And what did they want?
(pause)
M2: The Scarecrow wanted a mind. The Tin T.: (He is mumbling something)
Man wanted a heart and the Lion wanted not to Teacher: Excuse me?
be scared and the little girl…
T.: I don‟t know...
M1: (whispering) You mean Dorothy
Teacher: How did you spend the day?
M2: Yes (She nods in agreement). Dolly, the (pause)
little girl, wanted to go back home.
T.: (barely audible) I don‟t remember...
M1: (whispering) To Kansas.
Teacher: Did you stay home? Did you go
somewhere? What did you do?
(.)
M1: Yes, when I went to the theater with M2, T.: I stayed home.
Dolly wanted to go back to Kansas and she Teacher: With whom?
found some friends, the Tin Man, the T.: My brother.
Scarecrow and the Lion. The performance was Teacher: Just your brother? Your mom and
perfect, the actors said a lot of things, we were dad?
excited, they had a short break and in the end (pause)
they did magic tricks and the Wizard took out a T.: I don‟t know where they went. They had to
rabbit! (She laughs). And then, when the Lion go somewhere. I don‟t know. They went.
fainted I was laughing and so the Wizard did a (pause)
lot of magic in the end and we were all excited. Teacher: On Sunday?
And the Lion fainted and it did some kung-fu T.: On Sunday I watched Monsuno (barely
moves after the Wizard gave it courage and so audible).
the Good Witch tried to do a lot of things. So Teacher: So, you watched Monsuno? Where
Dolly went back home and her friends were was that?
there and they embraced each other and said T.: On TV. With my brother.
they would stay friends forever.
Teacher: And what else did you do?
T.: What else did I do? .... Then I went to bed,
to go to school.
Teacher: I see. Did you go for a walk in the
square or somewhere else?
T.: No.
Teacher: You didn‟t go out at all?
T.: No.
Teacher: I see. And what did your parents do
on Sunday?
T.: My dad went out on Sunday. He went out
on...he goes to work and my mooom
(dragging the word) my mom went to work.
Teacher: Your mom was working on Sunday?
T.: No, I got mixed up!
In example 2a, children appear to enjoy a theatrical performance. We can assume that such
experiences help build a positive attitude towards cultural goods. Further, we observe that children with
such experiences are able to narrate their experiences with accuracy and to depict them pictorially, as in
the following picture drawn by M2 on her own accord.
91
(Picture M2 drew after attending a theatrical performance of the “Wizard of Oz”. The lower part of the
picture depicts the main characters of the play and the upper part the audience.)
By contrast, in example 2b, it is only the continuous encouragement and guidance of the teacher
that helps T. to complete his narrative. His discourse consists of one word answers and small sentences,
and it lacks detailed descriptions. In our view, the child‟s non-verbal communication is also very important.
The tone of his voice probably betrays shyness and lack of confidence in his speech, contrary to the two
girls in example 2a.
In example 2a, the girls express themselves as persons with intentions, motives and dispositions.
They have opinions about their experiences and they do not hesitate to express them confidently and in a
variety of manners. In their case, it is clear that verbal expression has been encouraged since early in life.
Consequently, we can assume that children with similar cultural experiences outside school are
encouraged early in their life to develop multiliteracy, which is also a basic goal of the kindergarten
(Paidagogiko Institouto, 2011). The term refers to the increasing multiplicity of ways in which meaning and
communication are constituted.
Children from families with high cultural capital develop the skills of critical interpreters of
meanings constructed in a variety of semiotic ways; e.g. through texts combined with speech, images,
sounds and movements, as in the case of attending a theatrical performance and processing cognitively
the experience. It is worth noting that families similar in their social features were also similar in their
cultural practices.
However, it is interesting to note that T. had more autonomy in the management of his free time,
due to limited parental supervision. Both parents worked long hours and were absent from home; further,
even when they were home, they did not seem to become involved in educational activities similar to
those taking place in school.
Finally, children from a privileged social environment had early experiences with books and
reading, while children from families with a low level of education had no prior exposure to reading and
writing for communication purposes.
In the following examples, two children narrate in the middle of the year a story from a book they
borrowed from the school library. E.‟s discourse is elaborate. She has good command of grammar, she
uses well-structured sentences and subordinate clauses, she has rich vocabulary and her speech flows
unhindered. Also, she is choosing adjectives carefully and the structure of her sentences expresses
personal evaluation and judgment. By contrast, T. speaks in short, incomplete sentences, emphasizes
words and descriptions rather than symbolism, and needs the continuous support of the teacher to explain
what he thinks. Further, T. seems to have difficulty recalling elements of the story, which means that he
may not be familiar with such ways of cognitively processing texts. Indeed, according to information
provided by the parents, in many cases there were no writing instruments and materials at home (markers,
pencils, paper); some children held a marker or pencil and wrote or drew anything for the first time when
they went to school.
92
Example 3a
E: Once upon a time there was Cinderella and
she had three mean stepmothers. They were
forcing her to do all the housework, to dust, to
clean the walls, to paint the walls, to clean the
tables and the chairs...One day they went to a
dance and they saw a very handsome prince...
Teacher: Who went to the dance?
E.: The stepmothers.
Teacher: What about Cinderella?
E.: Cinderella didn‟t go to the dance because
she didn‟t have the clothes and she was dirty
from doing housework. And the three
stepmothers were very clean and the meanest
of them all was their leader and she wanted
the prince. But then the fairy came and gave
her [Cinderella] a fabulous dress, more
beautiful than those of the stepmothers... and
she went to the dance but the fairy told her,
“You should leave before...before midnight
because the coach will disappear, the
pumpkin”.
Teacher: Wait a minute, what coach, you didn‟t
tell me about the coach...
E: The pumpkin had been turned into a coach
and it had some little mice which had been
turned into horses.
Teacher: Oh, I see! So, the fairy had turned the
pumpkin into a coach and some mice into
horses and Cinderella‟s clothes...
E: Into a very beautiful dress.
Teacher: But she told her that all these...
E.: All these would disappear, even the pumps.
And one of her pumps fell off...when she was
leaving, on the stairs, she lost one of her
pumps because she didn‟t remember that...the
horses and the dress will become like they
used to be. And then she had the dress...her
dress had become black as it used to be and
the horses had become mice and the coach a
pumpkin and then the prince came...an
Example 3b
Teacher: You had to paint the hero or the
heroine you liked most from the book. Tell us T.,
whom did you paint?
T.: Someone who eats something.
P.: What does he eat?
T.: Something like red.
Teacher: Very nice. Tells us, which hero did you
draw?
T.: A heroine.
Teacher: Which heroine?
T.: The girl.
Teacher: Yes, but who is she?
(pause)
Teacher: Which heroine? And what did she do?
T.: She was with Michelle
Teacher: She was with Michelle?
T.: Mm...
Teacher: What is this heroine? (The heroine is
actually a sheep).
(pause)
Teacher: And what did this heroine do in the
book?
T.: I don‟t remember.
Teacher: You had her do something there.
T.: She ate stuff.
Teacher: What did she eat?
T.: I don‟t know.
Teacher: Why did you choose to paint her? What
did you like about her?
(pause)
T.: I don‟t remember.
The data show that children whose parents had a higher level of education used discourse as a
main tool for expressing their desires and shaping their relationships with others, teachers and classmates
alike. But children whose parents had a lower level of education often used non-verbal means of
communication; for instance, they pointed to what they wanted, or they did something without discussing it
first or asking for permission. The same happened when they tried to settle problems with their
classmates; for instance, they grabbed what they wanted and used body language to demand something
or challenge others. In other words, the basic observed differentiation in children‟s relation to language
concerned not just fluency, but also the social uses of language. Children whose parents had a higher
level of education used the official school language and had developed a richer vocabulary and narrative
skills. They were fluent in narrating their experiences outside school and were able to connect them to life
in school. The direct expression of desire was mediated by discourse, and it seems that discourse also
served as the main vehicle for socialization and learning the rules. By contrast, children whose parents
were from a less privileged social background failed to connect their experiences outside school with what
was going on inside school. They did not narrate their experiences, except after the teacher‟s
encouragement.
In the cases studied, we observed no significant differentiation in children‟s knowledge,
experience and behavior in relation to ethnicity. Although investigating this parameter was not part of our
main research goals, a case could be made for the hypothesis that social class has a greater impact on
children‟s relation to school than ethnicity. After all, such a hypothesis is confirmed by Lareau‟s research
(2003) on the issue.
93
Conclusion
Research findings confirm the initial hypothesis that social class is related to children‟s unequal
familiarization with school demands. As stated earlier, our interest was not merely investigative. Our aim
was not simply to understand the reality of education, but to provide feedback for planning educational
practices and procedures.
Our goal as teachers was to understand differences in school behavior and performance as being
social in character, to reveal children‟s positive or negative first encounter with school as the result of
factors related to social class, and to connect unequal school results not to individual ability or peculiar
family characteristics, but to social inequality. Identifying and understanding such differences as forms of
social inequality could be the starting point for an educational intervention whose aim would be to support
children from underprivileged social backgrounds and help them integrate in the school environment.
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95
PAPER PROCEEDINGS
PART 2.
PAPERS IN FRENCH
96
LES DIFFERENTES FACETTES DE L’HOSTILITE
PARENTALE
Vaz-Rebelo Piedade
Faculty of Sciences and Technology, University of Coimbra, Portugal
[email protected]
Franco-Borges Graciete
Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences, University of Coimbra, Portugal,
[email protected]
Vale-Dias Maria da Luz
Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences, University of Coimbra, Portugal
[email protected]
Résumé:
Cette étude a pour objectif principal de caractériser les dimensions des attitudes
éducatives parentales, en particulier celle de l´hostilité parentale.Cette caractérisation est
d'une importance cruciale, étant donné l‟impact des attitudes éducatives parentales sur le
développement des enfants et des jeunes. Surtout l‟influence négative de la rejection
parentale. Cependant, bien qu'il existe déjà un certain consensus autour de la structure
générale des attitudes éducatives parentales, qui comprend les dimensions de l'amour et du
contrôle, il y aussi plusieurs questions, notamment celles qui ont trait à la délimitation des
éléments qui les caractérisent et leur interrelation. Par exemple, la distinction entre le rejet, le
contrôle et la punition, ou la distinction entre l'autonomie, la négligence ou l'abandon. La
présente recherche a été menée sur un échantillon de 2440 adolescents de 9e année, en
utilisant une version de l'Echelle des Attitudes Educatives Parentales (Schaefer, 1991). Les
résultats montrent la complexité du concept de rejet parentale et l'existence d'interfaces
entre le rejet parental, le contrôle et la permissivité.
Introduction
L'identification, la caractérisation et l'analyse des dimensions des attitudes et des pratiques
éducatives parentales a été un sujet de grand intérêt et pertinence, compte tenu de l'hypothèse de son
impact, soit dans le développement des enfants et des jeunes, soit au développement de leurs parents
et/ou éducateurs. En effet, les attitudes et les pratiques éducatives parentales ont été considérées comme
l'une des constructions les plus importantes pour l'appréhension de l'environnement familial, comme le
prouvent le volume des recherches qui ont généré, les domaines dans lesquels ont porté et les
hypothèses qui ont entouré son utilisation. Holden (1995, 360) dans la dernière décennie du XXe siècle,
réfère la réalisation de milliers d'études et la production de nouvelles investigations faites à "une vitesse
prodigieuse," les constructs concernant les attitudes et les pratiques éducatives parentales étant utilisés
comme une variable à la fois dépendante et indépendante et dans des situations aussi diverses comme la
caractérisation de l'environnement familial, l'analyse des différences interindividuelles parents,
l‟identification des corrélats entre la psychopathologie parentale et la psychopathologie des enfants et
l'évaluation des programmes d'intervention, entre autres. Toutefois, l'impact des attitudes et les pratiques
éducatives parentales en psychologie du développement et de la famille et sa transformation en
paradigme de la recherche a été principalement attribuable aux hypothèses entourant son utilisation.
Selon les premières études sur le sujet, on croyait que les attitudes et les pratiques éducatives parentales
étaient un indice fiable du milieu familial, leur connaissance permettant de prédire le comportement
parental, considéré comme un reflet direct des attitudes et, à son tour, influençant directement le
développement. C'est à dire, les attitudes éducatives globales reflètent l'environnement familial et
déterminent le comportement parental et donc le développement de l'enfant (Holden, 1990, 1995).
Toutefois, si ces hypothèses n'ont pas toujours été confirmés, par exemple, en ce qui concerne la relation
attitude/comportement, les attitudes et les pratiques éducatives parentales étaient considérées un indice
97
du milieu familial, en tenant compte des recherches approfondies autour de leurs dimensions, de ses
déterminants et de ses relations avec le développement.
La recherche sur les dimensions les attitudes et les pratiques éducatives parentales a été
développée surtout autour de la construction des instruments d'évaluation. Il y a un certain consensus sur
les dimensions de la parentalité, émergeant deux dimensions considérées comme fondamentaux:
l'acceptation/rejet et l‟autonomie/contrôle (Arrindell et Van der Ende 1984; Arrindell, Eisemann, Granell de
Aldaz, Van der Ende, Guan, Richter, Gaszner, Iwawaki, Baron, Joubert et Prud'Homme, 1992; Barros de
Oliveira, 1994, 1997 ; Darling, et Steinberg, 1993; Maccoby et Martin, 1983; Maccoby, 1992; Rohner,
Khaleque et Cournoyer, 2005). En dépit des différences de terminologie que sont parfois utilisées, on peut
aussi trouver une similitude conceptuelle. A ce propos, Barros de Oliveira (1994) référait que bien qu'il
soit possible trouver des différentes désignations, on trouve aussi presque systématiquement deux
dimensions fondamentales de la parentalité: l'affect et la discipline. Les résultats des études sur les
dimensions de la parentalité ont également montré que le consensus est plus évident dans la dimension
de l'acceptation/rejet. Cette dimension a été caractérisée par «(...) la qualité de la liaison affective entre
les parents et leurs enfants, et les comportements physiques, verbales et symboliques utilisés par les
parents pour exprimer ces sentiments" (Rhoner, Khaleque et Cournoyer, 2005, 5). Ces comportements
englobent, dans le polo de l'acceptation, les concepts d'évaluation positive, d'expression de l'affect, de
partage, de soutien affectif, l'égalité de traitement. Dans le polo du rejet il y a des notions telles que
l'attitude de l'ignorer, la négligence, l'hostilité, l'agressivité. Selon Rhoner, Khaleque et Cournoyer (2005,
5) les expressions de rejet parental "peuvent être affichés partout par une combinaison de quatre
expressions principales: (1) froideur, ce que signifie le contraire d'être chaleureux et affectueux, (2)
hostilité et agressivité, (3) négligence et indifférence, et (4) rejet indifférencié, signifiant la perception d'un
manque d'intérêt ou d'amour parental».
L'importance cruciale de l'acceptation sur le développement et l'influence néfaste et destructrice
du rejet parental ont également été démontrées dans plusieurs études, notamment ceux développés par
Rohner et ses collègues (Rohner 1986, 2000, 2004, 2008; Rohner, Khaleque et Cournoyer, 2005). Au
cours de plus de quatre décennies, ces chercheurs ont étendu des études en différents continents,
montrant que l‟influence de l'acceptation et du rejet peut être considérée comme une invariante des
relations interpersonnelles et du développement humain. Rhoner, Khaleque et Cournoyer (2005, 5)
réfèrent que la dimension de l‟acceptation et du rejet est "une dimension ou un continuum sur lequel tous
les enfants peuvent être placés parce que tous ont connu plus ou moins d'amour de la part des principaux
soignants, généralement les parents».
Contrairement à l‟invariance dans la dimension de l‟acceptation/rejet, on a trouvé qu'il existe une
plus grande variabilité dans la dimension contrôle/autonomie. On peut citer, par exemple, les résultats
obtenus par Schaefer (1965 a, b, 1991). Bien que les études initiales élaborées par l'auteur ont souligné
l'existence de deux dimensions de la parentalité mentionnées ci-dessus, à savoir l'acceptation/rejet et le
contrôle/autonomie, plus tard, des études ont montré l'effet de trois facteurs de la parentalité, désignés,
respectivement,
d‟acceptation/rejet,
contrôle
psychologique/autonomie
et
contrôle
comportementale/permissivité (Schaefer, 1965b). Selon ce modèle, ces dimensions de la parentalité
impliquent la prise en compte des deux formes de contrôle: le contrôle psychologique et le contrôle
comportementale. Le premier type de contrôle se caractérise principalement par être exercé
indirectement, y compris par la culpabilité, l'anxiété et la suppression de l‟affect. Le contrôle
comportemental se concentre principalement sur la discipline, dans l'établissement de règles et de leur
application. Ce résultat a été confirmé dans d'autres études, par exemple, Armentrout et Burger (1972),
Margolies et Weintraub (1977), Raskin et al. (1971), Schludermann et Schludermann (1983), Teleki et al.
(1982). Le principal objectif de ce travail est de caractériser les dimensions de la parentalité, en
considérant des résultats obtenus avec une version réduite de l'échelle développée par Schaefer pour
caractériser les attitudes et pratiques éducatives parentales, cherchant à confirmer l'existence de trois
dimensions fondamentales parentalité.
L‟étude vise également à contribuer à la caractérisation de ces attitudes et pratiques éducatives
parentales et leurs interrelations. En effet, des études ont également montré l‟importance de tenir compte
des modèles de plus en plus complexes pour analyser la parentalité. Ça c‟est évident si l'on considère la
conceptualisation de Schaefer à ce sujet. Initialement, Schaefer a développé un modèle conceptuelle
hiérarchique de la parentalité, que englobait des catégories plus abstraites qui correspondent aux facteurs
mentionnés ci-dessus - amour/hostilité et contrôle/autonomie - et leurs combinaisons, qui sont parfois
dénommés les styles parentaux. Les styles parentaux ont été définis par le quadrant correspondant à une
combinaison de facteurs: la démocratie, correspondant au quadrant amour/autonomie, la surprotection, à
l‟amour/contrôle, la négligence, correspondant au quadrant hostilité/autonomie et le style autoritaire,
caractérisé par l'hostilité/contrôle. Dans le cadre du modèle hiérarchique proposé par Schaefer, les
dimensions plus abstraites de la parentalité sont définies par les concepts ayant un niveau intermédiaire
d'abstraction et de généralité, qui, à son tour, sont définis par un ensemble de comportements
observables des parents. Cependant, basé sur l'identification des trois facteurs de la parentalité
mentionnés ci-dessus, Schaefer (1965b) a également développé un modèle sphérique, avec trois
dimensions. Ce modèle est considéré comme plus avantageux car il permet une description des
98
différentes relations entre les variables étudiées, une analyse plus subtile des implications de leurs
interrelations et la comparaison et l'intégration des différentes études.
L'étude présentée vise également contribuer à la description des différentes relations entre les
variables qui caractérisent les attitudes et pratiques éducatives parentales. Une des facettes les plus
subtiles de la parentalité c‟est celle du rejet parental. En effet, comme il a été déjà mentionné, le rejet
parental peut prendre divers expressions, comme la négligence, l'agression ou une autre. Il est donc
important d'analyser en quelle mesure un modèle sphérique de la parentalité permet de caractériser ces
aspects en fonction de la "zone" dans laquelle se trouve le rejet. Par exemple, on peut formuler
l'hypothèse que la permissivité peut aboutir à une sorte de rejet caractérisé par négligence. Cependant, si
le rejet s‟approche de la "zone" de la discipline peut prendre des formes de coercition, d‟agression et
même de punition. En outre, le lien entre le rejet et le contrôle psychologique peut se manifester par le
détachement, par l‟anxiété permanente, la culpabilité, entre autres. Un des objectifs de cette étude est
celui de caractériser les multiples facettes que peut prendre le rejet parental.
Echantillon
La recherche a été menée sur un échantillon de 2440 adolescents de la 9e année, âgés entre 14
et 19 ans.
Instruments
L‟instrument utilisé, le Youth Perception Inventory (Streit, 1978, 1981), est une version abrégée de
CRPBI, un inventaire des pratiques éducatives des parents (CRPBI) (Schaefer, 1965a, b, 1991). Le
Youth Perception Inventory est donc un questionnaire d'auto-évaluation, composé par 104 items. Nous
avons introduit quelques questions supplémentaires, qui ont porté principalement sur les aspects du
contrôle et de l‟autonomie. Le questionnaire utilisé dans cette étude est composé de 121 articles, dont
104 appartiennent au questionnaire initial et 17 ont été inclus dans cette étude. On demande aux sujets
de choisir parmi quatre réponses possibles par rapport à la façon dont ils se sentent par rapport aux
parents. Ces possibilités sont: Mère et Père, Seulement Mère, Seulement Père, Ni Mère Ni Père. L‟YPI
cherche à appréhender dans une version unique la perception des attitudes des adolescents à l'égard
des deux parents.
L‟étude factorielle des réponses obtenues a été développée, cherchant ainsi à vérifier la structure
précédemment trouvé soit pour le CRPBI soit pour l‟YPI.
Résultats
Sur la base des valeurs obtenues pour la matrice factorielle calculée à partir de la matrice de
corrélation, nous avons sélectionné les items avec ayant une valeur de saturation égale ou supérieure à
module, à 0,35, en vérifiant que ceux sont regroupés autour de trois facteurs.
Le premier facteur présente des items avec saturation positive et négative, et correspond
approximativement à la dimension d'acceptation/rejet décrit par Schaefer (1965a, b, 1991) et Streit (YPI
1978, 1981). Une analyse de contenu de ces items montre que la dimension de l'acceptation parentale a
des items qui la caractérisent plus directement, et qui sont liés, par exemple, à l'évaluation positive ou à
l'expression de l'affection, mais aussi des items proches d'autres aspects de la parentalité, y compris le
contrôle, peuvent aussi être pris en compte, par exemple, les éléments liés au protectionnisme et à la
possessivité.
Encore dans le premier facteur, les items ayant une valeur égale ou supérieure en module, à 0,35
caractérisent la dimension du rejet parental et comprennent 6 items :
 16. Qui ne semble pas savoir ce que tu as besoin?
 24. Qui oublie de t‟aider lorsque tu en as besoin?
 32. Qui ne veut pas faire des choses avec toi?
 55. Qui a peu de patience avec toi?
 70. Qui réagit comme si tu étais de plus?
 76. Qui te fait sentir que ne t‟aime pas?
Ces items remettent à des concepts tels que l'indifférence et même la négligence (items 16, 24), l'hostilité
/ rejet (items 32, 76), au déliement hostile (items 55 et 70).
Dans le second facteur, les items avec une valeur de saturation égale ou supérieure en module à
0,35 ont seulement des valeurs positives et correspondent dans une large mesure de ce qui a été appelé
par Schaefer (1965b) de contrôle psychologique. En effet, une analyse plus détaillée montre que ces
items portent essentiellement sur le contrôle exercé par la culpabilité psychologique. Cependant, ce
facteur englobe également d'autres aspects du contrôle comme l‟intrusion et le contrôle hostile. Ces
résultats vont, dans une certaine mesure, dans la même direction de ceux que ont été obtenus par
Schaefer (1965b) car, dans ce cas aussi, le facteur du contrôle englobe les aspects psychologiques de
celui-ci exercés plus directement, par exemple, la punition, ayant également été noté la difficulté de
différencier les aspects liés au contrôle et au rejet. Aucun item lié à l'autonomie psychologique n'a pas été
99
trouvé. Parmi les éléments qui composent ce facteur, le rejet a également eu une forte saturation, y
compris les items 6. Qui est très stricte avec vous?, 31. Quiconque pense que vos idées sont stupides? et
54. Qui va punir la moindre chose?, où les idées de gravité, de peine et de censure sont exprimées.
Un troisième facteur présente également seulement des items avec des saturations positives et
contient des éléments liés à da dimension de l'autonomie. Dans ce cas, les items peuvent aussi être
regroupés autour de l'idée de la permissivité, de l‟absence de discipline et de l'extrême liberté. Aucun
item n'a été trouvé pour la dimension du contrôle.
La contribution du premier facteur pour la variance totale était de 13,6%, celle du second facteur
était de 5,3% et la contribution du troisième facteur était de 2,4%.
Conclusions
L'analyse factorielle des réponses au questionnaire YPI a confirmé l'existence de trois facteurs, ici
appelés de perception de l'acceptation, de perception du contrôle et de perception de l'autonomie. En ce
qui concerne le premier facteur, celui-là inclut items du questionnaire qui permettent sa caractérisation en
considérant des concepts liés à l'évaluation positive et à l'expression de l'affection. L'analyse des items du
second facteur a conduit à la conclusion qu'il se concentre principalement autour du contrôle
psychologique, exercé par la culpabilité, tandis que le troisième facteur reflète les concepts de la
permissivité, de l‟absence de discipline et de l‟extrême liberté.
Les items avec saturation négative intégrant le facteur de l'acceptation se caractérisent par le
concept du rejet ayant sous-jacent les idées de la négligence, de l'indifférence hostile et du détachement.
Quelques-uns des items qui caractérisent la dimension du rejet ont également obtenu des saturations
élevés dans le facteur du contrôle. Ces résultats montrent les différentes facettes que ces dimensions de
la parentalité peuvent prendre, attirant l'attention sur l'intérêt d'examiner leurs interrelations. Ils sont
toutefois nécessaires de nouvelles études afin de réaliser une caractérisation plus approfondie de
chacune de ces facettes.
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Intervention précoce, parentalité, bientraitance et multiculturalité :
enjeux et limites
PITHON Gérard
Epsylon, Université de Montpellier 3, France
[email protected]
TERRISSE Bernard †
6
Université du Québec à Montréal, Canada
Résumé:
L’émergence des approches s’inspirant du modèle écosystémique et écologique (Bronfenbrenner, 1979) a
profondément modifié les interventions socio-éducatives en direction des « enfants à risques ». Ces approches ont
favorisé la prise de conscience que l’enfant était au cœur d’un écosystème et qu’il était nécessaire de prendre en
compte les interactions entre les différents systèmes et lui-même dans toute intervention afin que les résultats soient
efficaces et surtout durables.
Si la bientraitance de l’enfant constitue le but du soutien à la parentalité (parenthood) au sens large de ce
concept, et surtout le soutien au parentage (parenting) au sens restreint de ce concept, il s’agit de soutenir les
compétences des parents nécessaires à son adaptation dans le pays où il vit. Mais ces interventions, les programmes
de soutien à la parentalté, peuvent mettre en avant des valeurs et des modèles auxquels ils n’adhèrent pas forcément
compte tenu de leur culture d’origine. En effet les recherches de référence à ces interventions et programmes sont le
plus souvent issues des travaux en psychologie, en sociologie ou dans les sciences de l’éducation des pays
occidentaux.
Les familles d’origines sociales défavorisées, ou issues de l’immigration récente, peuvent alors se trouver
en situation de conflits interculturels difficiles à comprendre et à analyser, et constituent dans certains cas des
limites à la prévention. Les recherches évaluatives (Larivée, 2011) montrent d’ailleurs que les parents de ces
groupes participent le moins aux actions qui leurs sont proposées. S’ouvrir à la diversité, développer le pouvoir
d’agir des parents, dans le cadre d’une approche interculturelle est l’un des défis complexes que l’intervention
sociale doit relever aujourd’hui tout en expliquant le cadre de la normalité des pratiques éducatives (Sabatier 2005).
Mots clés:
Parentalité, parentage, programme, bientraitance, multiculuralité, norme.
Introduction
L‟échec scolaire, l‟abandon prématuré des études, la violence chez les jeunes… font partie des
préoccupations majeures des pouvoirs publics de nos jours. Ces fléaux compromettent l‟intégration
sociale l‟épanouissement et le bien être des individus. Ils engendrent des coûts considérables pour la
société car ils sont à l‟origine de la marginalisation et de la précarité de groupes sociaux. En conséquence
ils contribuent à creuser les inégalités entre les citoyens d‟un même pays.
Ainsi en France chaque année environ 120 000 jeunes sortent du système scolaire sans diplôme
ni qualification (Goémé, Hugon, Taburet, 2012). Au Québec le taux de décrochage scolaire est de 24,8%
(Gouvernement du Québec, 2010). Selon de récentes études, au moins 40% des élèves du secondaire du
Québec seraient « à risque de décrochage scolaire » (Lessard et al., 2006)… Or, la majorité des élèves
en échec scolaire, ou en difficultés comportementales, sont issus de familles dites «vulnérables». En effet
elles cumulent plusieurs facteurs de risque : pauvreté, précarité, marginalisation, problématiques
familiales complexes, difficultés d‟intégration pour les minorités…
«Ont été définis comme facteurs familiaux de risque : un encadrement insuffisant des enfants par
les parents, des châtiments corporels durs, des conflits entre les parents et les enfants, la maternité
précoce, la séparation des parents à un jeune âge, une faible cohésion de la famille, un niveau socioéconomique faible » (Centre d‟analyse stratégique, 2007).
Ce texte a été préparé avec Bernard Terrisse pour la conférence présentée par Gérard Pithon au congrès « Famille,
Ecole, sociétés locales : politiques et pratiques pour l‟enfance » (Université de Patras, Grèce, 22-26 Mai 2013).
Décédé le 10 juin 2013, Bernard Terrisse n‟a pas eu le temps de lire la version définitive de ce texte, qui est l‟un des
nombreux hommages rendus à ses travaux sur l‟enfant, la famille et leur environnement. Il est une invitation à
poursuivre les « chantiers » qu‟il a initiés dans le vaste champ de l‟éducation et du soutien aux familles.
6
102
Pour lutter contre ces difficultés nous disposons d‟importantes ressources en matière de
prévention, par exemple l‟intervention éducative précoce et le soutien des parents. Mais ces ressources
sont confrontées à de nombreuses limites, dues notamment à la pauvreté et à la multiculturalité.
1. L’intervention éducative précoce (IEP)
A partir des années 60, les institutions scolaires et médico-sociales ont développé un ensemble
de mesures d‟intervention éducative précoce auprès des très jeunes enfants (Ramey et al. 2004). En
amont de la scolarisation, dans une perspective de prévention « l‟Organisation mondiale de la santé
considère les interventions précoces auprès des enfants et des familles comme une des stratégies les
plus prometteuses pour réduire sur le long terme le phénomène de la violence chez les jeunes » (Centre
d‟analyse stratégique, 2007).
Une clarification conceptuelle du concept d‟intervention, si souvent employé de nos jours, serait
nécessaire selon Pourtois et Desmet (1998). Pour Lenoir et al. (2002, p. 12) c‟est « une action, dans le
cadre d‟un métier relationnel, qui vient modifier un processus ou un système » mais aussi « l‟ensemble
des actions finalisées posées par les personnes mandatées, motivées et légitimées en vue de poursuivre
dans un contexte institutionnellement spécifique […] les objectifs éducatifs socialement déterminés » (Ibid
p. 12).
L'IEP mobilise des instances extérieures à la famille pour agir le plus précocement possible sur
l‟éducation de l‟enfant. Dans une perspective de prévention primaire il est nécessaire d‟éviter l‟apparition
des difficultés avant qu‟elles ne surgissent chez les enfants lors de leur scolarisation. Dans celui d‟une
prévention secondaire, il s‟agit d‟éviter l‟aggravation des incapacités chez les jeunes enfants présentant
des déficiences, soit en les compensant, soit en circonscrivant au mieux leurs effets (Ministère de la
Santé, 2001 ; Starfield, Hyde, Gérvas, Heath, 2008).
La nécessité d‟intervenir de façon précoce se justifie car, entre la naissance et six ans, les enfants
font le plus d‟acquisitions dans tous les domaines (Gesell, 1940; Piaget, 1957; Bloom, 1966). Cette
aptitude s‟expliquerait, entre autres, par l‟hypothèse de la néoténie (Bolk, 1926) : l‟enfant naitrait
biologiquement inachevé. Sa « nature » dépend donc beaucoup de l‟autre et de sa « culture »
d‟appartenance. En effet les stimulations mentales issues de l‟environnement permettent la multiplication
des connexions interneuronales (cf. les travaux de Kandel, de Carlsson et de Greenwald, prix Nobel en
2000 sur la physiologie de la mémoire et de l‟apprentissage). Même si l‟hérédité peut fixer les limites de
l‟intelligence de l‟enfant, ce sont les stimulations de l‟environnement qui déterminent si ces limites peuvent
être atteintes. Les parents, ont le plus de temps, de moyens et de motivations … pour stimuler leur(s)
enfant(s) le plus précocement possible, il faut donc les accompagner en priorité dans cette responsabilité.
Plusieurs courants théoriques, voire idéologiques, contribuent au développement de l‟IEP. Pour
renforcer l‟égalité des chances en éducation il faut intervenir de façon préventive et compensatoire auprès
des enfants «à risques». Ainsi pour l‟intégration sociale et scolaire des enfants handicapés, ou en
difficulté, la stimulation précoce est encore plus nécessaire selon le courant du «Mainstreaming». Dans
cette approche il s‟agit d‟intégrer et de maintenir les enfants en difficulté, notamment ceux qui se trouvent
en situation de handicap, dans les milieux habituels et proches de leur communauté d‟appartenance
habituelle (famille, école ordinaire…). Le partenariat parents-professionnels (Pithon et al. 2008) est à
construire en cherchant à développer chez les parents : l‟«empowerment» ou leur pouvoir d‟agir afin de
renforcer leurs compétences éducatives (connaissances, attitudes et pratiques); l‟«enabling» ou la
capacité de se prendre en charge et la «co éducation» avec tous les partenaires éducatifs.
Aux Etats-Unis, plusieurs grands programmes en éducation compensatoire ont été développés.
C‟est le cas de «Head Start» (Meisels et Shonkoff, 1990), dont ont bénéficié plus de 22 millions d'enfants,
issus de milieux défavorisés. De nombreuses évaluations (Berrueta-Clément et al., 1984; Odom et
Fewell,1983 ; Currie et Thomas, 1995) soulignent les effets positifs du programme à courts termes, mais
ceux-ci s‟estompent ensuite. Il est donc nécessaire d‟agir auprès des enfants mais aussi auprès des
parents et des autres acteurs du milieu de vie des enfants.
2. Soutien au parentage, à la parentalité et « bientraitance ».
Le but des interventions éducatives auprès des parents est la « bientraitance » de l‟enfant. Mais,
ce concept est difficile à cerner. Son opposé, la « maltraitance » a fait l‟objet de plus de recherches et de
préconisations (Pourtois, 2000). Afin de stimuler notre réflexion Terrisse (2005) souligne combien la ligne
de démarcation est parfois ténue entre bientraitance et maltraitance selon l‟état psychophysiologique du
sujet ou sa culture de référence. Au niveau individuel il souligne le paradoxe suivant : « l‟adulte peut, par
exemple, consommer des drogues ou de l‟alcool et se sentir ensuite dans un état de bien-être… » (Ibid p.
19-20). Au niveau culturel rappelons l‟exemple des femmes Padaung (minorité ethnique de Birmanie)
appelées aussi « femmes girafes » à cause du long collier-spirale en laiton enroulé autour de leur cou.
Réfugiées politiques en Thaïlande, elles sont exposées dans des villages reconstitués ; les touristes
103
payent un droit de visite. Les Nations Unis se demandent s‟il faut boycotter ou non ces « zoos humains »
(Harding, 2008). Faut-il refuser ce complément de revenus, considérer ces bijoux comme la marque d‟une
identité sociale… ou une forme de maltraitance imposée aux filles dès leur plus jeune âge ?
L‟approche écosystémique proposée par Bronfenbrenner (1979) va nous aider à mieux définir la
bientraitance, les formes et les niveaux des interventions en matière de prévention (cf. Figure 1). Après
avoir focalisé leurs actions sur les enfants, elles ont été concentrées sur les parents, puis sur l‟école et
ses acteurs, et enfin sur les autres membres de la communauté impliqués dans le processus éducatif, tout
en prenant en compte l‟ensemble des interactions entre les différents éléments de l‟écosystème des
enfants. Il s‟agit, par exemple, de renforcer aussi l‟action des « facilitateurs de résilience » (Lecomte,
2004), notamment en impliquant les parents dans le suivi scolaire des enfants.
Figure 1 L‟évolution des cibles de l‟intervention
PHASES
CIBLES
1
L‟enfant
2
L‟enfant, la famille
3
L‟enfant, la famille, l‟école
4
L‟enfant, la famille, l‟école, la communauté
La bientraitance de l‟enfant pourrait donc être définie comme l‟ensemble des comportements émanant
des parents (et, de façon plus générale, de la collectivité) en direction de celui-ci, destinés à l‟adapter de
façon harmonieuse aux conditions de vie qui prévalent dans son écosystème. Sa maltraitance serait
l‟ensemble des comportements des parents (et de la collectivité) nuisant à cette adaptation.
Les actions de prévention peuvent donc porter à la fois sur le soutien à la parentalité (parenthood) de
façon générale et sur le soutien au parentage (parenting) en particulier.
Le soutien à la parentalité résulte de l‟ensemble des interventions émanant du réseau social, éducatif
et communautaire qui a pour objet d‟aider les parents à assumer leurs responsabilités. Il permet de limiter
les facteurs de risque susceptibles de détériorer les conditions de vie de la famille, de soutenir des
problématiques personnelles des parents tels que l‟alphabétisation, l‟apprentissage du langage du pays
d‟accueil, la formation professionnelle, et l‟intégration dans des réseaux sociaux...
Le soutien au parentage comprend les interventions spécifiques émanant des mêmes réseaux qui ont
pour objet d‟aider les parents à mieux actualiser leurs compétences éducatives, lesquelles sont des
complexes qui intègrent et mobilisent dans un contexte donné à la fois les connaissances, les attitudes et
les pratiques. Chacune des composantes des compétences pouvant se combiner aux autres pour, par
exemple, constituer une expertise (connaissances et pratiques bien maîtrisées), une habilité (attitudes et
pratiques contrôlées) et une capacité (connaissances et attitudes correctement mobilisées) (Pithon,
2013).
L‟approche écosystémique nous a donc permis de mieux définir les concepts et d‟articuler les types
de prévention pour optimiser les modalités d‟intervention. Dans le domaine du parentage, nous nous
appuyons depuis des années sur deux méthodologies principales : l‟approche par compétences (Larivée
et al. 2005) et l‟approche par programme pour concevoir, tester, animer et évaluer divers programmes
d‟accompagnement de parents au Québec et en France (Terrisse, Boutin, 1983 ; Terrisse, 1990 ; Pithon
et al. 2008 ; Steen et al. 2012).
Ainsi nous avons été amenés à concevoir, animer et évaluer un programme « Être Parent de Jeunes
Enfants » (EPJE) qui s‟appuie sur une méthodologie d‟entraînement ludique à la résolution de problèmes
éducatifs (Steen et al. 2012 ; Pithon, 2013). Ils sont présentés sous formes de dessins animés au moyen
d‟un logiciel installé sur un ordinateur PC (Windows XP et Windows 7) : cf. www.ivaos.com. Il met à la
disposition des professionnels socio-éducatifs (travailleurs sociaux, éducateurs spécialisés, assistantes
sociales, conseillers conjugaux, formateurs en économie sociale et familiale, parents animateurs…) des
cas, une méthodologie d‟animation et des outils pour soutenir les parents dans leurs activités éducatives
quotidiennes.
La structure du programme et organisée autour de dix sessions de formation selon une typologie
de situations problèmes empruntés à la vie quotidienne en famille (ex. : structurer des situations
d‟apprentissage et de communication; assumer ses responsabilités éducatives; instaurer des règles de
vie pour son enfant; responsabiliser son enfant; structurer le milieu de vie…). Chacune permet d‟aborder
au moins trois compétences parentales : une nouvelle et deux autres déjà abordées dans d‟autres
sessions. Ces cas peuvent être proposés à des groupes de parents, à des couples, ou en soutien
individuel en présentiel ou à distance.
L‟animation de chaque session permet d‟abord de plonger les parents dans une situation
éducative afin de renforcer leur « pouvoir d‟agir ». Ensuite certaines modalités d‟intervention précises sont
proposées afin d‟apprendre à « analyser une situation éducative », dégager les conséquences prévisibles
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des interventions et renforcer ainsi la proacitivité des parents. Des manuels électroniques offrent aux
animateurs les cadres théoriques, des exercices supplémentaires et des outils d‟évaluation.
En France plusieurs instances nationales semblent maintenant préconiser aux pouvoirs publics
des approches de ce type. Ainsi le Centre d‟Analyse Stratégique (2012), dans son rapport remis à Mme.
Bertinotti Ministre déléguée à la Famille, arrive à cette conclusion: «Les pouvoirs publics ont intérêt à
développer les services de soutien à la parentalité. Il s‟agit de répondre à une demande mais de
promouvoir aussi le bien-être des parents et le bien-devenir des enfants »… «Développer l‟évaluation des
actions de soutien à la parentalité pour mettre en évidence leur impact sur les trajectoires scolaires,
professionnelles et personnelles (…) Banaliser le recours à ces services et mélanger les publics grâce à
une politique de communication ambitieuse et coordonnée (…) Développer les programmes animés par
les parents pour les parents, à l‟aide d‟une formation et d‟un accompagnent spécifiques ». Toutefois un
constat dans ce rapport apparaît clairement : la quasi-totalité des programmes répertoriés sont en langue
anglaise. Ce rapport souligne également la nécessité de trouver des programmes valides et de former les
professionnels chargés de les animer. En effet, renforcer les compétences parentales suppose aussi de
pouvoir mettre en œuvre des compétences de médiateur, d‟accompagnateur et d‟animateur.
Dans le domaine de la santé l‟Institut national de prévention et d‟éducation pour la santé va dans le
même sens Lamboy (2013, p. 9) : « Les Anglo-Saxons ont le plus souvent recours à la notion de «
programme » pour parler d‟une intervention en prévention. Quand l‟efficacité de l‟intervention a été
démontrée, il est alors question de « programme efficace » ou «proven programs» (…). Un des enjeux
aujourd‟hui est donc de pouvoir prendre connaissance et de mobiliser ces données sur les interventions
validées afin de favoriser un regard réflexif sur les pratiques et de contribuer à l‟optimisation les actions
de prévention et de promotion de la santé».
L‟évaluation de l‟efficacité du programme est une tâche complexe (Kirpatrick,1994) : il faut
l‟implanter auprès de diverses populations, cerner ses effets à courts, moyens et longs termes, non
seulement en matière de satisfaction des usagers, mais surtout d‟apprentissages réalisés en formation,
puis transférés sur le « terrain » (vie familiale ou en entreprise), et enfin cerner les changements générés
à la structure organisationnelle concernée (la famille, le service, l‟entreprise ou la communauté).
Après avoir trouvé le programme valide encore faut-il sélectionner et former les professionnels (ou
les bénévoles) qui vont l‟animer. Il faut ensuite évaluer comment ils l‟appliquent, notamment s‟ils
respectent la démarche et les méthodes préconisées. En effet Yeaton et Sechrest (1981) ont distingué la
puissance du traitement en soi (strengh of treatment) de la fidélité avec laquelle ce traitement est appliqué
(treatment fidelity). Plus tard le concept d‟intégrité de traitement (IT) sera adopté. Sanetti et Kratochwill
(2009) en proposent la définition suivante : « L'IT représente l'ampleur avec laquelle les composants
essentiels d'une intervention sont délivrés de façon complète et cohérente par un intervenant entrainé à
délivrer cette intervention».
3. Comment dépasser les difficultés liées à la précarité et la multiculturalité ?
Variations des normes éducatives selon les cultures et les environnements.
Les projets d‟intervention éducative auprès des parents s‟adressent majoritairement aux familles
de milieux socio-économiquement faibles, qui sont pour la plupart des parents issus de minorités ou de
l‟immigration récente. Ces sont des familles difficiles à mobiliser dans des actions de prévention (Larivée,
2011). En effet leur taux de participation est faible, car le plus souvent elles ne sont pas disponibles, n‟ont
pas les moyens de se déplacer, maîtrisent mal la langue ou se sentent « mal à l‟aise » en formation.
Enfin, les dispositifs proposés ne leurs sont pas toujours adaptés. Comment réduire ces freins
économiques, culturels et psychologiques ?
Le but des actions de prévention est de faire évoluer les conduites éducatives des parents en
fonction des attentes sociales du pays d‟accueil afin que leurs enfants y soient adaptés. Les pratiques
parentales sont donc des réponses adaptées et fonctionnelles aux conditions écologiques des groupes
humains dans lesquels les parents vivent. Car, selon Ogbu (1981), dans toutes les sociétés, les pratiques
éducatives des parents incitent l‟enfant à s‟adapter à son environnement physique, culturel, économique
et social afin qu‟il devienne autonome et qu‟il puisse à son tour assumer son rôle d‟adulte. L‟absence de
concordance entre les modèles de valeurs (Pithon et al. 2013b) et de pratiques éducatives prônées par
les recherches des pays occidentaux et celles des parents provenant de classes sociales et de cultures
différentes posent toutefois questions. Car, «les valeurs et les pratiques parentales ne seraient que la
longue accumulation d‟expériences encodées et transmises de génération en génération, sans cesse
modifiées au cours de l‟histoire, parce qu‟elles ont démontré qu‟elles permettent d‟adapter l‟enfant aux
exigences du groupe d‟appartenance et à son environnement» (Pithon et Terrisse, 1994, p 366).
Ainsi, dans les pays occidentaux les recherches prônent le dialogue parents-enfants, l‟empathie,
l‟expression de sentiments et excluent les châtiments corporels (Pithon, 2004). Or ces modèles sont plutôt
des signes de faiblesse dans d‟autres cultures.
105
Depuis Mead (1931) de nombreux chercheurs (Levine et al., 1988; Le Thanh, 1991) ont mis en
évidence la variabilité des pratiques éducatives parentales selon les peuples, les cultures et leur
environnement.
Plusieurs exemples peuvent être donnés pour illustrer les variations, voire les oppositions entre
des « bonnes pratiques éducatives» et les cultures de différentes sociétés, ou au sein d‟une même
société selon diverses époques historiques, ou encore au sein d‟une même société selon différentes
catégories sociales.
Ainsi, Sabatier et al. (1990) observent que les mères canadiennes punissent surtout leurs enfants
par la parole alors que les mères asiatiques et antillaises les punissent plutôt physiquement. En effet un
enfant confronté à un environnement dangereux pourrait ainsi bénéficier de ses parents une préparation à
supporter la douleur et les privations physiques.
Erny (1972) souligne que dans les pays pauvres, où les moyens de subsistances sont rares et le
taux de mortalité infantile élevé, les mères développent plutôt des pratiques orientées vers le bien être
physique, les soins corporels, de leurs enfants au détriment du développement cognitif et affectif.
Ainsi le modèle de Baumrind (1967, 1973) privilégiant les styles « démocratiques » des parents
sur la socialisation et la réussite scolaire des enfants par rapport aux styles « autoritaires » ou
« permissifs » est relativisé selon les contextes culturels.
Partant du constat que les enfants d‟origine chinoise réussissent plutôt mieux aux USA que les
autres enfants, Chao (1994, 2001) a étudié les pratiques de mères américaines et de mères chinoises
immigrées : les styles parentaux des chinois sont plutôt « autoritaires ». Mais les représentations des
concepts d‟éducation et d‟autorité ne sont pas les mêmes chez les mères chinoises et américaines :
« prendre soin », « aimer » et « gouverner » vont ensemble selon l‟héritage culturel de Confucius ; ainsi
les mères chinoises privilégient l‟effort, la discipline, le sacrifice, et la réussite par l‟obtention de diplômes.
En comparant des enfants turcs et américains Kagitcibaci (2007) a trouvé que les enfants turcs
perçoivent mieux les pratiques parentales autoritaires que les enfants américains, tout en appréciant aussi
l‟éducation chaleureuse qu‟ils reçoivent.
Dwairy (2006) a appréhendé les pratiques éducatives dans de nombreux pays arabes pour
montrer que les pays plus traditionnels (Arabie Saoudite, Yemen…) privilégient l‟approche autoritaire,
mais aussi les pays pauvres ou menacés dans leur sécurité (Bande de Gaza et Cisjordanie) par
opposition aux pays plus modernes comme le Liban et la Jordanie.
Belhandouz (2005) constate le paradoxe suivant : les filles issues de l‟immigration maghrébine en
France réussissent souvent mieux à l‟école que les garçons. Une des explications possibles serait
qu‟elles cherchent à se libérer des contraintes familiales et communautaires. L‟éducateur, l‟enseignant…
doit-il se faire le complice de cette « révolte » ? La maltraitance peut-elle être à l‟origine d‟une quête de
« mieux vivre » ?
Evolution des normes et modèles éducatifs au sein d’une même culture
Les cultures occidentales, rigoristes et élitistes, ont longtemps perpétué une éducation où les
châtiments corporels étaient valorisés ! Plusieurs films relatent avec précision et dénoncent ces
« modèles » aujourd‟hui tant décriés.
Ainsi dans « Les Choristes » de Barratier (2004), reprise de « La cage aux rossignols » de Dréville
(1945), un professeur de musique a monté une chorale en 1949 dans un internat de « rééducation » pour
mineurs tout en s‟opposant aux méthodes répressives et violentes du directeur. « Le Cercle des poètes
disparus » de Weir (1989) montre également le choc entre une éducation traditionnelle des années 60, où
les châtiments corporels sont exercés avec méthode, et l‟éducation libertaire d‟un professeur qui
encourage le « carpe diem », l‟épanouissement de la personnalité et le refus du conformisme.
Les éducateurs, les enseignants, les parents… peuvent-ils « militer » pour faire évoluer et exiger
d‟autres normes et méthodes d‟éducation ?
La convention internationale des droits de l‟enfant (1989) est, par exemple, le fruit de luttes pour
faire évoluer les législations et les pratiques envers les enfants : « (…) la famille, unité fondamentale de la
société et milieu naturel pour la croissance et le bien-être de tous ses membres, et en particulier des
enfants, doit recevoir la protection et l'assistance dont elle a besoin pour pouvoir jouer pleinement son rôle
dans la communauté (…) ». Les États signataires (Article 12.1.) « garantissent à l'enfant, qui est capable
de discernement, le droit d'exprimer librement son opinion sur toute question l'intéressant » ; (Article 37.)
« veillent à ce que : a) Nul enfant ne soit soumis à la torture ni à des peines ou traitements cruels,
inhumains ou dégradants (…) b) Nul enfant ne soit privé de liberté de façon illégale ou arbitraire (....)
193 pays ont signé cette convention. Il s‟agit de normes internationales : mais ont-elles « force de
loi » ? sont-elles respectées ? Ces normes, qui précisent des âges, des critères doivent pouvoir évoluer à
la suite de débats démocratiques appuyés par des arguments scientifiques. Or ces débats sont différents
dans des états laïcs et des monarchies de droit divin par exemple.
S‟il n‟y a pas « one best way » en éducation, il n‟est pas possible non plus de cautionner «
n‟importe quoi » au nom du respect de la « diversité culturelle » ! La médecine a des arguments
scientifiques et éthiques pour s‟opposer avec force à des pratiques telles que l‟excision (préserver la
106
santé, le bien-être de l‟enfant et de l‟adulte). Dans d‟autres cas le médecin sera moins intransigeant. Nous
allons prendre deux exemples, celui des médecins et des gestionnaires, pour voir quelles stratégies ils
sont parfois amenés à prendre dans leur discipline. En éducation les valeurs et normes préconisées
peuvent être différentes.
Les stratégies de soin face à la diversité culturelle
Rosenberg et al. (2007) partent du constat que les médecins sont souvent confrontés à des
populations d‟origines socioculturelles différentes, le plus souvent issues de l‟immigration. Parfois elles
refusent ou ne comprennent pas les exigences des médecins, compte tenu de leurs croyances ou
pratiques culturelles. Leur étude qualitative fait apparaître trois types de stratégies que les médecins
canadiens mettent en œuvre à l‟égard de leurs patients. Ils peuvent exiger que les patients s‟adaptent à
leurs demandes ; ou, dans certains cas, ils cherchent à s‟adapter autant que possible aux attentes des
patients ; enfin ils peuvent aussi négocier avec les patients les modalités de la consultation voire du
traitement. Les auteurs concluent à la nécessité de former les médecins à la psychologie interculturelle,
aux contextes et systèmes sociaux dans lesquels les patients ont vécu.
Vers un management interculturel dans les organisations
La diversité des origines socioculturelles des salariés, mais aussi la compétition internationale
entre les entreprises, suscitent de nouveaux modes de gestion « interculturelle ». Proulx (1998) précise
que la gestion de la diversité vise à adapter les services aux besoins des citoyennes et citoyens d‟origines
diverses, à recruter une diversité de personnel pour refléter la composition ethnoculturelle de sa clientèle,
à gérer un milieu de travail multiculturel. Ses recherches identifient cinq principales mesures de soutien
organisationnel perçues ayant une influence sur des services interculturels adaptés : des formations
spécifiques à l‟intervention interculturelle ; un soutien officiel à ces formations par les responsables
(direction) ; une reconnaissance par ceux-ci des aptitudes d‟un intervenant en intervention interculturelle ;
une culture organisationnelle ouverte à l‟initiative et à l‟innovation ; ainsi qu‟une gestion axée sur les
résultats.
Parents, Enseignants, Praticiens de l‟éducation, Enfants… véhiculent inévitablement plusieurs
« cultures » issues, sans toujours le savoir, de leur pays d‟origine, leur religion, leur formation (sciences
de l‟éducation, psychologie, psychanalyse, sociologie…). Quand ils échangent ils se trouvent
nécessairement pris dans diverses « interférences culturelles » qui doivent être si possible explicitées.
Comment sortir du « dilemme » : ouverture à la diversité et affirmation
d’exigences ?
« Je m‟ouvre à la diversité qui m‟enrichit… me remets en question, mais je dois pouvoir aussi
faire valoir mon point de vue de citoyen, éventuellement de professionnel avec mes obligations de
soignant, ou d‟éducateur, ou d‟enseignant… ».
Il y a donc nécessité de se former ensemble pour appendre à se parler et travailler ensemble. Or,
dans tout échange et travail en commun, entre Parent et Enfant par ex., il y a des difficultés
« universelles » de communication et d‟apprentissage. S‟ils ne sont pas « résolus » ou réduits par cet
« échange de compréhension interculturelle », il faut s‟attendre alors à rencontrer des problèmes
d‟incompréhension, de conflits, et de violences, ou de blocages dans le travail.
Les compétences interculturelles sont, entre autres, des compétences relationnelles nécessitant à
la fois des connaissances approfondies sur les deux cultures concernées, mais aussi des capacités
d‟accueil, d‟écoute, de respect, de reconnaissance de l‟autre doublées d‟explication rigoureuses sur les
exigences indispensables, voire scientifiques, pour communiquer, se soigner, éduquer ses enfants. Elles
doivent pouvoir également évaluer de façon pertinente, fiable et équitable les apprentissages et le travail
réalisé selon des objectifs et des critères explicites.
Les chercheurs sont là pour faire avancer ce débat complexe : « L‟intérêt de la recherche
interculturelle est de souligner cette diversité dans le cadre de la normalité des pratiques éducatives et
des conceptions de l‟enfant afin de lui donner du sens » (Sabatier, 2005, p. 43).
Chercheurs, professionnels de l‟éducation et parents doivent travailler ensemble dans une optique
co-éducative (Pithon, Asdih, Larivée, 2008) en s‟informant réciproquement sur leurs normes et croyances
respectives, en se formant ensemble, pour co-construire des dispositifs éducatifs appropriés à leur milieu
respectif.
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De la Cité de l’Education à la Cité résiliente
Pourtois Jean-Pierre
Université de Mons (Belgique)
Desmet Huguette
Université de Mons (Belgique)
Introduction
Une conférence sur les Cités de l‟Education, dans une ville grecque, Patras, est comme un retour aux
sources. Car il faut savoir que c‟est dans la civilisation grecque, que, pour la première fois, la cité a
revendiqué le droit et la liberté pour la famille d‟éduquer l‟enfant à sa convenance. Dans la pratique, la
responsabilité éducative était placée sous l‟autorité du père qui confiait l‟enfant à un pédagogue – souvent
un esclave – qui servait de lien entre la famille et les professeurs. Ainsi, c‟était au père que revenait la
responsabilité de choisir le pédagogue et l‟école. Le pédagogue était au service de la famille. Pendant de
nombreux siècles, l‟éducation restera une affaire de famille…
Nous allons voir que la modernité a vu les choses d‟une tout autre manière…
La société moderne
La Révolution française a instauré la séparation des trois pouvoirs que sont le législatif, l‟exécutif
et le judiciaire, pouvoirs qui, jusqu‟alors, étaient exercés par une même instance. Autonomie, mais
interdépendance néanmoins, balisent dès lors les relations entre les trois pouvoirs. Un phénomène
identique se produit en même temps entre les trois instances que sont la famille, l‟école et la communauté
(les entreprises, notamment). Ainsi, les ouvriers ont quitté le foyer pour travailler dans les entreprises
devenues autonomes et les enfants ont été enlevés à leur famille pour recevoir une instruction à l‟école.
Cette vision rationnelle visant une plus grande efficacité n‟a cependant pas donné les résultats
escomptés. Les tensions entre vie professionnelle – vie familiale, entre école et famille se sont révélées
très vives et le demeurent. Les inégalités sociales qu‟on croyait abolir restent bel et bien présentes.
Aujourd‟hui, les parents sont en désarroi, les enseignants découragés, les jeunes déboussolés, la
communauté alarmée. L‟individualité a pris le pas sur la solidarité. La déliance caractérise la situation
sociétale actuelle. Cette perte de lien s‟accompagne, pour toute une frange de la population, d‟une perte
de sens – le futur est sombre et incertain –, d‟une perte de pouvoir – le sentiment de ne plus avoir
d‟emprise sur les événements – et d‟une perte de valeurs – le « chacun pour soi » s‟impose avec force,
les inégalités sociales s‟accroissent avec l‟augmentation de la pauvreté et celle-ci engendre une moindre
liberté. Ainsi, les valeurs fondamentales de liberté, d‟égalité et de solidarité sont bafouées.
Face à une telle situation, que peut-on encore espérer ? Les réformes successives de
l‟enseignement n‟ont rien changé : les échecs et les disqualifications scolaires et sociales persistent et se
reproduisent de génération en génération suscitant la révolte des jeunes sans avenir et sans repère. Du
coup, la répression s‟intensifie à leur égard… provoquant davantage de violence. Un cercle vicieux se met
en place et la situation devient de plus en plus critique. Crises, ruptures, désordres caractérisent la
société actuelle.
La société postmoderne
Devant un tel contexte, la société peut-elle rester insensible et poursuivre telle quelle sa route ?
Quant à nous, nous nous opposons à l‟inertie ambiante. Après le « Indignez-vous » (Stéphane Hessel,
ème
2011, 2
éd.) qui a ravivé les consciences, nous pensons qu‟il est temps d‟agir. Un changement
s‟impose inéluctablement. Il faut « oser agir » dirait S. Freud. Certes, mais comment ?
Avec l‟avènement d‟une vision postmoderne de la société, des actions socio-éducatives originales, se
mettent en place et beaucoup se révèlent porteuses de réussites étonnantes. Des évaluations
scientifiques attestent de leur apport en faveur des populations vulnérables. Ces actions poursuivent un
but : le développement individuel et collectif de la personne. Si elles connaissent aujourd‟hui un essor
110
7
important, elles restent néanmoins méconnues et le travail s‟opère le plus souvent en vase clos .
8
Certaines actions se constituent en réseau : cette pratique apparaît comme une avancée considérable,
sachant que, en l‟absence de réseau et donc de concertation, plus grand est le nombre d‟intervenants,
plus l‟efficacité de leurs actions diminue à cause des incohérences qui atteignent le public-cible.
Il existe donc, ça et là, des lueurs d‟espoir, des étincelles qui ne demandent qu‟à s‟embraser mais
qui restent souvent dans l‟anonymat. Notre utopie est de penser que l‟action socio-éducative, si elle est
menée avec l‟ensemble des acteurs, peut être un véritable vecteur d‟émancipation pour tous, enfants et
adultes. C‟est pourquoi nous en sommes venus à imaginer la création d‟une Cité de l‟Education qui
rencontre les perspectives d‟une société postmoderne : plus de liens entre les personnes, plus de sens à
la vie, plus de pouvoir des citoyens et plus de valeurs humaines revisitées.
Une expérience marquante
Pour éprouver l‟hypothèse d‟un apport bénéfique d‟une Cité de l‟Education, nous avons mené une
9
vaste recherche-action entre 2008 et 2013 .
L‟objectif premier a visé une coéducation efficace entre l‟école et la famille. La finalité était de
favoriser le développement optimal de l‟enfant dans sa famille et à l‟école maternelle dans une
perspective de lutte contre les déterminismes social et scolaire et ce, en développant l‟acquisition de
compétences langagières, en enrichissant les pratiques éducatives à l‟école et en famille, par un travail
conjoint de coéducation. Pour ce faire, trois outils essentiels ont été produits avec les acteurs concernés :
une série de fascicules d‟activités langagières « Eduquons ensemble avec Polo le lapin », un recueil
d‟activités favorisant la relation école-famille et un programme d‟éducation familiale visant la satisfaction
des besoins psychosociaux fondamentaux dans le développement de l‟enfant.
Que faut-il entendre par « coéducation » ?
La coéducation se distingue de la simple relation école-famille par le fait que les parents et les
enseignants unissent leurs forces afin d‟atteindre un objectif commun, à savoir le développement de
l‟enfant, utilisant un outil commun (ici, les fascicules de langage) et partagent un référentiel théorique
10
commun (ici le modèle des douze besoins psychosociaux ).
Notons que co-éduquer n‟est pas co-enseigner : les savoirs des deux parties sont à respecter
dans leurs singularités ; ce n‟est pas non plus cogérer : l‟organisation qui a cours à l‟école et dans la
famille incombe aux acteurs scolaires pour la première et aux parents pour la seconde ; et ce n‟est
nullement éduquer les familles : il ne s‟agit pas de contrôler les pratiques familiales.
Soulignons encore que la coéducation ne s‟improvise pas : elle nécessite un travail sur les
pratiques mais aussi sur les représentations que les acteurs se font des uns et des autres ; elle implique
des réunions de concertation, des accompagnements personnalisés, principalement au début de sa mise
en œuvre, des forums d‟échanges de pratiques, des séminaires d‟information et des moments de débat.
Pourquoi stimuler les compétences langagières ?
L‟apprentissage du langage apparaît comme particulièrement touché par les inégalités sociales.
Une étude récente de A. Bentolila (2008) montre qu‟une proportion d‟élèves maîtrise, en fin de maternelle,
800 mots alors que d‟autres possèdent un champ lexical de 1600 mots, voire davantage. Or, des travaux
comme ceux de Vygotsky (1969) ou de Bruner (1987) mettent en évidence le rôle du langage dans la
construction de la pensée. Il est connu aussi que le langage est un puissant facteur de réussite scolaire et
sociale. De plus, le langage possède une fonction affective (établir du lien), cognitive (accéder à la
7
Dans le cadre d‟une recherche-formation, nous sommes occupés à rechercher (en Belgique,
dans la Province du Hainaut caractérisée par une situation socio-économique très défavorable) des
actions innovantes visant le développement des populations vulnérables. L‟enquête menée fait apparaître
un nombre important d‟innovations intéressantes auxquelles nous offrons une possibilité de diffusion à
travers un forum favorisant les échanges et un recueil écrit regroupant ces compétences nouvelles.
8
Stéphane Hessel soulignait « Pour être efficace, il faut, comme hier, agir en réseau ».
9
Cette recherche-action, intitulée « Parents partenaires de l‟éducation » a été subsidiée par le
Gouvernement de la Fédération Wallonie-Bruxelles, Ministère de l‟Enseignement obligatoire (Pourtois J.P. et al., Rapport final de recherche, 2013 ; www.enseignement.be).
10
Ce modèle est développé ci-après. Pour un approfondissement, se référer à l‟ouvrage :
ème
« L‟éducation postmoderne » de Pourtois J.-P. et Desmet H., 2003, 3
éd., Paris, PUF).
111
connaissance) et sociale (s‟inscrire dans un jeu de pouvoir). C‟est dire toute son importance dans le
développement humain.
Pourtant, les enseignants se sentent démunis face à l‟apprentissage du langage : ils ne disposent
ni d‟outils ni de méthodologies suffisamment systématisés et adéquats que pour les aider dans leur tâche
pédagogique.
Pourquoi l’école maternelle ?
Trois raisons au moins nous incitent à mener la recherche-action durant les trois années de
l‟enseignement maternel.
D‟abord, à ce moment de la scolarité, les parents sont remplis d‟espoir quant à la réussite future
de l‟enfant à l‟école. Ils s‟interrogent à propos de son avenir et sont motivés par sa réussite.
Ensuite, l‟école maternelle est moins menaçante que l‟école primaire ou que l‟école secondaire
pour les parents qui ont vécu des moments difficiles durant leur scolarité. Des relations peuvent plus
aisément se créer. Fréquenter l‟école devient une habitude qui, si elle se révèle positive, peut, à long
terme, changer la nature des rapports avec le système scolaire durant tout le parcours d‟apprentissage de
l‟enfant.
Enfin, les résultats d‟une recherche que nous avons menée (Pourtois et Dupont, 1985) montrent
qu‟à 5 ans, l‟enfant a déjà incorporé 80 % des caractéristiques syntaxiques détenues par ses parents.
L‟éducation implicite dispensée par la famille est très puissante et très précoce. Il faut donc agir tôt et
avec les parents !
La méthodologie et outils principaux
La recherche-action a été menée dans trois villes de Belgique : Charleroi, Péruwelz et Etterbeek.
er
ème
ème
Toutes les écoles volontaires ont été intégrées au processus, soit 144 classes (des 1 , 2
et 3
cycles) pour les trois villes.
Mentionnons ici toute l‟importance que cette expérience a accordée à la participation et à l‟alliance
de trois instances : le pédagogique (parents, enseignants…), le scientifique (chercheurs de l‟Université) et
le politique (responsables politiques des villes). Sans cette alliance, le projet n‟aurait pas pu se développer
comme il a pu l‟être.
Les activités de stimulation du langage (recueillies auprès des enseignantes) ont été regroupées
dans un ensemble de 10 fascicules pour chacun des âges (3, 4 et 5 ans), proposant à l‟enfant à se livrer à
la fois à l‟école et en famille à de petits jeux visant à renforcer ses compétences lexicales, syntaxiques et
phonologiques. Chaque fascicule existe sous une forme « enseignant » et sous une forme « parent ». Les
contenus sont identiques mais leur présentation est différente. Les fascicules « enseignant » insistent sur
la fonction didactique, annonçant clairement les objectifs opérationnels de chaque activité et les fascicules
« parents » ont, quant à eux, une fonction ludique : il ne s‟agit pas de scolariser la famille mais de trouver,
au foyer, un plaisir partagé dans les activités de langage. En outre, les fascicules sont construits autour
d‟un personnage récurrent « Polo le lapin ». Celui-ci est matérialisé par une peluche qui voyage avec
l‟enfant de l‟école à la famille et qui donne une dimension affective aux activités.
Par ailleurs, un recueil appelé « Coopérative d‟activités en coéducation » a été diffusé dans les
écoles. Il regroupe des démarches innovantes créés par les enseignantes et classifiées en fonction des
besoins psychosociaux (affectifs, cognitifs, sociaux ou conatifs).
Enfin, un programme d‟éducation familiale a été élaboré en vue d‟enrichir les pratiques éducatives
des parents. Il stimule chez ceux-ci une conscientisation accrue des enjeux de l‟éducation, un travail
d‟auto-analyse de leurs comportements éducatifs et l‟expression de leur vécu. Sa structure et son contenu
s‟appuient également sur le modèle des besoins psychosociaux et des pédagogies qui lui sont associées.
L’évaluation
L‟évaluation quantitative des gains de langage montre que ceux du groupe expérimental aux trois
tests administrés (deux de vocabulaire et un de syntaxe) sont supérieurs à ceux du groupe témoin, la
plupart du temps très significativement et cela quels que soient le genre, le niveau socio-économique de
la famille, le niveau scolaire de l‟enfant, la langue parlée au foyer. Ainsi, le programme de stimulation du
langage, associé à des pratiques de coéducation, améliore les performances et les compétences
langagières des enfants en vocabulaire et en syntaxe.
L‟analyse de contenu des entretiens individuels et de groupe auprès d‟un échantillon de chefs
d‟établissement et d‟enseignantes qui ont participé à la recherche-action (sur les trois sites) a permis de
mettre en évidence les représentations des acteurs relativement à quatre indicateurs : la pertinence,
l‟efficacité, l‟efficience et la durabilité. La pertinence du projet est bien perçue : l‟objectif du développement
du langage répond parfaitement aux besoins des enfants. Son efficacité est réelle pour beaucoup
d‟acteurs qui enregistrent une progression des enfants et une évolution dans la qualité et le nombre des
112
rencontres avec les familles. L‟efficience est relevée relativement à la qualité du matériel pédagogique
(les fascicules) soutenant l‟acquisition d‟un savoir langagier bien construit et structuré. La durabilité du
projet est bien intégrée et a même tendance à s‟exprimer en terme de continuité (au-delà de
l‟enseignement maternel).
Les données issues d‟un questionnaire et d‟entretiens en individuels et collectifs menés auprès
d‟un échantillon de parents et portant sur le programme d‟éducation familiale montrent que celui-ci
favorise la reliance (à divers niveaux de l‟écosystème : micro-, méso- et macro-systèmes), la réflexivité
dans les attitudes et les compétences, l‟estime de soi et l‟enrichissement des pratiques éducatives. Par
ailleurs, les parents se montrent satisfaits par rapport aux thèmes proposés et à la méthodologie utilisée.
Ainsi, la recherche-action « Parents partenaires de l‟éducation » montre les bénéfices que peut
produire une expérience de coéducation ici axée sur la stimulation du langage oral et l‟apport des
rencontres éducatives avec les parents. Notre ambition est aujourd‟hui d‟élargir le champ de la
coéducation en envisageant une alliance école-famille-communauté allant jusqu‟à la création de véritables
Cités de l‟Education.
Qu’est-ce qu’une Cité de l’Education ?
La Cité est une somme d‟institutions en reliance (ou en déliance…). Une institution est une
organisation de socialisation et/ou d‟éducation. Ainsi, la crèche, l‟école, la famille et même l‟entreprise
socialisent et/ou éduquent parce qu‟elles transmettent des savoirs, des pratiques, des valeurs… d‟une
génération à l‟autre et parce qu‟elles formatent la vie sociale de la Cité. Les institutions sont aussi des
cadres affectifs, cognitifs, sociaux et conatifs qui stimulent et orientent l‟émancipation individuelle et
collective. Elles possèdent un programme qui explicite une forme de travail sur autrui pour transformer
ses valeurs en action. Trois programmes structurent ainsi la société : le législatif, le judiciaire et l‟exécutif.
Au premier correspond le pouvoir, au deuxième, le savoir et au troisième, le vouloir. Comme le montre le
schéma suivant, ces trois programmes sont autonomes mais néanmoins interdépendants les uns des
autres.
La Cité de l‟Education se situe dans l‟espace commun aux trois instances, tel que le schéma ci-après
l‟indique.
En d‟autres termes, la Cité de l‟Education est une alliance entre le Politique (le Pouvoir), le Scientifique (le
Savoir) et le pédagogique (le Vouloir).
113
Quelles sont les caractéristiques des Cités de l’Education ?
Une Cité de l‟Education a pour fonction de créer du lien, du sens, du pouvoir et de l‟engagement
en faveur de valeurs humanistes. Pour mieux la caractériser, nous nous référerons ci-après au modèle
des douze besoins psychosociaux et des pédagogies associées déjà mentionné préalablement (Pourtois
et Desmet, 1997).
Pour plus de pouvoir
Une Cité de l‟Education visera à :
 Etablir une communication interactive entre les institutions, entre les groupes et entre les
personnes. Cette communication veillera à être la plus symétrique possible afin que chacun
puisse s‟exprimer et faire part de ses arguments et décisions propres. Des exemples existent : la
justice restauratrice, la médecine préventive… Dans ces cas, le sujet est écouté, sa situation est
analysée ensemble et la décision, prise de commun accord, reste de sa responsabilité.
 Avoir de la considération pour chacun. Toute personne est capable de réaliser un chef-d‟œuvre
car chacun possède des ressources (souvent insoupçonnées). Mais il faudra les lui reconnaître et
lui en faire prendre conscience. Il s‟agit donc de respecter et mettre en valeur ses compétences,
ses savoirs d‟expérience, ses identités. La mise en place d‟un Réseau d‟Echange des Savoirs est
un bon exemple de considération des personnes.
 Installer une structure systémique où les personnes analysent les règles en vigueur et où elles
participent ensemble à l‟élaboration de nouvelles règles convenant le mieux à leur situation. Cette
perspective est particulièrement utile dans la réalisation d‟un projet communautaire.
 Pour plus de liens
Une Cité de l‟Education aura pour but de :
 Encourager l‟acceptation, c‟est-à-dire considérer que chacun est une personne et qu‟il a sa place
bien à lui dans la communauté ; il s‟agit de créer un espace sécurisant où peut se développer un
éthos de confiance entre tous les acteurs et où l‟empathie est présente.
 Favoriser les attachements : comment se développer si on n‟est pas attaché à des personnes (sa
famille, ses amis, ses professeurs…), à des animaux, à des objets, à son métier, à sa culture, à
son folklore… ? Il importe donc de susciter des liens d‟attachement qui engendrent des
expériences positives et une envie d‟apprendre, de progresser.
 Investir les personnes car sans être investies, les personnes ne peuvent évoluer vers un avenir
constructif ; les inviter à s‟engager dans un projet au départ de leurs motivations et intérêts est
essentiel ; le projet va à l‟encontre du fatalisme : il vise une représentation positive d‟un futur
mieux maîtrisé.

Pour plus de sens
Une Cité de l‟Education aura aussi pour visée de :




Stimuler les apprentissages pour favoriser l‟autonomie ; l‟appropriation de connaissances et de
compétences implique le libre accès aux diverses ressources de l‟environnement ; il est parfois
utile de faire appel à un intermédiaire pour organiser, avec la personne, sa démarche vers le
savoir.
Susciter l‟expérimentation, c‟est-à-dire favoriser des comportements d‟exploration et de création
pour faire émerger des pratiques innovantes afin de trouver des solutions aux problèmes qui
touchent la communauté. La coéducation est une démarche impliquant des conduites
d‟expérimentation.
Utiliser les renforcements parce qu‟ils peuvent avoir une fonction d‟information et de motivation.
L‟évaluation des actions menées est dès lors nécessaire. On sait aussi combien la valorisation
des compétences peut avoir un impact sur le sentiment d‟auto-efficacité des personnes.
En faveur de valeurs humanistes
Chaque société secrète un système de valeurs spécifiques. Les Cités de l‟Education vont principalement,
outre les valeurs fondamentales de liberté, égalité, fraternité, privilégier des valeurs humaines telles que,
notamment, l‟éthique, l‟esthétique et la véracité. La première renvoie à une valeur plus vaste qui est celle
d‟humanisation, c‟est-à-dire celle de la lutte pour l‟humanité de l‟Homme (Comte-Sponville, 1994). La
deuxième – l‟esthétique – est une valeur qui engendre le plaisir et la joie, l‟admiration et l‟émerveillement,
autant d‟éléments qui contribuent à l‟épanouissement de la personne. Elle implique la rencontre avec l‟art,
avec les œuvres artistiques, avec la création du beau. La troisième – la véracité – réside dans la
recherche de la vérité, mais au prix de l‟angoisse et du doute : il s‟agit de stimuler un mouvement sans
limite vers la vérité, mais une vérité dont on ne peut jamais être certain. Cela implique de constamment
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s‟interroger sur ses croyances, points de vue, opinions qui forgent notre vérité pour ne pas s‟y conformer
aveuglément.
Toute action des Cités de l‟Education aura à cœur de prendre en considération ces valeurs humaines… et
d‟autres.

Elaboration d‟un Réseau et d‟une Charte
La mise en œuvre d‟une Cité de l‟Education n‟est certes pas une tâche aisée. Il s‟agit de faire changer
des représentations, des pratiques et des valeurs. C‟est pourquoi, dans le cadre de l‟Association
Internationale de Formation et de Recherche en Education Familiale (AIFREF), nous avons constitué un
Réseau International de Cités de l‟Education (RICE). Celui-ci permet aux membres qui désirent s‟investir
dans une Cité de l‟Education de trouver un soutien théorique et méthologique, des possibilités d‟échanges
entre eux, des opportunités de rencontre sur leur propre terrain d‟action… Ceux qui souhaitent rejoindre le
RICE s‟engagent à signer une charge composée de 12 principes. Soulignons que celle-ci a été élaborée à
partir des caractéristiques que nous avons mentionnées ci-avant et qui privilégiaient, rappelons-le, la
reliance, la recherche du sens pour un meilleur accomplissement, l‟accroissement du pouvoir et des
personnes fragilisées et l‟engagement en faveur de valeurs humaines. La charte peut être consultée sur le
11
site de l‟AIFREF . Déjà plusieurs Villes et communes de différents pays l‟ont signée : il en va ainsi de la
Belgique, de la France, de l‟Espagne, de l‟Italie, du Portugal et du Québec. Bien d‟autres municipalités
sont intéressées : la Grèce, la Suisse, la Martinique, etc. L‟idée fait son chemin car la société, pour faire
face à la crise actuelle, a besoin que leurs membres travaillent ensemble à des objectifs communs et
développent des solutions innovantes adaptées à leur contexte de vie.
Conclusion : vers une Cité résiliente
Pour quelle raison affirmer qu‟une Cité de l‟Education peut devenir une Cité résiliente ?
Les multiples analyses de la société contemporaine nous permettent de constater le désarroi des
parents, la désorientation des jeunes, le découragement des professeurs, l‟impuissance de la société à
faire face à des problèmes d‟inégalités sociales, de pauvreté et d‟exclusion. Pour une frange toujours plus
grande de la population, la situation qu‟elle vit est dramatique et constitue véritablement un fracas tant
psychologique que social.
La recherche-action que nous avons menée, quant à elle, nous a fait entrevoir qu‟il existait, grâce
à l‟implication d‟acteurs agissant ensemble, une zone d‟éducabilité possible chez les enfants, notamment
chez ceux issus des milieux démunis. Chez ceux-ci, un nouveau développement apparaît comme une
possibilité. Il s‟agit de persévérer dans cette voie car tout changement nécessite du temps. Mais nous
avons montré que la Cité peut devenir résiliente et que ses acteurs peuvent être de véritables tuteurs de
résilience.
Ainsi, la Cité de l‟Education se révèle-t-elle un moyen efficace de lutte contre l‟adversité en
permettant aux sujets de poursuivre leur épanouissement de façon émancipatrice.
Bibliographie
Bentolila A. (2008), La maternelle au front des inégalités linguistiques et sociales, Paris, Rapport au
Ministère de l‟Education Nationale.
Bruner J. (1987), Comment les enfants apprennent à parler, Paris, Retz.
Comte-Sponville A. (1994), Valeurs et vérité. Etudes cyniques, Paris, PUF.
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Hessel S. (2011, 12
éd.), Indignez-vous !, Montpellier, Indigène Editions.
ère
Pourtois J.-P. et Desmet H. (1997, 1 éd.), L‟Education postmoderne, Paris, PUF.
Pourtois J.-P. et Dupont D. (1985), Syntaxe et fonction du discours pédagogique. Interaction mère-enfant ;
syntaxe, conduites éducatives et milieu social, Bulletin de Psychologie, 361, XXXVIII.
Pourtois J.-P., H. Desmet, Lahaye W., Berger M., Couvreur P., Della Piana V., Hachat A., Hardy F., Horlin
D., Houx M., Humbeeck B., Lecomte J. et Tutak A. (2013), Parents partenaires de l‟éducation.
Expérience-pilote à l‟école maternelle, Rapport final de recherche subsidiée par la Fédération
Wallonie-Bruxelles, Ministère de l‟Enseignement obligatoire.
Vygotsky L.V. (1969), Pensée et langage, Paris, Messiclor.
11
AIFREF : www.aifref.org
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Promouvoir les pratiques basées sur l’empowerment auprès des
familles en situation de négligence
Vicky Lafantaisie
Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières, Canada
[email protected]
Annie Bérubé
Université du Québec en Outaouais, Canada
[email protected]
Sylvain Coutu
Université du Québec en Outaouais, Canada
[email protected]
Diane Dubeau
Université du Québec en Outaouais, Canada
[email protected]
Résumé
La négligence est la forme de maltraitance la plus fréquente dans les sociétés occidentales. Elle cause
d‟importants torts à l‟enfant notamment quant à son développement global, son cheminement académique
et sa propension à la criminalité. Toutefois, malgré l‟importance de cette problématique il semblerait que
nous n‟ayons pas encore trouvé de solution efficace pour améliorer la situation de ces familles. Les
interventions traditionnelles utilisées en protection de la jeunesse ont été influencées par le modèle
médical dans lequel la prise en charge et les relations asymétriques entre professionnel et « aidé » se
côtoient. Ce type d‟intervention attribue un rôle passif à la personne. L‟empowerment peut être vue
comme l‟antithèse de la prise en charge. Elle prône la reconnaissance de l‟expertise expérientielle des
personnes et valorise la diversité des compétences. Plusieurs obstacles propres au contexte institutionnel
peuvent rendre difficiles la mise sur pied de pratiques basées sur l‟empowerment, par exemple : la rigidité
du cadre institutionnel, le rôle d‟autorité donné aux intervenants et la distance sociale qui sépare les
familles en situation de négligence des intervenants. Comment est-il possible d‟intervenir dans une
perspective d‟empowerment? Il semblerait que l‟approche participative, qui valorise la coconstruction par
l‟échange, soit une pratique intéressante à explorer. Dans cette optique, le cadre de dialogue « place aux
parents » a été développé par des chercheurs, des intervenants et des parents. Cet outil facilite la prise
en compte du point de vue des parents par les intervenants et permet d‟impliquer davantage les parents
dans la définition des besoins de leur enfant et dans l‟intervention proprement dite.
Mots clés
Négligence, pratiques, empowerment, approche participative
Introduction
La négligence se distingue des autres types de maltraitance (Clément & Dufour, 2009). Plutôt que
de commettre des gestes violents envers l‟enfant (p. ex. : frapper l‟enfant, faire des attouchements
sexuels, insulter) le parent négligent omet de poser certaines actions afin de répondre aux besoins de
l‟enfant (Connell-Carrick & Scannapieco, 2006; Éthier, Gagnier, Lacharité & Couture, 1995 ; Perreault &
Beaudouin, 2008). Lacharité et ses collègues (2005) définissent la négligence comme « une carence
significative voire une absence de réponse à des besoins d‟un enfant reconnus comme fondamentaux sur
la base des connaissances scientifiques actuelles ou, en absence de celles-ci (ou de consensus à propos
de celles-ci), de valeurs sociales adoptées par la collectivité dont fait partie ce dernier » (p.20). La
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négligence peut être définie de plusieurs façons et l‟image qu‟on construit de la problématique influencera
nettement la manière d‟agir avec les familles qui en souffrent (Haesevoets, 2003 ; Mulkay, 2002).
Plusieurs auteurs ont recours au modèle écosystémique pour expliquer l‟apparition et le maintien
de la négligence envers les enfants. Selon ce modèle, ce serait l‟interaction et le cumul de divers facteurs
personnels, interpersonnels et sociaux, et non les caractéristiques du parent prises individuellement, qui
expliqueraient la négligence (Tanner & Turney, 2003). En se basant sur ce paradigme, Lacharité, Éthier et
Nolin (2006) présentent la négligence comme une double perturbation; une perturbation de la relation
parent-enfant (négativité dans la relation et interactions peu présentes), et celle du rapport familleenvironnement (isolement, exclusion sociétale de la famille).
La négligence est la forme de mauvais traitement qui touche le plus grand nombre d‟enfants au
Québec (ACJQ, 2010). Elle représente plus de la moitié des situations retenue par la direction de la
protection de la jeunesse (Lavergne & Tourigny, 2000). La situation est similaire aux États-Unis où les
derniers chiffres indiquent que la négligence représente 61 % de tous les cas de maltraitance, affectant
plus de 770 000 enfants. Il s‟agit de la seule forme de compromission ayant fait preuve de stabilité au
cours des dernières années, les autres formes étant en déclin depuis les années 1990 (Sedlak et al.,
2010).
Le développement des enfants est lourdement affecté par le manque de réponse à leurs besoins. Les
répercussions de la négligence sur le développement cognitif, social et émotionnel des enfants seraient
plus importantes que les résultantes de l‟abus physique (Hildyard & Wolfe, 2002). À plus long terme, ces
enfants sont plus à risque d‟être aux prises avec des problèmes d‟abus de substance, et ce, dès le début
de l‟adolescence (Dube et al., 2006; Dunn et al., 2002; Topitzes, Mersky & Reynolds, 2010). De plus, les
enfants ayant grandit en contexte de négligence développent en plus grande proportion des trajectoires
liées à l‟agressivité et à la criminalité (Gilbert et al., 2009). Ils sont quatre fois plus à risque d‟être
reconnus coupables d‟actes de délinquance à l‟âge adulte que les enfants de conditions
sociodémographiques similaires, mais n‟ayant pas été exposés à cette forme de maltraitance (Kazemian,
Spatz, Widom, & Farrington, 2011).
Contexte
Depuis 2007, le ministère de la Santé et des Services sociaux du Québec enjoint tous les centres
de santé et de services sociaux (CSSS) – en collaboration avec les centres jeunesse (CJ) – à implanter
un programme d‟intervention en négligence. En 2011, le ministère a approché des chercheurs de
l‟Université du Québec en Outaouais pour évaluer le Programme d‟aide personnelle, familiale et
e
2
2
communautaire – 2 génération (PAPFC ) mis sur pied en Outaouais. Le PAPFC est un programme
multidimensionnel curatif qui s‟appuie sur le modèle écosystémique et sur une logique d‟empowerment. Il
s‟adresse aux enfants (de zéro à 12 ans) et aux parents aux prises avec des difficultés personnelles,
relationnelles et sociales découlant directement de situation de négligence ou à haut risque de l‟être. Ce
programme propose des services et des activités visant le développement optimal des enfants, le
renforcement de la disponibilité psychologique des parents et l‟intégration de la famille à sa communauté
(Lacharité, 2009; Lacharité et al., 2005).
Les évaluations portant sur les programmes s‟attaquant spécifiquement à la négligence sont rares
(MacMillan et al., 2009; Mersky, Berger, Reynolds & Gromoske, 2009). Un certains nombre d‟études
portent sur l‟intervention auprès de familles à risque de négligence. Tel est le cas des programmes
privilégiant une offre de services de nature préventive par le biais de visites à domicile auprès de familles
en situation de vulnérabilité. Ce type d‟intervention est relié à une augmentation la sensibilité maternelle
(Barlow et al., 2007), ainsi qu‟à une amélioration de plusieurs facteurs considérés comme des facteurs de
risque (stress parental, soutien social, dépression parentale, sentiment de compétence parentale)
(DePanfillis et Dubowitz, 2005; Prinz, Sanders, Shapiro, Whitaker, & Lutzker, 2009 ; Webster-Stratton &
Reid, 2010).
À l‟encontre de ces résultats encourageants, il semble beaucoup plus difficile de modifier la
trajectoire des familles chez qui la négligence s‟est installée. Les études réalisées à ce jour rapportent des
résultats plutôt décevants où les comportements des familles et le développement des enfants sont très
peu, voire nullement influencés par les interventions mises en place (MacMillan et al., 2009; McFarlane et
al., 2013). Plusieurs auteurs appellent donc à revoir la définition de la négligence et l‟approche utilisée
auprès des familles vivant dans ce contexte (Hearn, 2011; Pecora et al., 2012).
L’intervention traditionnelle auprès des familles en situation de négligence
Traditionnellement, les interventions en protection de l‟enfance ont été influencées par le modèle
médical dans lequel la prise en charge des personnes et les relations asymétriques entre professionnel et
« aidé » se côtoient (Éthier, Couture, Lacharité & Gagnier, 2000 ; Firestone, 2009 ; Hegar & Hunzeker,
1988 ; Lacharité, 2011 ; Lacharité, 1992; LeBossé & Dufort, 2001 ; LeBossé, 1996 ; Lemay, 2009). Ce
type d‟intervention attribue un rôle passif à la personne qui ne participe ni à la définition de ses besoins ni
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à son « traitement » (LeBossé & Dufort, 2001). Différentes manières d‟agir des intervenants en protection
de la jeunesse semblent s‟inscrire dans une approche médicale. Cinq principales caractéristiques ont été
relevées par différents auteurs (Beaudoin et al., 2005 ; Cislaru, Pugnière-Saavedra, & Sitri, 2008 ; Gingras
& Lacharité, 2009 ; Groulx, 1998 ; Hegar & Hunzeker, 1988 ; Lacharité, 2011 ; LeBossé, 1996 ; LeBossé
& Dufort, 2001 ; Lemay, 2009 ; Mongeau, Asselin & Roy, 2007):
1) La propension à attribuer aux personnes la responsabilité du problème et l‟échec de l‟intervention;
2) La tendance à définir le problème de l‟unique point de vue des intervenants sans considérer le
point de vue de la famille;
3) Dans le cas de situations complexes, le penchant à se centrer sur le changement des
comportements en ignorant les causes externes (comme les causes structurales, sociales et
environnementales);
4) La tendance à mettre l‟accent sur les difficultés, sur « ce qui ne va pas » plutôt que sur les forces;
5) La propension à développer des interventions axées sur les faiblesses des personnes sans faire
appel à leurs compétences.
Plusieurs auteurs sont d‟avis que les approches experts ne sont pas adaptées à l‟intervention
sociale (Hegar & Hunzeker, 1988 ; Lacharité, 2011 ; Lacharité, Moreau & Moreau, 1999 ; LeBossé &
Dufort, 2001 ; LeBossé, 1996 ; Lemay, 2009). À titre d‟exemple, une étude de Laurin, René, Dallaire, et
Ouellet (2007) rapporte que les parents qui reçoivent des services en raison de leur situation de
vulnérabilité sentent qu‟ils n‟ont pas de pouvoir et qu‟ils ne sont pas reconnus. Ils disent avoir peu de
confiance face aux institutions puisque leurs compétences parentales sont évaluées selon la seule
perception des intervenants ce qui a pour conséquence de les disqualifier comme parents. À ce propos,
Lavigueur (1988) dénonce l‟attitude ethnocentrique des professionnels pour qui les différences en terme
d‟éducation apparaissent rapidement comme des déficiences éducatives.
En plus de susciter peu d‟engouement auprès des parents, les interventions offertes par la
protection de la jeunesse semblent apporter peu de résultats. En effet, une étude longitudinale menée par
Éthier, Bourassa, Klapper & Dionne (2006) suggère que les mères ayant reçu des services de la
protection de la jeunesse ne diminuent pas significativement leur potentiel d‟abus et de négligence.
Étant donné les limites de l‟intervention traditionnellement appliquée en protection de l‟enfance, il
serait judicieux de se tourner vers une approche qui réclame davantage le point de vue et la participation
des parents de manière à ce qu‟ils puissent faire partie de la solution et non seulement du problème
(Firestone, 2009).
L’empowerment, une alternative intéressante aux pratiques traditionnelles
L‟idée à la base de l‟empowerment est de libérer les opprimés (Freire, 1974). Selon Lamoureux
(2008), le capitalisme, l‟(hétéro)sexisme et le racisme sont les trois principaux rapports de dominations qui
entraînent les inégalités et l‟oppression. Les familles qui reçoivent des services de la protection de la
jeunesse présentent les caractéristiques dépeintes par Lamoureux (2008) : elles sont pauvres,
monoparentales matricentriques et bien souvent issues de minorités (Hegar & Hunzeker, 1988). La
position défavorable occupée par ces familles commande qu‟on délaisse les pratiques basées sur la prise
en charge.
L‟empowerment peut être vue comme l‟antithèse du paternalisme et de l‟approche médicale
(Hegar & Hunzeker, 1988 ; LeBossé & Dufort, 2001). Elle représente donc une alternative intéressante
aux approches experts (Hur, 2006 ; Lemay, 2009). « Cette approche reconnait l‟expérience des
personnes, des familles et des groupes les plus vulnérables, valorise la diversité d‟expressions de ces
compétences et reconnait la complémentarité des compétences professionnelles et des compétences
expérientielles » (Lemay, 2009, pp.102-103). Une vision qui repose sur l‟idée que les personnes sont les
mieux placées pour définir leurs besoins et pour trouver les solutions qui conviennent à leur contexte de
vie guide l‟action (LeBossé & Dufort, 2001). Ainsi, on croit que toutes les personnes ont des compétences
et des forces (Hegar & Hunzeker, 1988 ; Lemay, 2009) et on reconnait l‟expertise expérientielle des
parents (Holcomb-McCoy & Bryan, 2010 ; LeBossé & Dufort, 2001 ; LeBossé, 1996).
Les interventions construites dans une perspective d‟empowerment favoriseraient l‟intégration
réelle et continuelle du changement (Firestone, 2009 ; LeBossé, 1996; LeBossé & Dufort, 2001). Les
parents désignés comme experts ne sont plus perçus comme de simples objets d‟étude ou d‟intervention
(Mongeau, Asselin, & Roy, 2007), ils sont considérés comme des citoyens qui connaissent bien leur
situation (Laurin, René, Dallaire, & Ouellet, 2007). Firestone (2009) identifie trois principaux bénéfices
reliés au développement du pouvoir d‟agir des parents recevant des services de la protection de la
jeunesse. D‟abord, le partage de pouvoir entre l‟intervenant et le parent renforce le rôle de ce dernier
puisqu‟il est maintenant activement impliqué dans l‟intervention; Il comprend et participe à la solution. De
plus, le partage de l‟information et la prise en compte des perceptions de chaque acteur amène une vision
plus globale de la situation familiale ce qui permet de mettre en place des interventions plus justes. Puis,
comme le parent joue un rôle actif, une meilleure collaboration se développe entre la famille et
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l‟intervenant. Les parents se sentent moins menacés par les services de la protection de la jeunesse et
sont plus enclins à travailler en équipe avec le professionnel.
Les défis de la relation intervenant-parent en contexte de négligence
Plusieurs défis sont associés à la création d‟un lien de confiance entre un intervenant et un parent
impliqué dans une situation de négligence. Trois principaux obstacles au développement de cette relation
ont été identifiés : la rigidité du cadre institutionnel, le rôle d‟autorité donné aux intervenants en protection
de la jeunesse et la distance sociale qui sépare les familles en situation de négligence des intervenants.
Hegar et Hunzeker (1988) mettent de l‟avant les caractéristiques bureaucratiques des institutions
en protection de l‟enfance. Le manque de souplesse des lignes directrices qui guident l‟intervention et les
décisions prises « d‟en haut » seraient des facteurs pouvant nuire au développement d‟une relation où les
points de vue sont traités de façon égalitaire entre la famille et l‟intervenant. De plus, Lacharité (2011)
souligne la présence d‟un discours institutionnel qui objective les problèmes des parents en proposant des
« diagnostics » et des solutions « pré faites » pour des situations familiales semblables. Aucune place
n‟est laissée pour dialoguer sur la présence ou non des problèmes et sur la définition des besoins de la
famille. En adoptant un point de vue institutionnel, on minimise l‟importance de la communication entre le
parent et l‟intervenant (Lacharité, 2010). Il est donc difficile pour un professionnel de valoriser la diversité
d‟expression dans un contexte institutionnel où les comportements sont objectivés (Lemay, 2009 ;
Mongeau, Asselin, & Roy, 2007).
Le rôle d‟autorité attribué à l‟intervenant vient reproduire les relations de pouvoir qui ont court
dans la société. La famille se retrouve, encore une fois, avec peu de voix. Les inégalités de pouvoir sont
particulièrement visibles en protection de la jeunesse, où le parent se voit obligé de recevoir des services
d‟un intervenant à qui on confie un mandat de « contrôle social » en vertu de la Loi sur la protection de la
jeunesse (Lemay & Proulx, 2012). Comment est-il possible, dans ce contexte, de privilégier une relation
qui permet au parent d‟être entendu au même titre que l‟intervenant? (Lemay, 2009)
Finalement, il semble qu‟une distance sociale sépare les familles des intervenants (Lacharité,
2010 ; Polansky, Ammons & Gaudin, 1985 ; Polansky & Gaudin, 1983). Ce fossé créé entre les deux
parties peut certainement expliquer les divergences de perception sur les situations familiales entre les
parents et les intervenants (Lacharité, 2011 ; Lacharité, 1992; Laurin, René, Dallaire, & Ouellet, 2007 ;
LeBossé & Dufort, 2001). À titre d‟exemple, les parents rencontrés dans l‟étude de Laurin, René, Dallaire
et Ouellet (2007) mentionnent que leurs compétences sont rarement reconnues et qu‟ils n‟ont pas la
chance de démontrer leurs capacités puisqu‟ils font continuellement face à une présomption
d‟incompétence. Le langage professionnel utilisé lors de l‟évaluation de la situation familiale vient
également creuser l‟écart entre les intervenants et les parents et rend difficile l‟expression et la
compréhension des points de vue de la famille (Firestone, 2009 ; Laurin, René, Dallaire, & Ouellet, 2007).
Les obstacles énumérés ci-haut font qu‟il est difficile pour les parents d‟exprimer un point de vue
qui diffère de celui de l‟intervenant. Toutefois, dans une perspective d‟empowerment il est nécessaire
d‟entendre toutes les parties afin que les besoins des familles se définissent par le dialogue entre les
parents et les intervenants (Lacharité, 2011). Il semblerait que l‟approche participative, qui valorise la
coconstruction par l‟échange, soit une pratique intéressante à examiner.
Importance de développer une vision commune de la situation familiale
L‟approche participative est utilisée autant en recherche qu‟en intervention et elle est axée sur le
partage du pouvoir entre l‟intervenant (ou le chercheur) et les personnes (Laurin, René, Dallaire & Ouellet,
2007). Elle permet d‟intégrer plusieurs perspectives de façon à ce que les problématiques, les besoins et
les interventions se définissent en dialogue (Lacharité, 2011 ; Laurin, René, Dallaire & Ouellet, 2007).
Ainsi, le fait de se placer dans un cadre de collaboration amène la coconstruction de la compréhension
d‟un problème ; on réfléchit sur la situation plutôt que de l‟examiner à travers une grille préétablie par
l‟institution (Mongeau, Asselin, & Roy, 2007).
Pour assurer la participation de chacun, il est important de se centrer sur les forces des
personnes et de considérer qu‟elles ont les compétences pour résoudre leur problème (Lacharité, Moreau
& Moreau, 1999 ; LeBossé & Dufort, 2001 ; Lemay, 2009). Les parents impliqués dans une situation de
négligence doivent participer à toutes les étapes de l‟intervention allant de la définition du problème à
l‟intervention proprement dite (Lacharité, Moreau, & Moreau, 1999). Pour favoriser l‟établissement d‟un
partenariat famille-intervenants efficace, Lacharité, Moreau et Moreau (1999) proposent cinq éléments à
appliquer : « l‟acceptation des parents comme membres à part entière de l‟équipe de traitement ; la
capacité des professionnels à partager toute l‟information pertinente avec ceux-ci ; la communication à
double sens avec absence de jargon ; la concentration sur la planification du traitement, sur les forces et
les caractéristiques de l‟enfant et de la famille aussi bien que sur leurs besoins ; et la prise de décision
commune entre parents et professionnels » (p.298).
119
Finalement, LeBossé (1996) et Lemay (2009) soulignent l‟importance de créer des occasions de
dialogue entre les personnes pour favoriser la coconstruction de la définition des problèmes et des
besoins. Ce genre de pratique vise l‟émergence d‟une vision commune entre les parents et les
intervenants favorisant ainsi l‟implication de toutes les parties dans l‟amélioration de la situation familiale.
Cette relecture de l‟intervention amène à revisiter la façon de mesurer les changements qui peuvent
2
découler de programmes qui utilisent ce genre d‟approche (p.ex. le PAPFC ).
Le cadre de dialogue « Place aux parents »
Étant donné les particularités du programme et de la clientèle, des intervenants ont été impliqués
dans la réflexion entourant la conception d‟un outil qui permettrait de détecter les changements apportés
par une intervention qui mise sur une vision écosystémique de la négligence et sur l‟empowerment des
familles. Trois principaux obstacles reliés aux outils d‟évaluation existant ont été constatés.
Premièrement, il semble que les outils standardisés permettent de fournir seulement une
description parcellaire de la situation familiale. Appliqués de façon sporadique, ils ne sont pas efficaces
pour fournir un portrait de l‟évolution de la famille. En situation de négligence, plusieurs petits
changements se produisent et ils peuvent difficilement être captés par des outils standardisés (MacMillan
et al., 2009; Pinquart et Teubert, 2010).
Deuxièmement, les
outils actuellement disponibles au Québec ne documentent pas
l‟empowerment des parents, c‟est-à-dire leur évolution vers une meilleure compréhension de leur situation
familiale et une plus grande mobilisation (Turcotte et Pilote, 2012). Ils sont relativement laborieux et ne
sont pas considérés comme étant conviviaux par les milieux de pratique.
Troisièmement, les intervenants consultés soulignent que les parents expriment avoir de la
difficulté à comprendre certaines demandes des intervenants liées aux besoins de leurs enfants. Ils ne
comprennent pas le jargon technique utilisé dans les outils, rapports et plans d‟intervention des
intervenants ce qui fait en sorte qu‟ils ne se sentent pas impliqués.
C‟est suite à ces constats que le cadre de dialogue « place aux parents » a été créé. Étant inspiré
du cadre d‟évaluation des besoins de l‟enfant de Ward et Rose (2002), il aborde plusieurs dimensions
concernant les besoins de l’enfant, la réponse des adultes de l’entourage ainsi que les facteurs
familiaux et environnementaux. « Place aux parents » a été construit dans l‟esprit de l‟approche
participative. En effet, la première ébauche écrite par l‟équipe de recherche a d‟abord été consultée par
les intervenants. Ceux-ci ont suggéré plusieurs modifications pour le rendre plus facile à utiliser en
2
pratique. Puis, les intervenants ont demandé l‟aide de quatre groupes de parents participant au PAPFC
pour vulgariser chacun des énoncés. Ainsi, à titre d‟exemple, l‟énoncé « développement moteur » est
devenu « Mon enfant est capable de courir, de sauter, de dessiner, de découper, … ».
2
Dans le cadre du PAPFC en Outaouais, l‟outil est utilisé à chaque plan de services individualisés
(PSI) (aux trois à six mois dépendant de la situation de chaque famille). Avant la rencontre avec les
parents, l‟intervenant de la protection de la jeunesse note, pour chaque dimension (p.ex. développement
langagier : l‟enfant communique bien), s‟il s‟agit d‟une force, d‟une inquiétude moyenne ou élevé. Lors de
la rencontre, le parent est invité à partager ses impressions sur les mêmes éléments explorés par
l‟intervenant. S‟en suit une discussion sur les situations pour lesquels il y a discordance où chacun est
invité à exposer son point de vue. Le but de la démarche est de permettre un dialogue égalitaire entre les
parents et les intervenants afin d‟arriver à une définition commune de la situation problème et de trouver
des solutions ensemble dans lesquelles chacun est impliqué.
Conclusion
La difficulté relative à l‟évaluation des effets des interventions en négligence ne se situe pas dans
l‟absence d‟outils traduits et validés. En effet, une recension parue récemment fait état des outils de
mesure disponibles au Québec ciblant spécifiquement la négligence en fonction de leur degré de
validation et leur utilisation dans les milieux de pratique québécois (Turcotte et Pilote, 2012). Le document
fait état de 26 outils traduits, dotés d‟une validité empirique, reconnus dans la littérature scientifique et
dont la passation ne requiert pas de spécialisation particulière, pouvant donc être plus largement utilisés
dans les milieux de pratique. Toutefois, ces outils ne permettent pas de détecter les changements propres
à une intervention écosystémique visant l‟empowerment des familles.
C‟est à l‟intérieur d‟une recherche évaluative plus large qu‟une réflexion entourant les pratiques et
les outils basés sur l‟empowerment s‟est amorcée. Le cadre de dialogue développé offre de belles
opportunités autant pour la pratique que pour la recherche. Du côté de la pratique, « Place aux parents »
permet de promouvoir l‟approche participative qui peut être difficile à appliquer dans un contexte
institutionnel où l‟intervention traditionnelle est encore dominante. Pour la recherche, l‟outil rend possible
le décèlement de petits changements qui, à court terme, passent bien souvent par une modification de la
perception du parent plutôt que par le changement de comportements (p.ex. ce qui n‟était pas un
120
problème au départ aux yeux du parent devient maintenant une inquiétude sur laquelle il trouve important
de se pencher).
Pour terminer, espérons que le cadre de dialogue « Place aux parents » permettra de tenir
davantage compte du point de vue des parents et, par le fait même, de mieux comprendre leur réalité.
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Le défi de la diversité linguistique dans les sociétés multiculturelles.
La famille, l´école et les attitudes linguistiques
Madariaga José-María
Universidad del Paìs Vasco (UPV/EHU)
Barrio Sarriena s/n 48940- Leioa (Bizkaia) (Espagne)
[email protected]
Huguet Angel
Universidad de Lleida
Avinguda Estudi General, 4 25001- Lleida (Espagne)
[email protected]
Lapresta Cecilio
Universidad de Lleida
Avinguda Estudi General, 4 25001- Lleida (Espagne)
[email protected]
Arribillaga Ana
Universidad del Paìs Vasco (UPV/EHU)
Barrio Sarriena s/n 48940- Leioa (Bizkaia) (Espagne)
[email protected]
Résumé
L'un des défis de l'éducation dans les sociétés multiculturelles et multilingues contemporaines, fait
référence à ce que les élèves apprennent à gérer les ressources à sa disposition pour ainsi être capables
de répondre à la diversité qui leur caractérise. C'est le cas de la société catalane, où on a fait cette
expérience, qui a eu une augmentation significative de la diversité linguistique et culturelle de ces
dernières années, en raison des mouvements migratoires importants qui sont survenus dans cette
Communauté Autonome. Une grande diversité linguistique exige que la famille et l'école y répondent
conjointement, en utilisant des formules basées sur l'analyse des variables médiatrices plus pertinentes
dans ce type de situation. En ce sens, les attitudes linguistiques jouent un rôle important par son
caractère médiateur entre la personne et le contexte social. Cette étude analyse les attitudes et les
variables explicatives potentielles ainsi que leur relation avec la connaissance linguistique du catalan et
de l´espagnol. Après avoir fait des analyses statistiques avec 1206 élèves de 2ème et 4ème de l'ESO,
on a trouvé de significativité pour la langue utilisée dans la famille, considéré comme un médiateur du
contexte social qui exerce une pression et une influence sur le processus d'apprentissage. Dans le cas du
« collectif immigrants », a été obtenue de significativité dans certains cas pour l'âge d'arrivée et la durée
du séjour dans le pays d'accueil. En ce sens, on a observé des différences entre être né dans le pays
d'accueil et arriver avec un certain âge. De même, il a été constaté qu'il y avait des différences
significatives par contraste en fonction de la langue espagnole (hispanophone et non hispanophone).
Nous avons également constaté une corrélation entre l'attitude vers une langue et sa connaissance.
Mots clés
Diversité linguistique – Attitudes linguistiques - Famille - École
Introduction
Les caractéristiques des sociétés multiculturelles et multilingues contemporaines, impliquent le
défi d´éduquer les enfants pour faire face à la diversité que cela suppose. Les citoyens ont besoin de
124
savoir comment la gérer, en s´appuyant dans leurs propres ressources, et dans ce sens c´est l'école et
la famille qui doivent les préparer.
Quelques sociétés comme la Catalane, dans laquelle cette recherche se développe, ces dernières
années ont connu un flux d´émigration important, qui a fait que la diversité ait considérablement
augmenté, ce qui a forcé à chercher des moyens d'encourager l'éducation inclusive et interculturelle
(Besalu 2007, CIDE 2005, Essomba, 2008) qui soient d´accord avec les orientations pédagogiques du
Conseil de l'Europe (2002). Pour répondre à ces besoins il est nécessaire d'analyser les variables
médiatrices le plus pertinentes comme sont les attitudes linguistiques.
Revue de littérature
Les attitudes linguistiques
Notre point de repère est celui-ci :L'attitude est une position d'évaluation des phénomènes de
l'environnement, à partir de laquelle nous sommes prédisposés à agir d´une manière concrète. Cette
association entre l'objet et la personne, donne à l´attitude un caractère médiateur avec le contexte social.
Elle peut même être une guide très utile pour répondre aux exigences d'un environnement de plus en plus
complexe et diversifié.
Notre point de vue sur l'attitude est aussi celui de l'évaluation de l'impact potentiel de leurs
actions effectuées par le sujet, et l'importance accordée par celui ci à ces effets (Orbell, Hodgkins et
Sheeran, 1997). Le comportement sera une combinaison de l'attitude de caractère privé et, de la pression
du moyen de caractère publique, représentés par la famille, les amis, les pairs et les médias de masse
(Lasagabaster, 2003). Dans le cas des attitudes linguistiques, les élaborations partagés par les membres
du groupe social auquel il appartient et de la famille deviennent spécialement importantes.(Madariaga,
2003; Madariaga, Huguet et Lapresta, 2013).
La relation entre les attitudes linguistiques et l'apprentissage de la langue correspondante, semble
certaine (Sachdev et Bourhis, 2001), mais il est moins clair le sens de cette corrélation. La proposition la
plus acceptable est celle de Baker (1992) qui a propose la détermination mutuelle entre les deux, en
soulignant l'importance du contexte linguistique dans lequel les enfants sont impliqués (famille,
communauté et l'école). De sorte que, ces attitudes sont essentiellement acquises dans le processus de
socialisation dans la famille, lequel s´exprime à travers la condition linguistique familiale et il est en partie
modifié en raison du curriculum scolaire. Ceci suggère que les années d´scolarité ne seront pas si
importants que les attitudes linguistiques forgées à partir de la langue utilisée dans la famille (Madariaga,
2003; Madariaga, Molero et Huguet, 2002).
Dans le cas des immigrants, il y a des variables spécifiques qui ont un impact sur les attitudes
linguistiques, tels que la durée du séjour et l'âge d'arrivée dans le pays d'accueil (Huguet, Navarro,
Chireac et Sanso 2009, Rojo, Madariaga et Huguet, 2010), ainsi que la région d'origine et la langue
maternelle (Navarro et Huguet 2005, Rojo, Madariaga et Huguet, 2010).
L'objectif de cette recherche est celui d'approfondir dans la valeur médiatrice des attitudes
linguistiques pour l'apprentissage de langues correspondantes, dans les contextes multiculturelles et
multilingues. Et pour cela, on analyse des possibles variables explicatives de telles attitudes pour les
enfants d'immigrés, à partir d´une perspective contextualité basée sur les référents contextuelles
significatives.
Méthodologie
L'univers d'étude a été les étudiants de 2 º et 4 º ESO inscrits en Catalogne, sélectionnés par
sondage aléatoire en grappes, d´entre tous on a choisi les 10 centres le plus appropriés pour les objectifs
de la recherche. Après le travail sur le terrain on a obtenu 1.206 étudiants, dont 673 étaient autochtones
et 533 immigrés, avec une marge d'erreur de ± 4,29%, pour un niveau de confiance de 95,5%. De ce
nombre, 262 garçons et 271 filles d'immigrés répartis uniformément entre 2 º et 4 º ESO ont été ainsi
répartis en fonction de leur région d'origine:
Table 1 : Distribution des étudiants selon l´aire linguistique d´origine
Aire d´origine
Fréquence
Proportion
Europe Communautaire
44
8,3%
Europe non Communautaire
66
12,4%
Magreb
103
19,3%
125
Reste de L´Afrique
39
7,3%
Latinoamérique
231
43,3%
Asie et Océanie
42
7,9%
Reste de L´Amérique
8
1,5%
533
100,0%
Total
Le questionnaire SEDEC (1983) dont la fiabilité est suffisante (r = .791, p <.0001) a été appliqué
pour les étudiants catalans. Le questionnaire, aussi que des données personnelles et des informations
sur les attitudes linguistiques, a permit également de classer la langue utilisé à la famille, la durée du
séjour et l'âge de l'arrivée des élèves immigrants. La connaissance linguistique en catalan et en espagnol
a été évaluée en utilisant un test validé (Huguet, 2008).
Résultats
1. Corrélation entre les attitudes linguistiques et le niveau de connaissance de l´espagnol
et le catalan pour les étudiants immigrants
Effectués les correspondantes analyses statistiques, on a obtenu les corrélations suivantes:
Table 2. Corrélation entre les attitudes linguistiques et le niveau de connaissance de l´espagnol et le
catalan des étudiants immigrants
N= 533
ATITTUDE
ATITTUDE
ATITTUDE
ATITTUDE
Pearson
CATALÁN
ESPAGNOL
L1
ANGLAIS
PG1
ESPAGNOL
r= -0.45
r= 0.247 (**)
r=0.058
r=0.204 (**)
0.299
0.000
0.178
0.000
PG1 CATALAN
r= 0.118(**)
r= 0.192(**)
r= 0.145 (**)
r= 0.218 (**)
0.006
0.000
0.001
0.000
Sig. bilatéral
PG1 = moyenne des cinq sous-tests écrits
** corrélation significative au niveau 0,01 (bilatéral)
Les résultats indiquent qu'il existe une corrélation entre le niveau de connaissance de l´espagnol
et l'attitude envers cette langue et envers l´anglais, ainsi qu´entre le niveau de connaissance du catalan et
les attitudes envers toutes les autres langues.
2. Les variables explicatives des attitudes linguistiques
Dans les analyses relatives à la langue utilisée à la famille et les attitudes linguistiques envers le
catalan et l´espagnol on a obtenu les scores moyens suivants:
126
Image 1. Les attitudes envers le catalan et l´espagnol selon la langue utilisée à la famille
10
8,931
9
8
7
7,899
7,365
6,619
6,292
6
5
4,919
4
4,000
3
2
1,476
1
0
Catalán
Castellano
Catalanófonos
Castellanófonos
Bilingües (Cat +Cast)
Otras
Note. «Autres» Ça correspond aux immigrants, sauf un étudiant de langue espagnole et d'origine argentin.
Comme on peut voir, les attitudes le plus favorables envers le catalan sont celles des étudiants
qui l´utilisent habituellement à la famille, suivies par les bilingues qui utilisent aussi cette langue, et la
moins favorable dans le cas de ceux qui utilisent l'espagnol. En ce qui concerne l'attitude envers
l´espagnol arrive juste contraire. Si nous faisons le contraste entre: le regroupement des élèves
immigrants qui parlent l´espagnol et ceux qui ne le parlent pas, les scores moyens et les écarts types
obtenus pour chacune des attitudes linguistiques sont les suivantes:
Ces résultats indiquent que tous les contrastes sont significatifs. En outre, l'analyse ANOVA
réalisée pour analyser les attitudes linguistiques en fonction de la durée du séjour, la signification a été
obtenue dans toutes les attitudes sauf dans celles qui concernent l´espagnol. Effectués les tests de
Scheffé correspondants, des contrastes significatifs ont été obtenus en ce qui concerne à la L1 (langue
maternelle de l´immigrant) envers l'attitude vers le catalan. Dans ce sens, les différences significatives
sont entre être naître dans le pays d'accueil, et séjourner moins de trois ans. Ceci augmente à 6 ans dans
le cas du catalan.
Table 3. Attitudes linguistiques pour les hispanophones et non-hispanophones
SCORE
 INMIG.
SCORE
 INMIG.
INMIGRANTS
HISPANOPH.
INMIGRANTS
NON
NON
HISPANOPH.
HISPANOPH.
HISPANOPH.
F 1,531
p
CATALÁN
3,847
5,016
5,732
4,172
22,380
0,000
ESPAGNOL
7,526
2,533
5,930
3,482
34,441
0,000
L1
4,495
4,305
5,613
3,762
10,188
0,001
ANGLAIS
6,439
3,799
5,600
4,934
4,579
0,033
127
Enfin, dans l'analyse des attitudes selon l'âge d'arrivée, la significativité a été obtenue dans toutes
les attitudes sauf envers celle qui concerne l´espagnol. Les tests Scheffé effectués permettent d´obtenir
des contrastes significatifs dans les attitudes « entre être né dans le pays d'accueil et être venu avec plus
de 10 ans », sauf dans le cas du catalan dans lequel il y a aussi des différences significatives entre ceux
qui sont venues avec moins de 10 ans par rapport à ceux qui sont nés dans le pays d´accueil.
Conclusions
Nous avons trouvé, dans le cas de l´espagnol et le catalan, une corrélation entre l'attitude
linguistique et la compétence dans la langue concernée, Il est intéressant de souligner que la
connaissance du catalan a de corrélation avec les attitudes envers toutes les langues. Cela n'arrive pas
avec la connaissance de la langue espagnole qui ne pas corrélée, ni avec l'attitude envers le catalan, ni
avec la langue maternelle de l'immigrant. Cela pourrait être interprété comme un signe de la pression du
contexte associée au prestige social de la langue espagnole, qui est seulement comparable à celle de
l'anglais.
Dans les analyses relatives aux possibles variables explicatives des attitudes linguistiques, les
résultats semblent réaffirmer la primauté des attitudes développées dans la famille par rapport à la langue
utilisée à la famille et à la présence correspondante des langues.
Dans la communauté d´étudiants immigrés, les différences les plus importantes dans les attitudes
linguistiques montrent que ceux qui ont vécu plus longtemps (plus de six ans) dans le pays, ont les
attitudes plus positives envers le catalan, sans presque pas de différences avec ceux qui sont nés en
Catalogne. Tandis que, dans le cas des attitudes à l'égard de leur langue maternelle, il faut 3 années de
résidence pour que les différences disparaissent. Il semble que ces résultats n´appliquent ni pour
l´espagnol ni pour l'anglais, probablement parce que toutes les deux sont des langues avec plus de
prestige pour les immigrants. En termes d'âge d'arrivée, à l'exception de la langue espagnole, il existe des
différences d'attitude entre ceux qui sont nés dans le pays d'accueil et ceux qui sont arrivés avec plus de
10 ans, tandis que dans le cas du catalan il y a aussi des différences avec ceux qui sont venus avec
moins de 10 ans. Une nouveauté par rapport aux études précédentes (Huguet et Janes, 2005) et difficile
à interpréter si nous ne considérons pas les variables liées à la pression sociale (Huguet, Navarro,
Chireac et Sanso, 2009).
Les résultats de cette étude montrent que les recherches futures doivent éviter des
catégorisations si hétérogènes comme celle « d'immigrant », pour avancer vers d´autres qui mettent
l´accent à la «pression sociale» exercée par la famille, ou le contexte social ou l´école. Par exemple, la
différenciation trouvé si la langue utilisé à la famille est l´espagnol o pas. Pour identifier ces pressions,
l'étude des variables explicatives des attitudes linguistiques semble précieuse, car il peut fournir des
indices sur les contraintes qui pèsent sur l'évaluation que les étudiants font sur les langues présentes
dans le contexte. On devrait également utiliser d'autres procédures pour évaluer les attitudes pour tenter
de surmonter les limitations des questionnaires écrits, tels que les entretiens ou des questionnaires
élaborés empiriquement par d´entretiens précédentes.
Références
Baker, C. (1992). Attitudes and Language. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
Besalú, X. (coor.) (2007). Educar en sociedades pluriculturales. Barcelona: Wolters Kluwer.
CIDE (2005). La atención al alumnado inmigrante en el sistema educativo en España. Madrid: Ministerio
Educaciñn y Ciencia
Conseil de L´Europe (2002). Marco de referencia europeo para el aprendizaje, la enseñanza y la
evaluación de las lenguas. Madrid: Instituto Cervantes.
Essomba, M.A. (2008). 10 ideas clave. La gestión de la diversidad cultural en la escuela. Barcelona:
Grañ.
Huguet, Á. (2008). Interdependencia lingüìstica y práctica educativa. Un estudio con escolares de
origen inmigrante. Infancia y aprendizaje, 31 (3), 283-301.
Huguet, Á et Janés, J. (2005) Niðos inmigrantes en sociedades bilingües. Las actitudes ante las
lenguas por parte de los escolares recién llegados a Cataluða. Cultura y Educación, 17 (4), 309321.
Huguet, Á., Navarro, J.L., Chireac, S.M. et Sansñ, C. (2009). Edad de llegada y lengua de la escuela.
Consideraciones a partir de un estudio con alumnado inmigrante. Revista de Psicología General
y Aplicada, 62(3), 219-229.
128
Lasagabaster, D. (2003). Trilingüismo en la enseñanza. Actitudes hacia la lengua minoritaria, la
mayoritaria y la extranjera. Lleida: Editorial Milenio.
Madariaga, J.M. (2003). El contexto social y la dimensiñn actitudinal en la educaciñn multilingüe, en
Gonzalez Riaðo, X.A. (coord.) Nueves llendes na enseñanza d´una llingua minoritaria. Oviedo:
Academia de la Llingua Asturiana, 95-136.
Madariaga, J.M., Huguet, A. et Lapresta, C. (2013). Actitud, presiñn social y educaciñn inclusiva en
aulas con diversidad cultural. Educación siglo XX1.
Madariaga, J.M., Molero, B. et Huguet, Á. (2002). Influencia familiar en la construcciñn social de la
lengua. Psicología Iberoamericana, 10(2), 12-19.
Navarro, J. L. et Huguet, Á. (2005). El conocimiento de la Lengua Castellana en alumnado inmigrante
de 1º de ESO. Un estudio empírico. Madrid: Centro de Investigaciñn y Documentaciñn
Educativa.
Orbell, S., Hodgkins, S. et Sheeran, P. (1997). Implementations intentions and the Theory of Planned
Behavior. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 23: 9, 945-954.
Rojo, V.; Madariaga, J.M. et Huguet, Á. (2010). Actitudes lingüìsticas hacia el euskera y castellano de
los estudiantes autñctonos e inmigrantes de la Educaciñn Secundaria Obligatoria. Cultura y
Educación, 22(1), 85-97
Sachdev, I. et Bourhis, R.Y. (2001). Multilingual communication, en Robinson, W.P. y H. Giles, H. (eds.)
The new handbook of language and Social Psychology. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 407428.
129
Transmission des valeurs selon le genre au sein des familles
sur trois générations en Grèce
Pithon Gérard
Laboratoire Epsylon E4556, Université de Montpellier 3, 34 199 Montpellier Cedex 5, France,
[email protected]
Kouremenou Eleni Sofia
Place Carnot, 34 000 Montpellier, France
[email protected]
Danko Marianna
Laboratoire Epsylon E4556, Université de Montpellier 3, 34 199 Montpellier Cedex 5, France,
[email protected]
Résumé :
La famille, première organisation des sociétés humaines, accueille l‟enfant et participe à sa socialisation.
De nos jours, elle connait de profonds bouleversements dans la plupart des pays, notamment quant à
l‟équilibre des pouvoirs entre les genres (Georgas, Berry, Van de Vijver, 2006). La transmission d‟un
système de valeurs d‟une génération à l‟autre joue un rôle essentiel dans l‟éducation, mais elle ne s‟opère
pas de la même manière selon le genre. Nous l‟étudions à l‟aide du « Portrait Values Questionnaire » de
Schwartz (2006) dans 30 familles grecques (15 filiations masculines et 15 filiations féminines, N = 90). Le
déclin des valeurs traditionnelles, au profit des valeurs d‟hédonisme et d‟autonomie, plus particulièrement
du côté du genre féminin, laisse présager le passage d‟une culture collectiviste à une culture
individualiste.
Mots clés :
Transmission, valeurs, génération, genre, Grèce
Introduction
L‟une des fonctions des valeurs humaines est d‟assurer le bon fonctionnement et la survie des
groupes. Nous allons étudier les variations des systèmes de valeurs sur trois générations selon deux
filiations distinctes de femmes et d‟hommes en Grèce. Ce pays est considéré comme culturellement
collectiviste Hofstede (1980). Mais, de nos jours, il semblerait qu‟il subisse une transition vers plus
d‟individualisme notamment par la valorisation de l‟Autonomie ou l‟Hédonisme (Triandis, 1995).
Revue de littérature
Les recherches sur les valeurs en sciences sociales
Les sociologues Durkheim et Weber considèrent le concept de valeur indispensable à la
compréhension des liens sociaux (Morchain, 2009). En psychologie sociale les travaux d‟Inglehart (1971)
portent sur les valeurs en politique et ceux d‟Hosfstede (1980) sur les valeurs au travail. Schwartz (1992)
considère que les valeurs sont universelles. Elles peuvent être représentées par 10 principaux types de
valeurs déclinables en 57 autres valeurs secondaires. Il propose un modèle où ces valeurs sont
organisées dans un plan circulaire et dynamique divisé en deux axes diamétralement opposés, révélant
ainsi le conflit entre valeurs opposées (cf. Figure 1). Le premier axe oppose Transcendance de soi à
Affirmation de soi ; le second axe oppose Ouverture au changement à Conservatisme. Les valeurs
contigües sont proches en termes de motivation (i.e Pouvoir est proche de Sécurité) tandis que celles qui
sont éloignées sont contraires en termes de motivation (i.e Sécurité est opposée à Stimulation. Ainsi,
130
dans ce paradigme, l‟intérêt individuel convoque les valeurs Pouvoir, Réussite, Hédonisme, Stimulation,
Autonomie dans la dimension affirmation de soi. Toutefois, l‟intérêt collectif appelle les valeurs génériques
de Bienveillance, Universalisme, Tradition, Conformité, Sécurité relevant des relations sociales de
l‟individu (Schwartz, 2006). Ce n‟est donc pas une valeur isolée dans l‟absolu qui influence les
comportements et les attitudes d‟un individu, mais la hiérarchisation de ses valeurs.
Les facteurs susceptibles d’influencer le système valoriel
La famille est le lieu privilégié où l‟enfant peut trouver les invariants affectifs nécessaires à la
construction de ses compétences sociales, affectives et instrumentales (Dumas, 2005). Cette
transmission procède par intériorisation inconsciente et imitation de cet agent socialisateur privilégié
(Coslin, 2006).
Selon Glen (1974) l‟avance en âge favorise l‟implication dans des réseaux sociaux, la reproduction
d‟habitudes mais diminue l‟engagement dans les changements et les défis. L‟âge corrèle positivement
avec les valeurs de conservation (Tradition, Conformité, Sécurité) et négativement avec les valeurs
d‟ouverture au changement (Autonomie et Stimulation).
Les différences de genre sont statistiquement significatives pour huit valeurs : les hommes sont plus
proches des valeurs de Pouvoir, d‟Accomplissement, d‟Autonomie, d‟Hédonisme et de Stimulation ; les
femmes accordent plus de considération à la Bienveillance, l‟Universalisme et de façon moindre à la
Sécurité (Schwartz et Rubel, 2005).
Le cas particulier de la Grèce
Ces dernières années les pays méditerranéens connaissent des affrontements idéologiques entre
leurs communautés autour de valeurs différentes. Hofstede (1980) a effectué une étude comparative des
valeurs liées au travail dans cinquante pays selon quatre dimensions principales :
Individualisme/collectivisme; contrôle de l‟incertitude sur son avenir; distance hiérarchique;
masculinité/féminité.
La Grèce apparaissait comme ayant le plus haut degré d‟inquiétude quant à l‟avenir de ses
habitants, la tendance collectiviste la plus forte, la seconde tendance à valoriser la hiérarchie, après la
France, et une tendance moyenne à la masculinité bien après le Japon et l‟Autriche.
131
Figure 1 : Adaptation du modèle circulaire de Schwartz
(2006)
Les fonctions de la famille grecque ne se limitent pas à la reproduction et à la socialisation des
enfants, mais elles s‟étendent aux soins des personnes âgées, à l‟aide financière de leurs enfants
devenus adultes quand ils fondent leur famille ou construisent leur entreprise (Georgas, 1999). Les
familles grecques sont plutôt patriarcales. Malgré les mouvements idéologiques qui luttent contre les
discriminations liées au sexe, une différenciation quant aux valeurs viriles et féminines persiste encore.
De nos jours le manque de confiance envers les pouvoirs politiques, considérés par le peuple
comme responsables de la situation économique du pays, et le désengagement des jeunes à l‟égard des
croyances religieuses lié à un niveau d‟éducation plus élevé, remettent en cause les valeurs
traditionnelles et conformistes.
Les jeunes cherchent de nouvelles alternatives de vie et
d‟épanouissement personnel.
Méthodologie
Cette enquête utilise le « Portrait Values Questionnaire » (PVQ), conçu et validé par Schwartz et al.
(2001). Il permet de mesurer la hiérarchie des 10 valeurs ainsi que leur importance relative chez les
individus. Le PVQ est constitué de 40 items sous forme de petits portraits décrivant des personnes
différentes. Chacun d‟eux décrit les objectifs, les aspirations et les vœux d‟une personne et fait référence
à l‟une des valeurs de base: Réussite, Pouvoir, Universalisme, Bienveillance, Hédonisme, Stimulation,
Autonomie, Sécurité, Conformité et Tradition. Pour chaque item, les personnes répondent à la question
«Dans quelle mesure cette personne vous ressemble ?». Les réponses, cotées sur une échelle de type
Likert, s‟échelonnent de 1 «tout à fait comme moi » à 6 «pas du tout comme moi». Il s‟agit d‟étudier le
système de hiérarchisation des valeurs qui peut être spécifique à certains groupes.
Nous avons ajouté une consigne de passation pour appréhender les changements du système de
valeurs des grands parents et des parents dans le temps : « Dans quelle mesure cette personne vous
ressemblait quand vous étiez jeune parent ? ». Grands parents et parents doivent ainsi se remémorer leur
système de valeurs à une époque importante de leur vie de jeune parent, notamment à l‟arrivée de leur
nouveau-né.
La population interrogée est grecque. Elle a été choisie aléatoirement dès 2010 dans le service de
soutien psychologique de la Mairie de Aghios Stefanos d‟Athènes (N=90 personnes). Elle se compose de
30 familles (15 familles d‟hommes et 15 familles de femmes). Dans chaque famille 3 générations du
même sexe ont été interrogées.
132
Tableau 1 : Les âges moyens des répondants selon leur filiation et leur genre
Ages moyens et écarts types
Masculin S.D Féminin S.D
Enfants
18
2,6
16,5
2
Parents
55
4,3
49.5
6,4
Grands
parents
79
7,9
71.5
10,
6
Principales hypothèses sur le changement du système de valeurs.
H.1/ Effets de l‟âge et du vieillissement.
Les valeurs de Continuité (Tradition, Conformité, Sécurité) et de Dépassement de soi (Bienveillance,
Universalisme) devraient être plus importantes chez les personnes âgées que les valeurs d‟Ouverture de
Soi (Autonomie, Stimulation, Hédonisme) et d‟Affirmation de Soi (Pouvoir, Réussite).
H.2/ Effets du genre.
Les générations des hommes devraient attribuer une plus grande importance aux valeurs de l‟affirmation
de soi (Pouvoir, Réussite) et de l‟ouverture au changement (Autonomie, Stimulation, Hédonisme) alors
que toutes les générations de femmes devraient davantage valoriser les valeurs de continuité (Tradition,
Conformité, Sécurité) et de dépassement de soi (Bienveillance, Universalisme).
H.3/ Effets du genre et du vieillissement.
Ce changement devrait être encore plus marqué chez les femmes, entre les grands-mères, les filles et les
petites filles, qu‟entre les grands-pères, les fils et les petits-fils. En effet les femmes ont aujourd‟hui plus
de pouvoir et de droits que leurs mères et grands-mères.
Principaux résultats.
Le traitement des données a été effectué avec le logiciel Statistical Package for the Social
Sciences. Dans un premier temps un traitement selon le genre, puis en étudiant les différences
intergénérationnelles (enfants, parents, grands parents), et finalement, en croisant les deux variables
genre et génération (garçons-filles, pères-mères, grands pères-grands mères).
Tableau 2 : Changements de valeurs (hédonisme, autonomie, pouvoir) entre générations et genre
Val
temps
I - Hedonisme
autr.
aujour.
Filia
hom
N =15
P.
3,55
G.P.
5,77
G.
II - Autonomie
aujour.
III Pouvoir
TEST
fem
TEST
Inter filia
Inter
genre
S
M.
4,16
ρ2=14,10 ***
t = -0,8
NS
G.M.
5,60
t =0,12
NS
3,15
F.
2,05
U=83,5
NS
P.
4,62
M.
4,68
t = -0,06
NS
G.P.
6,74
G.M.
5,86
t =0,59
NS
t = -1,23
NS
U=76
NS
NS
Inter
filia
ρ2=3
NS
ρ2=6,25 NS
4,77
P.
4,82
G.P.
4,70
G.
ρ2=15,35 ***
4,47
M.
5,83
G.M.
6,00
5,55
F.
5,45
t = 0,12
P.
5,02
M.
6,48
NS t = -1,74
G.P.
6,54
G.M.
6,59
5,70
Autref.
N = 15
Moy.
Moy.
S
Filia
Sig.
4,62
autr.
TEST
ρ2=1,8
NS
F=2,29 NS
5,33
P.
4,28
G.P.
5,70
F=0,21
NS
F=0,76
*
t =-0,05
NS
t = -2,81
***
t =-1,76
*
6,07
F=3,15
*
M.
6,96
G.M .
7,47
F=0,73
NS
133
aujour.
G.
6,49
F.
8,12
t = -2,01
*
P.
3,75
M.
6,88
U=39
***
G.P.
5,74
G.M .
7,13
t =-1,41
NS
6,25
F=5,36
**
5,19
F=0,88
NS
7,31
GM = grand-mère ; M = mère ; F = fille ; GP = grand père ; P = père ; G = garçon ; NS = non significatif ;
filia = filiation ; hom = homme ; fem = femme ; S = significatif ; *** = p < 0,001 ;** = p <0,01; * = p <0,05 ;
autr = autrefois ; ajour ; = aujourd‟hui ; Val. = valeur
L‟Hédonisme est la valeur la plus prisée. Ce sont les filles qui l‟affirment le plus par rapport à leur
mère et grand-mère (p<0,01), voire même autrefois (p<0,01). Cette quête révèle de plus forts
changements dans la filiation féminine. C‟est ce que nous attendions dans H1 et H3, mais pas au niveau
des valeurs observées. Une révolution culturelle est-elle en marche ? Les femmes se sacrifieraient-elles
moins aujourd‟hui pour entretenir la maison, soutenir le mari et éduquer les enfants ?
La quête de l‟Autonomie (liberté, indépendance, créativité) est la 2ème valeur choisie par
l‟ensemble de la population. Conformément à H2 les hommes la revendiquent davantage, notamment
pour les pères d‟autrefois (p< 0,11) et d‟aujourd‟hui (p<0,05), ainsi que les pour les grands-pères
d‟autrefois (p<0,05).
La quête du Pouvoir (contrôle des personnes, des ressources), 3è valeur, reste la principale
caractéristique des hommes. Toutes les différences opposant les genres sont significatives à p<0,05 sauf
pour les grands-pères, où l‟on observe simplement une tendance.
Les filles d‟aujourd‟hui se positionnent donc en rupture avec leurs ainées (mère et grand-mère).
Mais les hommes valorisent nettement plus l‟Autonomie, et surtout le Pouvoir.
Val
temps
IV - Bienveillance
Tableau 3 : Changements de valeurs (bienveillance, stimulation, conformité) entre générations et genre
autref.
aujour.
Filia
N =15
hom.
Moy.
P.
7,22
G.P.
6,04
G.
7,42
P.
6,75
G.P.
5,81
6,26
V - Stimualtion
autref.
aujour.
VI - Conformité
aujour.
7,36
Inter
filia
S
F=1,18
NS
F=1,31
NS
Filia
N = 15
TEST
fem.
Moy.
Inter filia
M.
6,03
G.M .
5,80
F.
5,52
M.
5,88
G.M .
6,13
6,65
P.
4,62
G.P.
5,17
G.
4,69
P.
6,15
G.P.
7,61
6,51
autr.
TEST
9,75
G.P.
6,24
G.
8,89
P.
7,75
G.P.
5,34
7,59
F=0,24
S
NS
NS
Inter
genre
S
t = 1,26
NS
t =0,25
NS
t = 2,43
**
t = 1,03
NS
t =-0,27
NS
t = -1,55
NS
U=63
*
U=102,5
NS
t = -2,21
*
U=84,5
NS
t = 2,21
*
U=92,5
*
t = -0,78
NS
t =1,1
NS
U=106,5
NS
5,87
ρ2=0,08 NS
ρ2=5,6
NS
M.
6,43
G.M.
8,47
F.
4,45
M.
8,35
G.M.
9,13
5,65
P.
F=0,2
TEST
ρ2=14,22
ρ2=14,10
***
***
7,37
F=6,37
F=7,8
***
***
M.
7,36
G.M.
5,80
F.
9,72
M.
6,61
G.M.
6,13
F=4,79
F=4,68
**
*
7,12
GM = grand-mère ; M = mère ; F = fille ; GP = grand père ; P = père ; G = garçon ; NS = non significatif ;
filia = filiation ; hom = homme ; fem = femme ; S = significatif ; *** = p < 0,001 ;** = p <0,01; * = p <0,05 ;
autr = autrefois ; ajour ; = aujourd‟hui ; Val. = valeur
134
La Bienveillance (l‟amitié, la loyauté…) est la 4ème valeur choisie. Conformément à H2 les femmes
semblent la préférer, notamment les filles (p < 0,01)..
La Stimulation (la recherche de défis) occupe la 5ème place en moyenne des valeurs choisies.
Conformément à H2, les hommes semblent la préférer, c‟était le cas autrefois pour les grands-pères
(p<0,05), ou aujourd‟hui pour les pères (p<0,02). Cette valeur prend plus d‟importance avec les jeunes
générations, tout particulièrement chez les femmes, aussi bien autrefois qu‟aujourd‟hui (p< 0,001).
La Conformité (obéissance, politesse et respect des autres), 6ème valeur préférée, oppose
nettement les générations, aussi bien autrefois (p<0,001 chez les hommes, p<0,01 chez les femmes)
qu‟aujourd‟hui (p<0,001 chez les hommes, p<0,05 chez les femmes). Ce sont les plus âgés qui, bien
entendu, s‟en réclament alors que les jeunes s‟en détachent nettement. C‟est ce que nous attendions en
partie dans H1.
Tableau 4 : Changements de valeurs (Réussite, Sécurité, Universalisme, Tradition) entre générations et
genre
VII - Réussite
Val
temps
Filia
hom
Moy.
TEST
autref.
P.
4,95
ρ2=3,88
G.P.
aujou.
S
Moy.
NS
M.
9,16
7,57
G.M .
G.
6,49
P.
5,49
G.P.
9,48
8,04
VIII - Sécurité
IX - Universalisme
S.
***
9,53
U=87
NS
F.
7,38
U=92,5
NS
M.
10,35
U=20
***
G.M .
9,99
t =0,35
NS
t = -0,1
NS
ρ2=3,66 NS
ρ2=8,39
**
M.
9,43
NS
F=2,42
NS
NS
8,30
G.M.
8,20
t =0,07
G.
9,75
F.
10,92
t=
0,87
NS
P.
7,35
M.
8,35
U=97
NS
G.P.
5,01
G.M.
6,73
U=96
NS
U=58
**
t =-0,1
NS
U=27
***
U=75
NS
t =1,16
NS
U=97
0,25
ρ2=15,96
***
7,94
P.
12,22
G.P.
8,70
G.
11,69
P.
9,15
G.P.
7,28
F=3,35
F=7,89
*
***
*
M.
8,30
G.M .
8,87
F.
7,72
M.
7,95
G.M .
8,86
ρ2=0,52
ρ2=1,21
NS
NS
8,34
10,88
M.
ρ2=9,7
autr.
F=4,55
8,73
9,81
P.
X - Tradition
Inter
genre
G.P.
9,07
11,43
***
F=5
**
G.P.
6,70
G.M.
8,27
t =0,92
0,18
G.
11,35
F.
13,18
t=1,66
*
P.
9,35
M.
10,08
t =0,51
NS
G.P.
6,14
G.M.
7,73
U=94,5
NS
ρ2=13,7
aujour.
9,51
S
9,28
F=0,46
8,33
aujour.
***
9,28
autr.
autref.
F=6,02
TEST
t=4,15
6,80
P.
aujour.
TEST
Filia
fem
8,88
***
F=5,6
**
10,14
135
GM = grand-mère ; M = mère ; F = fille ; GP = grand père ; P = père ; F = fils ; NS = non significatif ; filia =
filiation ; hom = homme ; fem = femme ; S = significatif ; *** = p < 0,001 ;** = p <0,01; * = p <0,05 ; autr =
autrefois ; ajour ; = aujourd‟hui ; Val. = valeur
La Réussite (personnelle et reconnaissance sociale) est la 7ème valeur. Les trois générations se
distinguent entre elles aujourd‟hui à ce sujet aussi bien chez les hommes (p<0,001) que chez les femmes
(p<0,01). Ce sont essentiellement les pères d‟aujourd‟hui et d‟autrefois qui le revendiquent le plus par
rapport aux mères (p< 0,001) comme attendu dans H2.
La Sécurité (besoin d‟ordre, de stabilité), 8ème valeur choisie, distingue aujourd‟hui nettement les
trois générations aussi bien chez les hommes (p< 0,001) que chez les femmes (p< 0,05).
L‟Universalisme (recherche de justice, paix et égalité), 9ème valeur, est plus prégnante chez les
femmes que chez les hommes (filles d‟aujourd‟hui p<0,001 ou mères d‟autrefois p<0,05). La tendance
n‟est pas significative entre les générations de femmes. Chez les hommes c‟est nettement une hiérarchie
inverse entre les générations qui s‟observe : revendication des grands-pères, autrefois (p<0,05) et
aujourd‟hui (p < 0,01).
Enfin la Tradition (modestie, respect des coutumes, de la religion), dernière valeur choisie, semble
davantage une préoccupation masculine, surtout des ainés des deux sexes. En effet elle oppose les
générations : les hommes d‟autrefois (p<0,001), ceux d‟aujourd‟hui (p<0,001), les femmes d‟autrefois
(p<0,01) et celles d‟aujourd‟hui (p<0,01).
Conclusion
Les changements intergénérationnels, notables pour les femmes les plus jeunes, portent d‟abord
sur une valorisation de l‟Hédonisme, puis sur la recherche de la Stimulation, et enfin sur un désir de
Réussite. Pour les plus âgées, il s‟agit surtout d‟affirmer son adhésion à la Conformité puis à la Tradition,
sachant que cette valeur est la plus rejetée dans l‟ensemble de la population interrogée.
Les changements intergénérationnels notables pour les hommes portent, prioritairement pour les
plus jeunes sur une quête du Pouvoir, nettement plus forte que celle des femmes, et vers une recherche
de la Réussite également plus importante pour les pères que pour les mères. Les plus âgés, par contre,
adhèrent aux valeurs de Conformité, de Sécurité, de Tradition et d‟Universalisme. Ces deux dernières
valeurs sont les plus rejetées par l‟ensemble de la population interrogée.
Ces différences de valeurs entre les générations de femmes et d‟hommes laissent entrevoir des
dynamiques de changement différentes dans la société Grecque selon le genre. Mais la crise économique
actuelle bloque brutalement la volonté de Réussite des jeunes, rendant la frustration sociale certainement
encore plus forte.
Les jeunes filles d‟aujourd‟hui se rapprochent de la dimension Affirmation de soi en valorisant
significativement l‟Hédonisme et la Réussite personnelle. Cette tendance à l‟Affirmation de soi est
également perceptible chez les hommes qui valorisent le Pouvoir. Pour l‟ensemble de la population notre
analyse suggère une inclination vers la dimension Ouverture au changement avec une préférence pour
l‟Autonomie (indépendance d‟agir et de penser) et une attirance pour la Stimulation, notamment chez les
jeunes filles.
Les valeurs Conformité, Sécurité et Tradition, proches de la dimension Conservatisme, ont été
choisies en dernière position. La Conformité est davantage valorisée par les anciens. La Sécurité est
significativement plus choisie par les hommes que les femmes ainsi que la Tradition.
Faut-il parler de crise ou simplement de changements de valeurs entre les générations ? Cette
étude se situe dans un ensemble de recherches portant sur l‟accompagnement des parents permettant de
comprendre et de surmonter les difficultés à éduquer les enfants de nos jours (Pithon, 2004 ; Steen et al.
2012 ; programme Etre Parents de Jeunes Enfants, EPJE : http://ivaos.eu/product/enfance-etparentalite/).
Le nombre restreint des questionnaires passés dans un contexte de crise de la société grecque
nous incite à poser avec prudence différentes questions : le déclin des valeurs traditionnelles, au profit
des valeurs d‟Hédonisme et d‟Autonomie, laisse-t-il présager le passage d‟une culture collectiviste à une
culture individualiste ? La transformation des valeurs en Grèce s‟opère-t-elle aujourd‟hui davantage du
côté des femmes ?
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137
Soutenir les pères en contexte de vulnérabilités et leurs enfants :
des services au rendez-vous, adéquats et efficaces
Dubeau Diane
Université du Québec en Outaouais, Dépt. Psychoéducation et psychologie, 5 rue Saint-Joseph, StJérôme, Québec, Canada, J7Z 0B7
de Montigny Francine
Université du Québec en Outaouais, Dépt. Sciences infirmières, 183 Alexandre Taché, Gatineau,
Québec, Canada, J8X 3X7
Devault Annie
Université du Québec en Outaouais, Dépt. de travail social, 183 Alexandre Taché, Gatineau, Québec,
Canada, J8X 3X7
Lacharité Carl
Université du Québec à Trois Rivières, Dépt. de psychologie, 5000 boul. des Forges, Trois-Rivières,
Québec, Canada
Théorêt Jacinthe
Université du Québec en Outaouais, Dépt. Psychoéducation et psychologie, 5 rue Saint-Joseph, StJérôme, Québec, Canada, J7Z 0B7
Résumé :
La communauté scientifique reconnaît l‟importance de l‟engagement accru des pères d‟aujourd‟hui auprès
de leurs enfants, la diversité des formes de cet engagement et les impacts positifs notés auprès des
différents membres de la famille. Cependant, différents facteurs fragilise l‟implication de certains pères et
font office de contraintes. Divers services d‟aide ou modalités de soutien spécifiques aux pères s‟offrent
aujourd‟hui en vue de répondre à leurs besoins. Cet article, issu d‟une action concertée menée en
partenariat avec les instances ministérielles et les milieux universitaire et de la pratique présente les
résultats de quatre axes de recherche, notamment l‟analyse des besoins des pères, l‟évolution et l‟état
actuel des services ainsi que les différents regards évaluatifs posés sur ces services ou ces modalités de
soutien. Enfin, une vue sommaire de l‟influence des discours sociaux sur la perception des pères dans la
société est exposée. En guise de conclusion sont proposées des retombées potentielles et souhaitées
tant dans la pratique que pour les instances ministérielles.
Mots clés:
Pères ; Vulnérabilités ; Besoins ; Intervention ; Evaluation
Abstract:
The scientific community recognizes the importance of the increased commitment of today's fathers to
their children, the diversity of this commitment and the positive impacts noted among different family
members. However, various factors weakens the involvement of some fathers and act as constraints.
Various support services or specific terms of support for today‟s fathers offer to meet their needs. This
article, from a concerted action in partnership with corporate, academic and practitioner presents the
results of four research axes , including analysis of the needs of fathers, the evolution and current state of
services and different evaluative eyes set on those services or support arrangements . Finally, a summary
view of the influence of social discourse on the perception of fathers in society is exposed. In conclusion
are proposed as potential and desired benefits both in practice than for government agencies.
« Les mois que j‟ai passés à Maison Oxygène service d‟hébergement pèreenfant sont les premiers où j‟ai connu mon père sans l‟influence de l‟alcool.
C‟est comme si j‟avais retrouvé mon papa. »
138
Introduction
Le rôle et la place du père au sein de la famille ont bien changé au cours des dernières
décennies, notamment dû aux modifications des structures familiales, à l‟entrée massive des femmes sur
le marché du travail et à l‟émergence du discours social prônant désormais l‟égalité entre les sexes. Sa
contribution spécifique et fondamentale au développement et au bien-être de l‟enfant ont inspiré de
nombreuses études qui démontrent désormais clairement l‟importance de l‟engagement paternel et les
diverses formes qu‟il peut prendre, et ce au profit de tous les membres de la famille (Dubeau, Devault, et
Forget, 2009). On dispose ainsi aujourd‟hui d‟une meilleure connaissance des déterminants de
l‟engagement paternel pour mieux soutenir et intégrer le père dans une perspective de prévention et
promotion du développement de l‟enfant. Cependant, force est de constater qu‟il existe encore aujourd‟hui
des obstacles à son implication, qui plus est lorsqu‟il est question de pères qui vivent en contexte de
vulnérabilité.
Les résultats présentés dans ce symposium sont le fruit d‟une « action concertée » proposée par
le FQRSC (Fond québécois de recherche - société et culture) regroupant des partenaires provenant des
milieux ministériel, universitaire et de la pratique. Une équipe composée de 13 chercheurs et de quatre
collaborateurs provenant de milieux de pratique ont répondu à l‟appel de proposition du ministère de la
Santé et des Services Sociaux portant sur « Les effets des services préventifs auprès des pères en
difficultés et de leurs enfants ».
De manière à ne pas mettre l‟accent uniquement sur les vulnérabilités personnelles du père,
l‟équipe a opté pour le vocable « contexte de vulnérabilité » plutôt que « difficulté », permettant ainsi de
considérer sa dimension à la fois objective et subjective. Ainsi selon Castel (1994), la vulnérabilité s‟inscrit
dans un contexte donné qui fragilise un individu, elle est multidimensionnelle et fait partie d‟un processus
(dimension objective). Toutefois, elle est également tributaire de la perception qu‟à l‟individu de sa propre
situation (dimension subjective), alors que deux individus placés dans des conditions semblables
n‟évaluent pas leur situation de la même façon.
Axes de recherche et méthodologie
Quatre axes principaux ont permis de structurer la démarche de recherche et de regrouper les
principaux contenus :
1.
Mieux connaître les réalités vécues par les pères vivant en contexte de vulnérabilités de manière à
identifier leurs besoins.
2.
Décrire l‟état actuel et l‟évolution des services ainsi que leurs liens avec les besoins des pères.
3.
Apprécier l‟adéquation et l‟efficacité des services ayant fait l‟objet d‟une évaluation.
4.
Analyser la place faite aux pères dans les politiques sociales pour la famille.
L‟étude repose sur trois stratégies méthodologiques principales, soient :
1) des analyses secondaires de données issues des travaux antérieurs des chercheurs (méta-synthèse
portant sur plus de 42 études) ;
2) de nouvelles collectes de données ponctuelles auprès de trois organismes visant à évaluer les services
d‟intervention (la Maison Oxygène, service d‟hébergement pour les pères et leurs enfants, Pères
Séparés Inc., service d‟aide juridique et psychosociale aux pères dans un contexte de rupture
conjugale et L‟Hirondelle, service d‟accueil et d‟intégration offrant des activités pour les pères
immigrants) ;
3) deux collectes de données, l‟une réalisée auprès de pères et de beaux pères de famille recomposée et
une sous forme de « Communauté de savoirs et de pratiques » auprès de plus de 80 professionnels et
intervenants oeuvrant avec les pères afin de valider les résultats de nos analyses.
Mieux connaître les réalités des pères en contexte de vulnérabilités et
leurs besoins
Les résultats obtenus à l‟axe 1 ont contribué à tracer un portrait des contextes de vulnérabilités en
précisant les principales caractéristiques communes de ces pères aux plans personnel, conjugal, familial,
sociale et culturel. Basée sur une analyse qui regroupe plus de 1017 répondants (pères, mères,
intervenants, enfants, beaux-pères), on retient surtout qu‟il ne s‟agit pas d‟un ensemble homogène
d‟individus, limitant ainsi la possibilité d‟estimer le nombre réel de pères dans un tel contexte, bien qu‟il se
dégage malgré tout des convergences.
D‟une part, les pères présentent des caractéristiques communes, que l‟on peut traduire sous
forme de facteurs de risque, et ce, en fonction de différentes sphères de leur vie. Ainsi, la paternité en bas
âge (moins de 25 ans), des difficultés précoces dans la trajectoire de vie (retrait du milieu familial,
problèmes de consommation ou de santé mentale, violence) représentent des caractéristiques sur le plan
139
personnel susceptibles de fragiliser le père. Sur le plan relationnel, ce sont l‟isolement social, les conflits
avec la conjointe ou l‟ex-conjointe de même que les difficultés à avoir accès à l‟enfant qui figurent parmi
les trois caractéristiques les plus fréquentes, alors que sur le plan situationnel, la séparation conjugale ou
le divorce représente l‟élément déclencheur le plus invoqué, suivi par la perte d‟emploi et le deuil
périnatal. Sur le plan économique, l‟absence d‟emploi, un emploi instable ou encore un faible niveau de
scolarité, fortement corrélé à un revenu plus précaire (rappelons que le taux de décrochage des garçons
au Canada et plus spécifiquement au Québec est significativement supérieur à celui des filles) sont
également des conditions qui augmentent les risques de vulnérabilité. Enfin sur le plan culturel,
l‟immigration, plus spécifiquement les difficultés d‟intégration afférentes (notamment la nonreconnaissance de la scolarité et du statut d‟emploi du pays d‟origine), représente une plus grande
difficulté. Évidemment, il y a lieu de se rappeler qu‟un père, comme tout être humain, est une personne
qui évolue simultanément dans plusieurs sphères de vie, et le cumul de ces facteurs accentuent
inévitablement les risques de contexte de vulnérabilité.
Dans les différentes études analysées, la séparation conjugale ressort clairement comme une
réalité commune vécue autant par les jeunes pères, les pères en milieu carcéral ou en précarité
économique. Il y a lieu de s‟y attarder un peu. Au-delà des impacts vécus sur les plans personnel, affectif
et social, la séparation ou le divorce doit être vu comme étant potentiellement source de rupture et de
désorganisation à plusieurs niveaux. Il y a la rupture relationnelle avec la mère qui dégénère souvent en
conflit, le risque de devoir composer avec le système de justice alors que la plupart des pères disposent
de peu de connaissances en la matière, le sentiment d‟injustice et de présomption favorable à la femme,
l‟impact sur la situation socio-économique (taux d‟endettement élevé) dans les cas de processus de
judiciarisation. Mais qui plus est, les pères sont nombreux à dénoncer la rupture relationnelle avec les
enfants comme principale source de souffrance. Les sentiments d‟impuissance et d‟incompétence sont
parfois ressentis par des pères qui, considérant l‟implication importante de la mère avant la séparation
dans l‟éducation et les soins aux enfants, ont peu d‟expérience pour transiger seuls avec les besoins des
enfants ce qui les amènent à être peu confiants quant à leurs habiletés parentales.
En résumé, les résultats relatifs à cet axe de recherche démontrent des réalités paternelles
plurielles qui inévitablement génèrent des besoins diversifiés. Par contre, un certain consensus se dégage
pour inscrire en filigrane les besoins de se sentir compétents comme père, d‟être reconnu important dans
leur rôle paternel par les gens qu‟ils côtoient (la conjointe, la famille élargie, les professionnels, les
collègues de travail et la société en général), d‟avoir une stabilité relationnelle (maintien de la relation
avec les enfants) et une stabilité financière.
État actuel et évolution des services ainsi que leurs liens avec les besoins
des pères
Une fois les divers besoins un peu mieux connu, qu‟en est-il de la réponse qui leur est offert ?
Pour en rendre compte, l‟équipe de recherche a documenté l‟état et l‟évolution des modalités de soutien
offertes aux pères (axe 2). Pour ce faire, 11 recensions réalisées par des chercheurs de l‟équipe ont été
analysées. Tout en étant prudent sur l‟interprétation des résultats puisque les recensions n‟utilisent pas
nécessairement les mêmes paramètres méthodologiques, on note une augmentation entre 1995 et 2011,
des modalités de soutien spécifiques aux pères sur l‟ensemble du territoire québécois (Arama, 1997 ;
Dubeau, Villeneuve et Thibault, 2011). En 2011, on dénombrait 123 modalités de soutien diversifiées,
dispensées par 78 organismes de la province du Québec. La majorité de ces modalités de soutien étaient
offertes par des organismes communautaires (85%) alors que le réseau de la santé et des services
sociaux ne représente que 13%. L‟action concertée a permis de mettre à jour cette recension. Ainsi en
deux ans, 53 nouvelles modalités de soutien et 23 nouveaux organismes se sont ajoutés. Aujourd‟hui, se
sont toutes les régions administratives du Québec qui disposent minimalement d‟une modalité de soutien
aux pères. Des résultats encourageants !
L‟analyse secondaire des recensions témoigne également d‟une diversification de la clientèle
ciblée : alors que la cible d‟intervention était auparavant le père biologique dans les familles
traditionnelles, on cherche aujourd‟hui à rejoindre les beaux-pères, les pères divorcés ou séparés, les
pères en situation de précarité économique, les pères immigrants et les pères détenus. Bref, un spectre
de plus en plus large couvrant la singularité et les enjeux propres de chacun.
La description plus pointue des caractéristiques de ces diverses modalités de soutien fait ressortir
une diversité des actions. Une forte majorité de celles-ci peuvent être regroupées en réponse à cinq
besoins des pères, soit : 1) la consolidation des liens familiaux (ex : visites supervisées) ; 2) le soutien
psychosocial (ex : groupe d‟entraide) ; 3) l‟information (ex : information et soutien juridique) ; 4) la
valorisation du rôle paternel (ex : formation aux intervenants) ou ; 5) la stabilité économique (ex :
hébergement pères-enfants). Précisons qu‟il s‟agit de regroupements non exhaustifs mais fournis à titre
indicatif.
Des avancées progressives qui soulignent une multiplication mais également une diversification
des ressources disponibles sur le territoire québécois au cours des années. Cependant, des obstacles.
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Certes, un manque de financement, particulièrement dans les milieux communautaires, limite les
possibilités d‟action, en plus de fragiliser la pérennité des initiatives ou services mis de l‟avant. Toutefois,
plus spécifique aux pères, il est intéressant de soulever que nombreux sont les intervenants qui
témoignent d‟un manque de formation quant aux particularités de l‟intervention auprès des hommes,
conjugué à un sentiment d‟inconfort dans leur pratique vis-à-vis eux. La philosophie et la structure même
de l‟intervention semble également un frein, alors que le modèle serait davantage féminisé, structure qui
serait moins adaptée aux réalités des pères. On parle ici notamment de l‟aménagement des horaires de
services, des modalités d‟interventions, etc. Ces obstacles rejoignent les observations et les témoignages
des intervenants à l‟effet que les pères sont difficiles à rejoindre en terme de clientèle, qu‟il leur semble
parfois laborieux de les impliquer et les faire participer. Cela ne va pas sans souligner la résistance des
pères, voire des hommes en général, à demander de l‟aide (Dulac, 2001). Par contre, la recension
réalisée en 2012 en comparaison des écrits antérieurs démontre que les modalités de soutien permettent
de rejoindre des clientèles plus vulnérables. Plus de pères font donc le pas de se rendre à une ressource
d‟aide, ce qui semble distinct des travaux antérieurs. Malheureusement, les organismes communautaires,
qui sont le plus fréquemment interpellés par cette situation, mentionnent être dépourvus par ces clientèles
plus lourdes qu‟ils peuvent difficilement référer, faute de services spécialisés.
La préoccupation de soutenir la paternité semble ainsi une motivation partagée par de nombreux
acteurs, mais force est de constater que les outils et les modalités ne sont pas toujours au rendez-vous.
Plutôt qu‟une contrainte, voilà un beau défi qu‟est celui d‟adapter ses pratiques pour correspondre
davantage aux besoins et aux intérêts des pères, ces lacunes pouvant être perçues comme un levier
d‟intervention.
Apprécier l’adéquation et l’efficacité des services ayant fait l’objet d’une
évaluation
Le troisième axe de l‟étude permettait aux chercheurs de l‟équipe de faire un pas
supplémentaire en questionnant l‟adéquation et l‟efficacité des services ou des programmes offerts aux
pères. Pour ce faire, plusieurs stratégies méthodologiques ont été utilisées : analyse secondaire d‟études
évaluatives réalisées (n=16 études), analyse de récits de vie de pères, collectes de données auprès
d‟organismes, analyse de projets d‟intervention soumis dans le cadre de prix d‟excellence en paternité,
analyse de contenu de groupes de discussion de professionnels-intervenants. Bref, une méthodologie
permettant un regard croisé des témoignages des pères eux-mêmes, des intervenants et des chercheurs.
Un premier regard évaluatif élargi est posé à partir des 123 modalités de soutien recensées
en 2011. Il était encourageant de noter que 80% de ces modalités avait fait l‟objet d‟une évaluation.
Cependant, le type d‟évaluation portait essentiellement sur la satisfaction des usagers (79%). Une
condition essentielle pour mieux comprendre la participation et l‟assiduité mais il s‟avère nécessaire
d‟enrichir ces angles d‟analyse évaluatifs.
L‟analyse secondaire des 16 études recensées est intéressante à cet égard. Ces études de
plus grande envergure sont menées dans le cadre de recherche-action en partenariat avec les milieux de
la pratique et les chercheurs universitaires (p.ex. les initiatives Prospère, Relais-Pères, Theraction- Défi
Hors-piste). En misant sur la convergence des résultats obtenus, ces études ont contribué à identifier les
conditions gagnantes des programmes visant à soutenir les pères. D‟une part, la souplesse et la flexibilité
du programme (horaires flexibles, groupes ouverts, choix par les pères des thématiques abordées,
participation volontaire, aucun préjudice en cas d‟absence) ainsi que l‟intervention centrée sur l‟action
ainsi que sur les forces et les intérêts des hommes sont des modalités appréciées et efficaces chez les
pères. De plus, les interventions centrées sur la réponse à un besoin concret, et souvent immédiat, est un
atout précieux pour l‟établissement d‟un lien significatif avec l‟intervenant et pour la poursuite du suivi.
Considérant que les demandes d‟aides des pères en contexte de vulnérabilité sont souvent faites en
situation de crise ou d‟urgence, le délai devient ainsi une trop grande opportunité manquée.
Parmi les études recensées, quelques-unes ont documenté les effets ou les impacts suite à la
participation au programme. Des effets diversifiés sont observés sur différentes sphères de vie des pères.
Le lecteur doit toutefois être prudent à la lumière des paramètres méthodologiques des études (taille
restreinte des échantillons lorsqu‟il s‟agit de clientèle vulnérable, instruments de mesure surtout validés
auprès des mères, etc.). De fait, une forte majorité d‟instruments de mesure ne sont, à ce jour, pas encore
adaptés à l‟évaluation des fonctions paternelles. Il y a là un défi intéressant pour les recherches
ultérieures.
Sur le plan professionnel, les principaux effets de l‟intervention concernent des amorces d‟action
quant à un retour aux études ou à la recherche d‟emploi, ce qui a incidemment un effet positif sur la
condition socio-économique de ces pères et sur leurs conditions de vie en général. Sur le plan social, il
est fait mention par certains pères et intervenants de la création d‟un réseau social d‟entraide et de
soutien ainsi que la découverte d‟organismes et de ressources dans leur communauté. Des pères vont
préciser qu‟ils connaissent mieux ces ressources alors que d‟autres mentionneront les fréquenter. La
perception d‟une meilleure estime de soi et d‟un sentiment de compétence parentale par le père n‟est pas
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négligeable sur le plan personnel. Il y est également fait mention de changements quant aux habitudes de
consommation d‟alcool et de drogue. En regard des relations familiales, ce qui retient l‟attention et
supporte l‟idée de la promotion de la paternité, ce sont les effets encourageants au niveau du
développement des habiletés parentales et de l‟amélioration de la relation père-enfant, ainsi qu‟une
coparentalité plus harmonieuse. Grâce aux services reçus, quelques pères admettent même l‟évitement
d‟un retrait et d‟un placement de leurs enfants par la Direction de la Protection de la Jeunesse (organisme
de protection de l‟enfance au Québec). En tout dernier lieu, quelques pères ont amorcé des démarches
juridiques pour obtenir des droits d‟accès auprès de leurs enfants, et même… obtenir la garde légale.
À cet effet, rappelons que la rupture conjugale est l‟élément déclencheur le plus souvent
invoqué pour la détresse paternelle. Un élément qui ne renvoie pas uniquement à la séparation conjugale
mais également à la rupture relationnelle du quotidien avec l‟enfant. Nombreux sont les pères qui
décrivent cette période comme une spirale dans laquelle ils sont projetés et où les événements se
succèdent à un rythme rapide,laissant peu d‟espace et de temps aux processus de réorganisations
personnelle, familiale et sociale. Il s‟agit du moment où les pères se sentent les plus vulnérables. Un
moment charnière où les pères doivent se battre et exploiter toutes leurs ressources, alors qu‟ils sentent
le poids de leur souffrance et leurs vulnérabilités les amortir. N‟est-ce pas là un levier important et
significatif de l‟intervention, voire une porte d‟entrée pour rejoindre les pères ? Une offre d‟information
juridique, perçue comme étant moins menaçante qu‟une demande d‟aide psychosociale, laquelle pourrait
être proposée dans un second temps. L‟évaluation du service Pères séparés inc. témoigne de la
pertinence de cette avenue. Malheureusement, on dénombre bien peu de services qui arriment les
domaines légaux et psychosociaux.
Cela semble doublement intéressant dans une société où les taux de séparation sont élevés.
D‟autant plus que l‟on sait que les modalités de garde déterminées durant les mois qui suivent la rupture
sont celles qui vont perdurer à moyen et long termes pour une majorité de pères. Si l‟on tient compte
également du fait que les hommes présentent un taux de suicide significativement supérieur aux femmes
et que la séparation conjugale est un facteur fragilisant important, il y a tout lieu de saisir cette opportunité
comme un tremplin pour une offre de service appropriée. Les efforts pour rejoindre les pères en contexte
de vulnérabilité trouvent d‟autant plus leur sens alors qu‟à la lumière des résultats, l‟un des avantages
majeurs des diverses modalités de soutien est celui d‟instaurer un filet de sécurité autour du père,
permettant du coup de répondre à ses besoins mais également de prévenir un acte désespéré qui
pourrait être commis.
Analyser la place faite aux pères dans les politiques sociales pour la famille
Le dernier axe abordé de façon exploratoire par l‟équipe de recherche s‟inscrit en conformité avec
une perspective élargie qui prend en considération l‟influence des caractéristiques macrosystémiques.
Ainsi, au-delà des caractéristiques propres aux pères et à celles des environnements de vie qu‟ils
fréquentent soit la famille, les services sociaux et de santé, on ne peut omettre l‟influence exercée par les
politiques. A titre d‟exemple, le congé de paternité de cinq semaines offert au Québec depuis 2006
(Régime d‟assurance parentale du Québec) a favorisé son utilisation par 80% des pères comparatives au
4% lorsqu‟il s‟agissait du congé parental issu d‟une décision commune entre les conjoints.
Les résultats issus de ce volet portant sur la place des pères dans les politiques publiques
relatives à la famille, laisse entrevoir que persiste encore en 2013 une conception traditionnelle des rôles
parentaux. Ainsi, malgré l‟évolution des mentalités que l‟on clame depuis quelques années, plusieurs
indicateurs laisse croire que le père est encore, à prime abord, associé à la fonction de pourvoyeur alors
qu‟on attribue à la mère celle de « caring ». Les politiques publiques, reflet des idéologies et des
stratégies coordonnées et mises en œuvre dans la poursuite d‟un projet social et collectif prédéfini, sont
indéniablement le résultat d‟un discours social retenu. Mais on ne peut faire fi de l‟influence des autres
discours sociaux, parfois paradoxaux, voire même antagonistes.
Une analyse succincte du contexte québécois indique qu‟au moins quatre types de discours social
entrent en jeu en ce qui concerne la place faite aux pères dans les politiques publiques touchant la
famille : le discours sur l‟engagement paternel ; le discours social sur l‟investissement public dans le
développement des jeunes enfants ; le discours social sur le lien mère-enfant et le discours social sur les
déficits psychologiques et moraux des pères. En appui au discours sur l‟engagement paternel, les travaux
réalisés depuis les trente dernières années, démontrent que le père joue un rôle direct et important dans
le développement de l‟enfant. Un discours qui s‟est peu à peu imposé dans les pratiques sociales et
institutionnelles, malgré les lacunes encore observés. Ce discours va sensiblement de pair avec le
second, issu du paradigme de l‟intérêt de l‟enfant, par lequel les parents sont conviés à être des
partenaires des efforts collectif visant à penser rationnellement au bien-être et développement de l‟enfant.
Le père est ainsi un agent de développement de l‟enfant parmi d‟autres. Toutefois, ce discours se heurte
à celui encore présent qu‟est celui de la primauté de la relation mère-enfant. La théorie d‟attachement
reflète ce discours à l‟effet de la figure d‟attachement primaire mère-enfant et secondaire père-enfant.
Enfin, le discours centré sur les déficits des pères (ou même des hommes en général) influence
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notamment la place du père. Les inférences encore fréquentes au père comme un homme à la recherche
de contrôle, comme un homme potentiellement violent ou agressif, qui manifeste souvent des
débordements comportementaux, n‟est pas sans impact négatif sur l‟image des pères et va à l‟encontre
de sa valorisation. Le rôle de l‟état vise ainsi à protéger l‟enfant.
Bien que nous n‟ayons pas la prétention d‟avoir couvert l‟ensemble des discours sociaux, cette
courte présentation illustre globalement les rapports complexes entre ces types de discours et des
conceptions divergente du rôle du père, de la paternité et de la coparentalité, et même particulièrement
incohérentes. Il n‟est donc pas étonnant que ces incohérences et contradictions se retrouvent dans les
politiques publiques québécoises actuelles en ce qui concerne les besoins des pères.
En conclusion
Les conclusions de cette action concertée n‟étant pas une fin en soi mais bien une étape ou un
levier potentiel, un regard a été porté sur l‟avenir en proposant des pistes d‟actions permettant de mieux
rejoindre et soutenir les pères vivant en contexte de vulnérabilité pour le bien-être de tous. Les résultats
de cette action concertée démontrent que les pères vivant en contexte de vulnérabilité constituent un
groupe hétérogène et que leurs besoins sont diversifiés. Pour les soutenir, des actions multiples
intersectorielles et interdisciplinaires qui interpellent de nombreux acteurs sont requises. Les pistes
d‟action sont ainsi formulées en fonction de ces acteurs (instance ministérielle spécifique ou
interministérielle, établissement de formation, etc.) de manière à ultimement obtenir un meilleur arrimage
qui couvrent le continuum de services offerts aux pères (promotion, prévention, intervention) mais
également un soutien à la parentalité qui touche à l‟ensemble des périodes du développement de l‟enfant
(prénatal à jeune adulte) et qui met à contribution l‟expertise respective et les particularités
(flexibilité/souplesse) des milieux de la pratique (institutionnel et communautaire).
Parmi les pistes d‟action proposées, on retient entre autres, l‟importance d‟identifier le vocable
« père » dans le cadre de mesures concrètes (stratégies d‟action, priorités, indicateurs de résultats)
découlant de politiques, d‟orientations ou de programmes. Il faut ainsi aller au-delà des valeurs et des
principes généraux qui reconnaissent et valorisent l‟engagement paternel. Il s‟avère aussi essentiel de
colliger de façon plus systématique les réalités paternelles et l‟utilisation faite par les pères des services,
activités et modalités de soutien offerts (p.ex. dans les programmes Services intégrés en périnatalité et
petite enfance - SIPPE ou en négligence). Pour couvrir le continuum de services, il y a lieu, d‟investir
dans le secteur de la périnatalité dans les milieux institutionnels mais également en décloisonnant dans
les milieux communautaires, les organismes relatifs aux hommes en comparaison à ceux offerts aux
pères. Sur le plan de l‟intervention, certains services ou initiatives ayant été documentés dans le cadre de
cette action concertée pourraient être l‟objet d‟un déploiement régional à la lumière des appréciations
positives formulées et des effets perçus notés lors des évaluations (services d‟hébergement père-enfants,
services d‟accueil pour nouveaux immigrants, informations juridiques et soutien psychosocial pour les
pères vivant une séparation conjugale).
En regard de certaines préoccupations, différents ministères peuvent être interpellés. Il en est
ainsi du prochain plan d‟action québécois pour l‟égalité entre les hommes et les femmes 2015-2017. Les
1
résultats incitent à soutenir le projet OCF paternité afin de consolider l‟intégration des réalités paternelles.
L‟élaboration d‟une politique famille est également encouragée considérant les nouvelles réalités
familiales. Les services de supervision des droits d‟accès (visites supervisées) représentent clairement un
enjeu qui sollicite plusieurs ministères afin de s‟assurer d‟un maintien des liens pères enfant,
principalement dans un contexte de rupture conjugale conflictuel.
De façon plus spécifique, le ministère de l‟Immigration est également concerné considérant la croissance
du taux d‟immigration au Québec au cours des dernières années. Dans le cadre de cette étude, les
résultats obtenus pour l‟évaluation des services de l‟Hirondelle indiquent bien la pertinence de ce type de
soutien pour les pères dans leurs réalités familiales mais également en regard de leur intégration
québécoise.
On ne peut également passer sous silence, la responsabilité du ministère de l‟éducation
(enseignement post-secondaire) pour bonifier la formation des futurs intervenants psychosociaux, de la
santé et du domaine juridique en regard des réalités masculines et des pratiques d‟intervention qui y sont
associées. Actuellement, nos programmes de formation préparent peu les futurs intervenants à ces
réalités (deMontigny et al. 2009).
C‟est ainsi que les pistes d‟action proposées s‟inscrivent en cohérence avec l‟expression souvent
citée que, « Ça prend tout un village, pour s‟occuper d‟un enfant ». Des avancées manifestes que l‟on
observe sur les plans de la connaissance et des pratiques qui favorisent une meilleure compréhension et
intégration des réalités paternelles dans une perspective systémique de la famille pour un mieux être de
tous ces membres. Une préoccupation d‟autant plus essentielle pour ces pères dont la voix se veut à
peine audible.
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« Immense, immense précarité de la paternité qui n'est jamais donnée, comme la
maternité, mais conquise, réellement conquise, de jour en jour, d'instants partagés en
instants partagés, de mains doucement serrées en jeux turbulents, de questions
déroutantes en réponses appliquées, de paroles en silences, d'émotions en habitudes,
de confiance en énigmes. » (Péju, 2000)
1
Organisme Communautaire Famille (OCF)
Références
Arama, D. (1997). Promotion du rôle des pères : Inventaire des ressources et projets d‟intervention
spécifiques à la paternité au Québec. Rapport de recherche, Québec, ministère de la Santé et des
Services Sociaux.
Castel, R. (1994). La dynamique des processus de marginalisation : de la vulnérabilité à la désaffiliation,
Cahiers de recherche sociologique, 22, 11-25.
deMontigny, F., Devault, A., Lacharité, C., Quéniart, A., Dubeau, D., Miron, J.-M., Fleurant, A., Gervais,
C., & Dragon, J.-F. (2009). L‟enseignement des enjeux de la paternité dans les universités
canadiennes, Reflets, 15, 102-119.
Dubeau, D., Devault, A., & Forget, G. (2009. La paternité au XXIème siècle. Ste-Foy, Québec, Presses
de l‟Université Laval.
Dubeau, D., Villeneuve, R., & Thibault, S. (2011). Etre présent sur la route des pères engagés.
Recension québécoise 2009-2010 des modalités de soutien pour les pères. Rapport de recherche.
Regroupement pour la valorisation de la paternité. Montréal. (www.rvpaternité.org)
Dulac, G. (2001). Aider les hommes … aussi. Montréal, Éditions VLB.
th
Lamb, M. E. (ed.). (2010). The role of the father in child development (5 ed.). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Péju, P. (2000). Naissances. France : Gallimard.
Zaouche-Gaudron, C. (2007). Précarité socio-économique : les pères en risque ? Dans C. Sellenet (dir.).
Les pères en débat, Paris, Eres.
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Filmer les « acteurs faibles » pour promouvoir la bien-traitance
L’Houssni Mohamed
Directeur d’ARETIS
Sellenet Julien
Documentariste
Sellenet Catherine
Professeur d’université
Introduction : le temps des pionniers
Les cinéastes ont toujours photographié ou filmé le travail, avec une prédilection pour les travaux
physiques qui donnent à voir des pratiques et des gestes visuellement forts. On se rappelle par exemple
(Peyrière, 2012, p.12) le film tourné en plusieurs versions par les frères Lumière entre 1894 et 1895 : « La
Sortie des usines Lumière à Lyon. », film qui sera suivi de beaucoup d‟autres puisque la philosophe et
théoricienne de cinéma Miriam Bratu-Hansen rappelle que « des centaines de films d‟actualité tournés en
Angleterre entre 1899 et 1913 avaient pour sujet les ouvriers quittant leurs usines. » (Peyrière, p.13).
Progressivement la caméra va déplacer le curseur et filmer des ouvriers qui s‟expriment, des lieux
de moindre contrainte comme la cantine, le vestiaire, les moments de pause… où chacun libéré de la
pression du travail peut exprimer un peu de Soi.
De plus, les destinataires du film changent. Peyrière note qu‟il s‟agit moins de filmer le travail en
tant que tel, que de « faire des images du travail pour les travailleurs eux-mêmes, avec eux. » (Peyrière,
28). La parole des personnes filmées compte autant que leurs gestes, le film est une mise en mots des
pratiques tout autant qu‟une mise en images des gestes. Si les ouvriers, les employés, les cadres ont été
largement filmés et diffusés sur le petit écran, moins connus du grand public sont les films consacrés au
champ de l‟enfance. C‟est une raison supplémentaire pour rendre hommage à des pionniers du genre. On
pense bien évidemment aux travaux de Spitz et des Robertson (film : John), aux films d‟Irène Lézine, de
Michel Soulé, Janine Noël, Myriam David et Geneviève Appell, de Janine Lévy et Danielle Rapoport,
permettant de mieux appréhender l‟enfant et les conditions de son développement dans ses différents
milieux de vie. On pense enfin aux très nombreux films d‟Emmi Pikler en Hongrie qui ont orienté notre
regard sur la qualité de l‟attention au bébé et sur l‟importance du soin au quotidien. Ce sont tous ces films
qui nous ont forcés à penser autrement le rapport à l‟enfant et à questionner les conditions d‟un accueil
bien-traitant.
En intégrant le film dans nos recherches actuelles, nous ne pouvons qu‟avoir en tête ce qu‟en
12
disait Geneviève Appell en 2003 , en évoquant son début de carrière à la fondation Parent de Rozan,
dans les années 1948-1950. Osant filmer ces enfants en souffrance dans l‟institution, elle note : « Le 16
mm vient juste de faire son apparition et il me semble que l‟étude des images devrait nous permettre
d‟une part de témoigner de leur souffrance et d‟autre part de mieux comprendre ce dont ils souffrent. Pour
un temps cela ne donne rien. Ou plutôt si, un drame. Quelques images montrées au directeur de
l‟Assistance publique pour partager avec lui notre préoccupation conduisent au renvoi intempestif et
injuste de la surveillante. Cela détériore le climat. Une violence sourde est là, prête à surgir à tous
niveaux. Il semble que cesser de regarder ces enfants comme des êtres tarés, voués au rebut, soulève
désarroi et culpabilité qui s‟expriment en colère. »
Filmer est dangereux, il convient de ne pas l‟oublier, et pourtant c‟est par ces films que les progrès
peuvent aussi être saisis. Geneviève Appell dira dans ce même témoignage : « Mes premières prises
d‟images montraient l‟état carentiel des enfants, elles sont maintenant complétées par d‟autres montrant
l‟évolution favorable de leurs troubles du contact, la reprise de leur activité ludique et de leur
développement global. C‟est-à-dire la réversibilité au moins partielle des troubles. En témoigne le film
Monique ou les effets de la stabulation hospitalière chez les jeunes enfants (film de 1952). » (2003, p.1738)
12
Geneviève Appell « Un début de carrière », Spirale 1/2003 (no 25), p. 17-38. URL :
www.cairn.info/revue-spirale-2003-1-page-17.htm. DOI : 10.3917/spi.025.0017.
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Filmer pour progresser, donner à voir et à entendre pour modifier, critiquer, améliorer, diffuser les
pratiques existantes, tels sont quelques objectifs possibles d‟une démarche filmique.
L’introduction du film dans cette recherche
C‟est dans cette tradition filmique, que nous mettons modestement nos pas, pour filmer le
quotidien, l‟ordinaire, l‟invisible, le temps des réunions où se décident les interventions, où se dévoilent
des pratiques qui généralement restent entre initiés. Ce temps n‟est pas forcément le temps de l‟action,
mais le temps de la réflexion sur l‟action, temps d‟introspection où s‟expriment les supports de l‟action :
les représentations, les théories, les doutes, les choix, les craintes. Plus problématique encore est de
donner la parole aux usagers de ces services, aux enfants et parents d‟enfants, dont la parole porte peu.
Filmer dans ce champ de l‟intervention, si singulier parce que marqué par des mesures judiciaires,
c‟est se poser un certain nombre de questions.
Ces questions sont autant éthiques que techniques
-Jusqu‟où la caméra peut-elle rendre compte de pratiques professionnelles dans un champ sensible, celui
des interventions dans des familles vulnérables ?
-Quelles sont les conditions qui permettent de rendre compte de pratiques invisibles car généralement la
caméra ne s‟introduit pas dans les réunions des professionnels, lors des discussions portant sur la vie
privée des familles ?
13
-Comment filmer et rendre compte du vécu « d‟acteurs faibles » que sont les parents soumis à une
mesure judiciaire et leurs enfants ?
-Comment s‟introduire dans l‟intimité des familles d‟accueil, sans déranger leur quotidien et mettre à mal
la protection nécessaire de ce lieu d‟accueil pour les enfants ?
-Comment être un témoin invisible, sachant capter des moments de vie au sein d‟un groupe d‟individus en
permettant au spectateur de comprendre les enjeux d‟une situation ?
-Comment filmer une activité de travail dont l‟essentiel passe par des entretiens, une relation singulière
entre l‟intervenant et le parent ou l‟enfant ?
Filmer, c’est aussi se demander au nom de quoi, pour quelles finalités ?
Nous en avons retenu 3, essentielles pour cette recherche, mais non exhaustives.
1. La première est de donner à voir mais aussi à penser: à la fois pour une réflexion interne à
l‟institution (autoconfrontation) mais aussi pour alimenter la recherche et modifier les pratiques.
Qu‟entendons-nous par autoconfrontation ?
14
« L‟autoconfrontation » (Durand, 2001, p. 34 ) », c‟est à la fois dire sa pratique, mais aussi s‟entendre la
dire par le biais de la projection du film. Selon Michèle Grosjean « les séquences d‟autoconfrontation ont
l‟avantage d‟amener les agents à s‟approprier les données de la recherche et à s‟impliquer dans leur
15
analyse » (p. 34)
Mais dans le champ de la protection de l‟enfance, cette autoconfrontation est à forte teneur
émotionnelle. Chaque jour, les professionnels (éducateurs, familles d‟accueil) mais aussi les parents et
leurs enfants sont fortement sollicités sur le plan émotionnel. Notre enregistrement des émotions qui
traversent tous les acteurs de ce champ s‟est appuyé sur les travaux de Peirce (1931-1935). Dans une
16
expérience, tout n‟est pas montrable, racontable. Or, Pierce distingue trois niveaux de description des
émotions :
-Premièrement, les états affectifs syncrétiques comme la sensation diffuse de bien-être ou de mal être, de
confort ou d‟inconfort. Ces états affectifs enracinés dans le corps, sont de l‟ordre de l‟implicite, ils sont
difficilement verbalisables car souvent non analysés par les personnes elles-mêmes.
-Deuxièmement, les sentiments qui correspondent à des moments saillants, pouvant être racontés et
commentés.
-Troisièmement, on trouve des émotions-types, sortes d‟émotions régulièrement éprouvées lorsque
l‟individu se trouve confronté aux mêmes circonstances.
13
Cette notion d‟acteurs faibles a été théorisée dans le livre de Payet et alii en 2008 : La voix des acteurs
faibles, de l‟indignité à la reconnaissance. Presses universitaires de Rennes.
14
Durand, J-P., Filmer le social, L'Harmattan | L'Homme et la société 2001/4 - n° 142, 27 à 44.
15
Grosjean, M. « Les chercheurs, les agents et leur caméra au PCC de la ligne A du RER » Champs
visuels, N°6, in Filmer le social, opus cité, 2001/4.
16
Peirce, C.S. (1931-1935). – The collected papers of C.S. Peirce, Cambridge, MA, Havard University
Press.
146
Dans le film que vous allez visualiser dans cette communication, nous avons eu accès aux
émotions de second et troisième degré, tout du moins à certaines émotions car toutes ne sont pas
17
facilement dicibles. Luc Ria et Sébastien Chaliès (2003, p.11) notent que « plus généralement,
l‟évocation des émotions pose problème. En faire part a posteriori nécessite souvent un effort pour
l‟acteur, voire une période d‟apprentissage. L‟autoconfrontation n‟est pas seulement la remémoration
d‟une expérience émotionnelle, comme s‟il s‟agissait de la seule « retraversée de l‟expérience ». Elle est
un nouveau déploiement émotionnel prenant ancrage sur l‟expérience première. Et ce nouveau
déploiement constitue une nouvelle expérience émotionnelle, adressée à autrui, qui déborde l‟expérience
initiale. »
D‟où le souci d‟une caméra qui soit attentive à celui qui est filmé, à ses émotions pendant la
remémoration, une caméra qui sache s‟arrêter, suspendre l‟enregistrement, effacer ce qui apparaitrait a
posteriori non montrable, trop intime, pour la personne filmée.
Nous verrons dans ce film comment une famille d‟accueil s‟expose en abordant la question de
l‟attachement à l‟enfant accueilli, comment cette parole est reprise institutionnellement dans le cadre
d‟une analyse des pratiques, comment lui fera écho l‟enfant accueilli.
2. Notre second objectif est de participer à l’avènement d’une parole, faire entendre ceux
qui se taisent, traduire par le film le passage du silence au pouvoir dire, le passage du repli au
témoignage en pleine lumière.
Mais cette parole des usagers est différemment utilisée selon les recherches. Nous en repérons trois en
18
nous appuyant sur la richesse des travaux de Demazière et Dubar
2-1-
La parole des gens, un réservoir d’opinions et d’anecdotes
Dans de nombreuses recherches qui utilisent les entretiens voire la caméra, la théorie préexiste à
la découverte, les paroles des témoins sont utilisées de façon illustrative. Le chercheur possède une
théorie préalable, des catégories d‟analyse qui seront vérifiées par le discours des intéressés. Demazière
et Dubar notent que « dans cette perspective, la parole des gens est fragmentée en fonction des
catégories qui arrangent le chercheur et indépendamment de la manière dont les gens mettent en mots
leurs propos ». Ces deux chercheurs montrent aussi que « la parole des individus enquêtés est analysée
comme un réservoir d‟opinions et d‟anecdotes, et non comme la trace d‟une production de sens, dans
l‟interaction d‟enquête, des expériences vécues (p 19, 2007) ». La parole des témoins est asservie au
point de vue et au langage du chercheur. Les théories préexistent à la recherche et la parole des
interviewés ne sert qu‟à illustrer les théories existantes. En ce sens, on peut dire que la parole des
témoins ne « vise qu‟à produire un effet de vérité, en introduisant du vécu, qui est aussi laissé à l‟état brut.
D‟outils de découverte, les fragments d‟entretiens sont utilisés dans une logique d‟administration de la
preuve… ou sont orientés vers la confirmation d‟une hypothèse, d‟une affirmation sociologique » (2007, p
21). Le montage du film suit alors cette logique, il est construit pour prouver en sélectionnant les propos
des témoins.
2-2-
La parole transparente
– La seconde méthode est restitutive et consiste à livrer in extenso les entretiens enregistrés, à dérouler
la bande filmique. La parole des gens est alors considérée « comme transparente, au point que rendre
compte de cette parole devient le cœur même de la recherche. La posture restitutive s‟inscrit dans une
logique compréhensive » (Demazière 2007, p 24). Le postulat de base qui préside à ce choix est bien que
les individus « ne sont pas des idiots culturels » et que le chercheur « objective les savoirs sociaux des
sujets, permet une meilleure circulation des savoirs pratiques de l‟action parce que ceux-ci sont valorisés
pour eux-mêmes et non pour leur efficacité pratique » (Demazière 2007, p 26). L‟intérêt de cette posture
quelque peu militante est évident, mais des critiques peuvent être faites : celle de l‟hyper-empirisme, celle
de la croyance que le lecteur ou le spectateur saura faire le travail d‟analyse, de comparaison et de
synthèse, celle de croire que le rôle du documentariste et du chercheur est de se faire les simples porteparole de la souffrance et des sans-parole.
2-3-
La parole comme porte d’entrée dans le monde vécu de l’interviewé
Nous avons choisi une troisième voix, qui est celle de la posture analytique. Le point de départ de
la démarche analytique « est la prise de conscience qu‟un propos, même filmé, ne parle pas de lui-même
», mais qu‟il faudra au documentariste et au chercheur comprendre et connaître la langue de celui qui
parle pour saisir la cohésion de ce qui se dit devant la caméra. Les entretiens filmés ne servent pas à
valider une théorie préexistante mais servent à construire les catégories et à produire la théorie. Cette
17
Luc Ria et Sébastien Chaliès, « Dynamique émotionnelle et activité. Le cas des enseignants
débutants » Recherche et Formation N° 42 – 2003, p. 7-19
18
Demazière et Dubar, Analyser les entretiens biographiques. Nathan 1997, deuxième édition 2007.
147
posture de recherche a pour conséquence méthodologique de privilégier un style de tournage se donnant
pour enjeu de repenser et de reconstruire avec les personnes, leur parcours. Au « je n‟ai rien à dire » ou «
ma vie n‟est pas intéressante » qui s‟affiche au départ, succède une narration filmée. La personne qui
témoigne passe par une entreprise de déconstruction-reconstruction de son histoire, qui participe (du
moins aimons-nous le croire) à son émancipation. D‟autre part, le montage du film, la sélection des
images, leur mise en exergue, participent de cette posture analytique.
Le film comme prise de parole
Notre idée de donner la parole aux « acteurs faibles » n‟échappe pas, sans doute, à une certaine
utopie, celle de croire que l‟espace du film puisse être :
- un espace de liberté
- un « temps de pause », permettant une prise de hauteur, une sorte de distanciation
- un temps d‟introspection
- la trace d‟une histoire
La prise en compte de la parole des usagers est une notion qui tend à se développer dans l‟action sociale.
Elle rentre dans le cadre de « l‟analyse des pratiques » et prend la forme, la plupart du temps, de
questionnaires donnés aux familles afin d‟avoir un retour sur l‟action sociale et leur implication. Ces
questionnaires sont très souvent ce que l‟on pourrait appeler des questionnaires de satisfaction. Cette
pratique nouvelle apporte une réflexion plus large pouvant servir de base de travail pour les
professionnels et leur permettre de moduler leurs actions en fonction du ressenti des usagers. Mais ces
questionnaires sont élaborés par les professionnels, par l‟institution, et laissent peu de place à
l‟expression spontanée des familles.
Le film apporte un complément et un éclairage supplémentaire au ressenti des familles. En effet,
celles-ci peuvent s‟exprimer plus largement dans le cadre d‟un tournage et aborder des thèmes qui leurs
sont propres. La notion de verticalité (présente dans le questionnaire directif) tend ainsi à disparaître par
le biais du film. La personne interrogée soulève ainsi ses propres problématiques et remarques sans
cadre défini. Le film reste un outil de médiation entre les personnes mais il s‟affranchit du cadre linéaire du
questionnaire ou de l‟enquête sociologique. La parole devient plus libre et l‟usager peut poser des
questionnements qui lui sont propres, différents d‟un professionnel de l‟action sociale. C‟est un regard
neuf qui se pose alors sur le domaine de l‟Aide sociale à l‟enfance, qui ne sera pas formaté par un cadre
professionnel ou des pratiques d‟analyse sociologique classiques.
Mais cette vision optimiste n‟ignore pas les risques que fait courir la production d‟images :
dévoilement, exposition de Soi…
D‟où des choix concernant la façon de filmer et la démarche retenue par le documentariste, celle d‟une
«observation filmante» (par référence à « l'observation participante ») sur laquelle nous reviendrons.
Pour s'insérer correctement dans l'interaction en jeu, l'observateur qui filme doit se « faire petit »,
occupant une place « liminaire », Il est certes visible mais se doit de n‟être pas intrusif, il doit d‟abord être
accepté par le groupe et donc légitime à filmer. Il faut, pour le documentariste, être inséré dans
l'interaction en trouvant la bonne distance avec le groupe. La mise en place d'une confiance est donc un
élément nécessaire qui s‟obtient dans l‟immersion de longue durée. Dans cette recherche le
documentariste sera présent, par séquences, sept mois, sur le terrain. L‟approche privilégiée est en
quelque sorte interactionniste et ethnométhodologique.
3. Le troisième objectif de cette recherche filmée est de montrer des pratiques
professionnelles, notamment innovantes
Le domaine de l‟action sociale est un milieu professionnel méconnu. Le médium vidéo est ici le
moyen le plus pertinent pour expliciter des pratiques professionnelles, pour le grand public. Il s‟agit, par le
film, de montrer « l‟envers du décor » et le travail de réflexion des acteurs de la mesure éducative en
milieu ouvert, qui va s‟exercer au sein des familles. Ce type d‟action dépend en l‟occurrence d‟une chaîne
complexe de responsabilités très hiérarchisées qui passe du juge des enfants, au directeur de
l‟établissement, chef de service, éducateurs. Chaque intervenant ne connait dès lors qu‟une partie de
l‟action de l‟autre professionnel. Dans une même famille peuvent ainsi intervenir des puéricultrices
mandatées par la Protection maternelle infantile (PMI), des assistantes sociales dépendantes du Conseil
Général, des éducateurs de l‟Aide sociale à l‟enfance ou des éducateurs d‟un service en milieu ouvert
(salariés d‟une association)...
La vidéo permet de faire comprendre et de donner à voir les différents acteurs intervenant dans
une mesure éducative ou de placement. La réalisation d‟interviews avec les professionnels situés à
différents niveaux de cette chaîne de responsabilités permet de soulever des problématiques spécifiques
à chaque poste. Un juge n‟aura ainsi pas le même questionnement sur la façon d‟exercer son métier
qu‟un éducateur ou un chef de service.
Panoramique en interrogeant plusieurs professionnels inscrits dans l‟action auprès des familles, le
film sert ici de logiciel de réflexion sur les pratiques des professionnels. Il pose notamment la question de
l‟image de soi et la façon de travailler en équipe et avec les familles.
148
Comment filmer ?
Deux principes ont guidé le documentariste :
-
Filmer sans mettre en danger celui qui témoigne
Le travail du documentariste a consisté à interviewer et filmer des familles et des enfants pris en charge
par les associations, mais aussi les professionnels. Celui qui filme se retrouve pris dans un contexte de
gestion des rapports humains et d‟interdépendance posant deux questions simples pour les personnes
interrogées :
Pour les parents : « Comment l‟éducateur va-t-il juger mon témoignage et qu‟elles seront les
conséquences de ce qui a été dit pour la suite de nos rapports ? » ;
Pour les professionnels : « Que va dire l‟usager sur ma façon de travailler et quelles seront les
conséquences de son jugement dans mon travail tant auprès de mes pairs, chefs de service, directeur de
l‟institution ?
Les enjeux du film social dépassent le simple enregistrement de témoignages. Parents et professionnels,
filmés, engagent une certaine représentation de soi non négligeable dans la poursuite des rapports
sociaux. Les parents sont en grande partie dépendants du jugement de l‟éducateur pour la suite de la
mesure éducative. Celle-ci se déroule au domicile des parents, mais l‟hypothèse d‟un placement possible
de l‟enfant en établissement ou famille d‟accueil implique une contrainte qu‟on ne peut ignorer. Celui qui
filme mesure alors que la parole filmée n‟est jamais totalement libre, trop d‟enjeux sont en cause.
Il en est de même pour les professionnels, même si les incidences sont moindres et ne touchent pas
autant à la sphère intime. Donner à voir sa pratique, c‟est de toute façon s‟exposer, à la fois comme
auteur de sa propre parole, mais aussi comme représentant d‟une profession, comme image externe
d‟une institution.
-Filmer sans perturber
Un autre problème posé est celui de filmer des actions éducatives sans les perturber, sans
changer le sens ou modifier le comportement des différents acteurs. Il faut ici un long travail de
présentation du projet pour se faire accepter dans un milieu professionnel donné. Le fait de filmer avec un
matériel et une infrastructure très réduite ainsi que de passer beaucoup de temps avec les personnes
permet, petit à petit, de faire oublier la caméra et de se rapprocher le plus possible d‟attitudes et de
pratiques habituelles voire naturelles. Le fait de filmer des actions envers de jeunes enfants permet plus
rapidement de revenir à une certaine authenticité car ceux-ci oublient très vite la caméra et les éducateurs
absorbés par leurs actions finissent par l‟oublier eux-mêmes.
19
Christian Lallier résume cette position choisie : « En fait, la pratique ethnographique par l‟observation
filmée ne relève ni d‟une écriture proprement dite, ni d‟une simple technique de captation, mais d‟une
pratique sociale : d‟une manière singulière de se tenir en face-à-face avec le sujet de notre
représentation. Pour le dire autrement, « savoir filmer » n‟implique pas de maîtriser une quelconque
grammaire cinématographique mais de savoir être là, au sens d‟établir et de maintenir une relation sociale
avec les personnes filmées, afin de percevoir ce qui se joue, ce qui se produit symboliquement, dans la
situation d‟échanges observée. Cette faculté à percevoir ce qui se travaille dans une relation sociale
suppose de porter son attention sur l‟investissement des personnes dans leur action, de focaliser son
intérêt sur ce qu‟elles ont à perdre ou à gagner en agissant ainsi : dès lors, la valeur d‟une séquence
d‟observation filmée ne relève pas d‟un intérêt « a priori » de la situation vécue -selon qu‟elle serait plus
ou moins pro-filmique selon l‟expression d‟Etienne Souriau- ; la valeur d‟une séquence filmée est le
20
produit de l‟intérêt que lui porte l‟observateur-filmant. » (Christian Lallier, 2009, p. 2.)
Il s‟agit en fait, pour celui qui filme, de passer beaucoup de temps avec les personnes filmées,
d‟être dans le « vivre avec », afin de gagner la confiance et de prouver son intérêt envers les personnes
filmées. Il n‟est en effet pas simple de convaincre un jeune de témoigner car celui-ci a souvent vécu des
situations précédentes qui l‟amènent naturellement à être méfiant.
Présentation du lieu de tournage des films
1-1 A.Rétis en Haute-Savoie .
L‟association Rétis, lieu de tournage du film, présente des caractéristiques particulières, repérables dans
son organigramme.
19
Christian Lallier, Pour une anthropologie filmée des interactions sociales, Archives contemporaines,
2009
20
Christian Lallier : Une anthropologie nouvelle, une anthropologie du vivant. « Pour une anthropologie
filmée des interactions sociales ». Communication Colloque International Jean Rouch 14 - 20 novembre
2009, en PDF : antoine.chech.free.fr/textes-colloque-JR/lallier.pdf
149
Conseil
d‟administration
Direction générale :
Mohamed L‟houssni
Comité
éthique
Comité
de
recherche
Trois services d’éducation en milieu
ouvert avec hébergement pour 105
enfants et adolescents de 0 à 18 ans
(35 par services), à partir de trois
équipes implantées sur quatre
territoires d’action sociale (Annecy
Est et Ouest, le Chablais (Thonon-lesBains)
et
le
Genevois
+ Comité
des
usagers
un relais parental,
Un service de placement
familial
« L’ANCRE »
avec
trois
familles
d’accueil
un accueil de jour multifamilial
un service de Tiers digne de
confiance.
(Annemasse).
Au-delà de cette organisation structurelle qui fait déjà apparaitre des nouveautés par rapport à d‟autres
institutions, comme le comité éthique et le comité de recherche, A Rétis est reconnue pour avoir mis en
place des pratiques innovantes qui font partie du projet filmique. Parmi les pratiques dites innovantes,
citons :
- la création d‟un « jardin collectif » où chaque famille bénéficie d‟une part de la récolte (lutte contre
la pauvreté économique et la solitude relationnelle) ;
- Des « cafés philo » de réflexion pour les enfants ;
- La recherche d‟appuis au sein de la famille, avec la création du service « tiers » qui fait appel aux
ressources de la famille pour accueillir l‟enfant et éviter un placement institutionnel ;
• -La conférence des familles ou réunion de réseau où l‟ensemble des personnes ressources de la
famille est convié à venir dialoguer autour de la situation de l‟enfant ; Cette pratique originale qui
vient de Nouvelle Zélande est intégrée à A.Rétis.
• un soutien à la parentalité deux fois par mois ainsi que des activités participatives (atelier cuisine,
groupes de parole) ;
• -En réponse aux conflits de pouvoir : la mise en place d‟une consultation famille/professionnels
avec la présence d‟un ethno-psychologue extérieur à l‟institution ; un comité des usagers ; un
médiateur ;
• -Face au sentiment d‟isolement des familles : une intervention plus réactive dans les 72 heures ;
• Un soutien à l‟enfant par le biais d‟un éducateur mais aussi un soutien à la parentalité pour
chaque famille, ce qui veut dire que chaque prise en charge se fait par deux personnes : un
éducateur plus centré sur les besoins de l‟enfant et un éducateur plus centré sur l‟écoute des
parents.
Cette dynamique de l‟institution a été reconnue (voir les cahiers de l‟Odas, juin 2010, la place des parents,
page 18) dans les cahiers de l‟Odas qui note « RETIS (Recherche, éducation, Territoires, Interventions,
Sociabilités) offre une certaine singularité dans le paysage français. Cette association présente au moins
trois originalités : l‟animation d‟un réseau de services dont l‟enjeu est de soutenir la création de liens
sociaux, une évaluation des besoins des enfants participative et enfin une gouvernance associative
participative. Elle anime un réseau de services intégrés apportant des réponses de plusieurs niveaux aux
familles en difficulté : prévenance (jardin partagé, groupe de parole, etc.) ; prévention (accueil de jour
multifamilial en cours de montage) ; protection (action éducative en milieu ouvert avec hébergement,
service de tiers digne de confiance, familles d‟accueils spécialisées).
150
Plusieurs films ont été réalisés, généralement des films longs de 52 minutes, mais pour cette
communication, un bref moment de 15 minutes vous est présenté. Ce film nous servira à repérer des axes
de bien-traitance à promouvoir au sein des établissements et services de la Protection de l‟enfance.
Synopsis du film et projection film
Le film présente deux témoignages, celui de la famille d‟accueil et d‟un jeune, Benjamin 16 ans,
accueilli dans cette famille avec son petit frère. Chacun, raconte sa vision d‟une histoire qui se décline
entre attachements et ruptures. L‟attachement éprouvé par la famille d‟accueil est évoqué au sein de
l‟institution lors d‟un temps d‟analyse des pratiques. Au-delà, Benjamin retrace son parcours, énonce les
moments traumatiques, les dysfonctionnements institutionnels repérés, pointe ce qui a pu le blesser ou
l‟aider, et l‟analyse qu‟il en fait.
Promouvoir des pistes bien-traitantes par ce film
Ces regards croisés offrent aux professionnels des pistes pour promouvoir la bien-traitance dans
les institutions. Le premier enseignement concerne la force des liens d‟attachement, la violence des
séparations non élaborées, non parlées, non préparées. Pour Benjamin, le placement laisse des images
et des émotions brutales : « c‟était un déchirement ». La non-maitrise par le jeune de son parcours, du
pourquoi du placement, s‟exprime sans détour : « on ne m‟a jamais répondu à toutes ces questions ».
Rien ne vient expliquer la temporalité de la décision de placement, puisque selon Benjamin, « cela fait un
an qu‟on galérait avec ma mère, ils auraient pu faire quelque chose avant ». Non comprise, non
annoncée, la décision parait dès lors arbitraire, le témoignage de Benjamin nous rappelle que toute
décision prise « dans l‟intérêt de l‟enfant » doit avant tout lui restituer la maitrise du sens.
Secondairement Benjamin pose la question de la place des enfants. Sans connaitre L‟enfant en
21
miettes de Pierre Verdier , Benjamin, des années après la parution de cet ouvrage, l‟illustre parfaitement
montrant que des progrès restent encore à mettre en œuvre. « Ce n‟était pas ma place, on ne m‟avait
pas expliqué », note Benjamin à son arrivée en foyer, pour constater de placement en placement (une
première famille d‟accueil puis un autre foyer), que cette place n‟est jamais acquise « on m‟a encore
changé de place ». Les liens d‟attachement peuvent dès lors difficilement se construire, le foyer laisse
l‟image d‟une jungle incohérente, où rien ne peut se structurer sur le long terme : « trois éducateurs par
jour, je ne peux pas me construire là-dessus, il me faut une personne fixe qui me marque l‟autorité ».
La reprise en main de l‟histoire passe alors par un choix, des stratégies de lutte, obtenir avec son
petit frère un placement en famille d‟accueil. La première rencontre sonne comme une image d‟Epinal,
une image de famille où se construire : « « le père et la mère qui m‟attendaient », mais une famille qui ne
se positionne pas en rivale de la première et respecte les racines. Pour reprendre l‟image de Danielle
22
Rapoport , si la première famille a donné les racines, la famille d‟accueil donnera les ailes. Deux familles
pour un projet. Car ce projet, Benjamin est désormais en mesure de l‟énoncer avec force : plombier, le
permis de conduire, un appartement, et une cohérence acquise. Enfin, Benjamin n‟oublie rien des siens,
ni son petit frère inscrit avec lui dans cette famille, ni les liens d‟affection créés, ni l‟obligation de soigner,
d‟aider les parents des enfants : « c‟est mes parents qui ont des problèmes, pas moi », et ce sans délai, la
réactivité de l‟intervention étant nécessaire pour éviter que les problèmes s‟enkystent.
La stigmatisation de tout enfant accueilli en protection de l‟enfance est bien réelle. Benjamin
rappelle à tout professionnel combien il est difficile de porter ce poids de la différence : « je veux oublier
que je suis de l‟ASE », « toujours une affiche sur le dos, gamin de foyer ».
Ce film puisse-t-il nous servir de mémoire.
21
22
Verdier, P. L‟enfant en miettes. Dunod, 1997
Rapoport, D. La bien-traitance envers les enfants. Des racines et des ailes. Belin 2006
151
PAPER PROCEEDINGS
PART 3.
PAPERS IN SPANISH
152
Altas Capacidades: estudio cualitativo sobre la contribución de las
familias al éxito escolar y social
Madrid Vivar Dolores
Universidad de Málaga, Spain
[email protected]
Resumen:
En este trabajo se presentan algunos aspectos de la última investigación desarrolla por el Grupo de
Investigación “Educación Infantil y Formación de Educadores” (HUM-205), titulada “Personas con Altas
Capacidades, ¿éxito escolar y profesional?”. La finalidad de este estudio fue descubrir el éxito o fracaso
del sistema educativo y familiar a partir de las propias experiencias de los alumnos y alumnas con altas
capacidades, a lo largo de su trayectoria escolar y su vida profesional. Se ha utilizado una metodología
basada en historias de vida. Para ello, elegimos realizar entrevistas en profundidad. Entre los indicadores
que guían la entrevista de las personas bitalentadas se aborda el ambiente familiar. Se expondrán las
conclusiones más relevantes en este sentido.
Palabras clave:
Altas capacidades, éxito escolar, historias de vida, ambiente familiar
Introducción
En 1980, la profesora Gervilla presentñ su tesis doctoral titulada “Creatividad, Inteligencia y
Rendimiento: un estudio experimental, realizado con escolares malagueðos”.
Los planteamientos de este trabajo daban respuesta a los siguientes interrogantes:
-¿Cñmo se puede valorar a un alumno/a buscando “algo” que, hasta ahora, no han medido los
exámenes escolares ni los test?
-Este “algo”, que vamos a llamar creatividad, ¿cñmo puede medirse?...
¿Cñmo puede
desarrollarse en el alumno/a?
- ¿En qué medida la inteligencia y los rendimientos inciden en la creatividad?
- ¿Qué aspectos de la enseðanza (rendimientos) se hallan en mayor relaciñn con la creatividad?
Ya que su desarrollo implicarìa el desarrollo de la creatividad de los estudiantes ¿Puede la creatividad ser
predicha tomando como indicadores la inteligencia y el rendimiento?
En esta investigaciñn participaron 22 centros educativos de Málaga y provincia, de titularidad
pública y privada, representando alumnado de la capital, de la sierra y de la costa.
En la poblaciñn escolar, de 8 a 15 aðos, de estos centros escolares se realizaron pruebas
estandarizadas y baremadas con la finalidad de detectar a aquellos alumnos o alumnas creativos,
sobredotados intelectuales y bitalentados (creativos e inteligentes). Para ello, se evaluaron los siguientes
aspectos: inteligencia, rendimientos, intereses y creatividad.
Para medir la inteligencia se utilizñ el T.C.I. (Test de Inteligencia General-serie dominñs) de Garcìa
Hoz.
La prueba de creatividad empleada fue la Prueba de Beltrán- Fernández Pñzar.
Los intereses se recogieron a través del Cuestionario de Orientaciñn Escolar y de Desarrollo
Vocacional de F. Rivas, Universidad Politécnica de Valencia.
Y por último, para el rendimiento la Escala de Instrucciñn de Garcìa Hoz y los boletines de notas
del alumnado.
Estas pruebas pueden ser consultadas en Gervilla (1980, tomo II).
El trabajo fundamental consistiñ en:
a)
Hacer un diagnñstico de los individuos creativos.
b)
Diagnñstico y análisis de Inteligencia, Rendimiento e Intereses de los mismos alumnos/as.
c)
Nivel de Creatividad, Inteligencia y Rendimientos de Málaga y su provincia, en relaciñn con la
media nacional general; diferenciando Málaga-Provincia; Estatales-Privados; Varones-Mujeres; Edades,
Niveles y Centros.
d)
Comparaciñn de las diferentes medias.
e)
Elaboraciñn de baremos de cada una de las pruebas por edades y niveles.
f)
Correlaciones existentes y posibles predicciones.
Los diagnñsticos de los alumnos y las alumnas fueron proporcionados a los equipos directivos y
tutores de los centros educativos implicados, de tal manera que fuesen ellos quienes tomaran la decisiñn
153
de transmitir la informaciñn, o no, a las familias de aquellos niðos o niðas con tal diagnñstico (alta
capacidad-bitalentado, inteligente y creativo).
El problema de estudio
En el 2004 retomamos este estudio, ahora el enfoque de trabajo serìa complementario, por tanto
cualitativo. Desde el 2008 al 2011 nos centramos en conocer la historia de vida de los sujetos
diagnosticados en el estudio. Ahora serìamos algunos miembros del Grupo de Investigaciñn “Educaciñn
Infantil y Formaciñn de Educadores” (HUM-205) de las Universidades de Andalucìa los responsables de
continuar esta investigaciñn.
La propuesta fue la búsqueda de aquellos alumnos y alumnas que fueron diagnosticados como
bitalentados o con alta capacidad, inteligentes y creativos, con el objetivo de conocer su trayectoria
académica, escolar y profesional para identificar el éxito o fracaso educativo. En otras palabras, “analizar
sus vidas” desde sus propias experiencias, considerándolas indicadores del éxito o fracaso del sistema
educativo.
Marco teórico
El interés hacia los alumnos con Altas Capacidades ha estado presente a lo largo de la historia,
tanto de manera teñrica como práctica.
Existe un debate abierto acerca de la utilizaciñn del término “sobredotado” o “superdotado”
aunque la tendencia más generalizada es considerar sobredotado al niðo en perìodo de desarrollo y
superdotado al adulto “ya desarrollado”. Para nosotros lo fundamental no es el término sino el concepto,
ya que los hemos utilizado indistintamente, en este sentido queremos destacar algunas aportaciones.
A pesar de ello, si nos parece especialmente interesante destacar como referente una definiciñn
propuesta con anterioridad en el Programa para superdotados de Oregñn (1959), citado por Alonso y
Benito (1996), incluyñ aproximadamente el 10% superior de los individuos con mayor talento intelectual y
también la misma proporciñn con mayor talento en cada una de las siete aptitudes especiales: arte,
música, escritura creativa, expresiñn dramática, danza creativa, talento mecánico y liderazgo social. Y por
supuesto, el trabajo de Gagné (1999), en el que propone aplicar el término superdotaciñn a la posiciñn de
altas habilidades naturales que, sin estar entrenadas, se manifiestan espontáneamente en al menos un
campo, en el que ocuparìa el percentil del 10% de los mejores situados, como mìnimo, dentro de los
sujetos de su grupo de edad, y aplica el término talento al dominio de conocimientos y habilidades
sistemáticamente desarrolladas por un sujeto en, al menos, un campo de la actividad humana, en cuya
práctica destaca sobre el 10% más alto, dentro de los sujetos de su grupo de edad, con compaðeros que
están o han estado activos en ese o esos campos.
Los niðos sobredotados y con talento son aquellos que identificados por personas cualificadas
profesionalmente, poseen habilidades demostradas o potenciales que muestran evidencia de una gran
capacidad de realizaciñn en áreas como la intelectual, creativa, académica, de liderazgo o en las artes
teatrales o visuales, y que por esta razñn requieren servicios o actividades que ordinariamente no son
proporcionadas por la escuela (Howell y otros, 1997).
Estos niðos y niðas existen en nuestras escuelas, los que algunos maestros o maestras
denominan “alumnos adelantados” que destacan claramente del resto de sus compaðeros y que
presentan unas demandas educativas diferenciadas. Son niðos con elevados rendimientos intelectuales y
académicos, cuya capacidad para afrontar los problemas, para interrogarse y para aprovechar los
recursos que les ofrece el entorno excede con mucho a la de su grupo de iguales.
También nos hemos interesado en conocer estudios cientìficos respecto a sus capacidades
(Bloom, 1985; Gardner, 1983; Gardner & Walter, 2002, Renzulli, 1978, 1999 y Sternberg 1984, 2000;
Gervilla 2012); a su evaluaciñn y diagnñstico; identificaciñn y caracterìsticas. De estos últimas temas,
queremos recoger algunas observaciones en nuestro artìculo.
Por ejemplo, con el paso del tiempo, estudiosos como Guilford (1959) y Cattell (1971) seðalaron
que la inteligencia no podìa ser comprendida desde una aproximaciñn unitaria. Posteriormente, Sternberg
y Davidson (1986), reafirmaron la multidimensionalidad de la conceptualizaciñn de la sobredotaciñn. El
modelo de Sternberg para la evaluaciñn de la superdotaciñn ha sido uno de los más estudiados
(Sternberg y Davidson 1986), aunque también se pueden considerar estudios representativos los de
Borkowski y Peck (1987), que destaca la importancia de componentes y estrategias metacognitivas, o el
de Jackson y Butterfield (1986) que define el estudio del rendimiento más que las capacidades
potenciales, por otra parte, el modelo de Renzulli (1978) que se basa en la evaluaciñn del rendimiento.
Gagné (1993, 1998) establece el modelo diferenciador de superdotaciñn y talento, donde evalúa tanto las
capacidades naturales como las capacidades adquiridas.
Siguiendo a Gervilla (2012, p.36-37) se identifican a las personas superdotadas por su alto
desempeðo y/o alto potencial en cualquiera de los siguientes aspectos:
a) Habilidad Intelectual General. Esta categorìa incluye individuos que demuestran caracterìsticas
tales como curiosidad intelectual, excepcional capacidad de observaciñn, etc.
154
b) Talento Académico. Esta área incluye a los alumnos que presentan un desempeðo excepcional
en la escuela y demuestran alta habilidad en las tareas académicas.
c) Habilidades de Pensamiento Creativo. Esta área presenta a los alumnos con ideas originales y
divergentes, que demuestran una habilidad para elaborar y desarrollar sus ideas originales siendo
capaces de percibir de muchas formas diferentes una determinada situaciñn.
d) Liderazgo. Incluye aquellos estudiantes que emergen como los lìderes sociales o académicos de
un grupo, y que destacan por el uso del poder, autocontrol y habilidad en desarrollar una
interacciñn productiva con los demás.
e) Artes Visuales y Representativas. Engloba a los alumnos que presentan habilidades superiores
para la pintura, escultura, diseðo, danza, canto, teatro y para tocar instrumentos.
f) Habilidades Psicomotoras. Engloba aquellos estudiantes que presentan altos niveles atléticos,
incluyendo también las habilidades mecánicas. (No parece justificable la separaciñn que hacen
muchos especialistas entre dotaciñn intelectual, creatividad y talentos especiales).
Podemos entender la personalidad como la suma de todas las caracterìsticas innatas y
adquiridas, que definen a un individuo. Veamos algunos de ellos:
a) Gran sensibilidad hacia el mundo que le rodea y profundas preocupaciones en cuanto a temas de
moralidad y justicia.
Tienen una comprensiñn precoz de los problemas de la sociedad y de los adultos, no viéndose
acompaðada de la madurez emocional suficiente para enfrentarse a dichos problemas.
b) Realizaciñn de preguntas exploratorias a edades tempranas buscando respuestas concluyentes.
Desde muy corta edad realizan preguntas exploratorias y no se conforman con cualquier
respuesta. Hacen preguntas desconcertantes, son obstinados, odian las ñrdenes, parecen
exagerados en sus intereses, esperan lo mismo de los demás (Webb, 1993).
c) Alta capacidad creativa. Dirigen positivamente elementos nuevos, extraðos y misteriosos de su
ambiente. Presentan formas originales de resolver problemas, proponiendo en muchas ocasiones
soluciones insospechadas, teniendo gran imaginaciñn y fantasìa. haciendo a veces que las
experiencias de la escuela le resulten lentas y repetitivas.
Repiten y practican técnicas que ya dominan y pueden empezar a desarrollar sentimientos de
frustraciñn y aburrimiento.
d) Idealismo y deseo de alcanzar en sus trabajos la perfecciñn.
Es crìtico, consigo mismo, no estando satisfecho en muchas ocasiones, con su propia velocidad y
resultados.
Elevada capacidad de aprendizaje, Es capaz de tratar con facilidad y perfecciñn situaciones,
ideas, relaciones, etc… Concentraciñn intensa, alta constancia en sus intereses.
e) Gran sentido del humor.
Ven lo absurdo de las situaciones, su humor no es comprendido por los demás, pueden
convertirse en el “payaso de la clase” para llamar la atenciñn.
f) Son independientes, prefieren el trabajo individualizado, confiando en ellos mismos.
No son conformistas y con demasiada frecuencia se muestran anti-convencionales.
Es importante que el niðo adquiera espacio para su independencia o autonomìa. Y esto es
especialmente importante para el auto-concepto del niðo.
g) Búsqueda de un desarrollo social adaptado.
Existe una evidencia estadìstica de que, en términos de grupo los superdotados son sociales y
populares, pero analizándolos en detalle aparecen variaciones del porcentaje de los poco
integrados. Las razones son las siguientes: una falta de autocontrol social propia de niðos y
jñvenes que les cuesta atenerse a una norma social que no ven lñgica, y que muchas veces no
es la más lñgica.
A veces la despreocupaciñn, adversidad o choque con las normas sociales genera agresividad
por parte de los demás hacia el niðo reaccionando éste a su vez, en ciertas ocasiones,
hostilmente, creando asì un cìrculo vicioso de difìcil salida (Benito, 1994).
A pesar de estas caracterìsticas, las oportunidades que un niðo o una niða con altas capacidades
intelectuales tiene para demostrar determinadas habilidades, con frecuencia, son muy limitadas en el
ámbito de la enseðanza obligatoria. Esto implica que, desafortunadamente, un elevado número de
jñvenes no terminará los estudios y un alto porcentaje no accederá a la universidad, a pesar de la
paradoja de su capacidad para triunfar en ella con poco esfuerzo.
A continuaciñn, y en sintonìa con esta idea, presentamos una sìntesis de los resultados obtenidos
en el estudio precedente.
Antecedentes de la investigación
Algunos de los resultados obtenidos más interesantes, que sirvieron como punto de partida para
nuestra investigaciñn, son los siguientes.
 Clasificaciñn Flescher:
155
Siguiendo la clasificaciñn de Flescher se han detectado los siguientes números y porcentajes de
niðos de talento excepcional:
Tabla 1: Diagnñsticos talento excepcional
BITALENTADOS
TALENTO
TALENTO
INTELECTUAL
CREADOR
Nº
Nº
Nº
Nº
EDAD
ALUMNO ALUMNOS
%
ALUMNOS
%
ALUMNO
%
S
S
8
21
1
4‟76%
3
14‟24
3
14‟26
%
%
9
155
1
0‟64%
11
7‟09%
8
5‟16%
10
190
0
0
13
6‟84%
10
6‟45%
11
176
3
1‟70%
21
11‟93
8
4‟54%
%
12
180
2
1‟11%
16
8‟88%
10
5‟55%
13
167
6
3‟59%
11
6‟50%
10
5‟98%
14
80
1
1‟25%
7
8‟75%
12
15‟00
%
15
10
0
0
3
30‟00
2
20‟00
%
%
NIVEL
4º
192
2
1‟04%
11
5‟72%
10
5‟20%
5º
205
0
0
16
7‟80%
8
3‟90%
6º
199
3
1‟50%
20
10‟05
7
3‟51%
%
7º
188
0
0
21
11‟17
15
7‟97%
%
8º
195
9
4‟61%
17
8‟71%
23
11‟79
%
CENTRO
ESTATAL
568
2
0‟35%
46
8‟09%
18
3‟16%
PRIVADO
411
12
2‟91%
39
9‟48%
45
10‟94
%
SEXO
V
576
7
1‟21%
49
8‟50%
34
5‟90%
M
411
7
2‟73%
36
8‟93%
29
7‟19%
CAPITAL
746
10
1‟34%
71
9‟51%
49
6‟56%
PROVINCI
253
4
1‟71%
14
6‟00%
14
6‟00%
AL
TOTAL
14
1‟43%
85
8‟68%
63
6‟43%
ALUMNOS
-
BITALENTADOS: Superiores al percentil 80 en Creatividad e Inteligencia.
TALENTO CREADOR: Superiores al percentil 80 en Creatividad.
TALENTO INTELECTUAL: Superiores al percentil 80 en Inteligencia.
De manera general, se comprobñ que:
a) No tenemos punto de referencia para saber si la proporciñn de nuestra muestra de alumnos
bitalentados es buena o mala.
b) Son más abundantes los de talento intelectual (8‟68%), menos los de talento creador (6‟43%) y
lñgicamente los menos son los bitalentados (1‟43%).
c) La comparaciñn entre Málaga y la provincia arroja una ligera superioridad de la provincia en
bitalentados y una igualmente ligera superioridad de la capital en talento creador. Sin embargo, en talento
intelectual la superioridad de la capital es más ostensible 9‟51% sobre 6‟00%.
d) En la relaciñn entre estatales y privados se mantiene en todo, aunque la superioridad es más
clara en talento creador (7‟19% sobre el 5‟90).
e) La ventaja de mujeres sobre varones se mantiene en todo, aunque la superioridad es más
clara en Talento creador (7‟19% sobre el 5‟90).
f) Si observamos, el rendimiento deja mucho que desear. Salvo en un caso el rendimiento de los
alumnos con talento intelectual según la escala de instrucciñn, de los que el 51‟76% dan un percentil
superior al 80, en el resto de alumnos bien dotados sea de talento intelectual o creador o de ambos,
rinden muy por debajo de sus posibilidades. Cuatro de estos resultados parecen calcados:
- El de los alumnos bitalentados (según nota media y Escala de Instrucciñn).
156
-
El de los alumnos con talento intelectual según la nota media
En todos ellos el 57 o 58% rinden por debajo del percentil 80 (escala de instrucciñn) u obtienen
calificaciones inferiores a 8).
Los que rinden por encima de estas medidas nunca llegan al 30% y destacan en este plano de poco
rendimiento los alumnos con talento creador según la nota media. De estos solo el 12‟69% obtiene
coeficientes superiores a 8, siendo el 76‟19% los que las obtienen por debajo de 8.
 Rendimiento de estos alumnos según la Escala de Instrucciñn
Alumnos superiores al percentil 80 en ambos talentos.
Total = 14
De ellos:
2 no hacen el Test de Conocimientos = 14‟28%
4 superiores al percentil 80 en conocimientos = 28‟57%
8 inferiores al percentil 80 en conocimientos = 57‟14%
Gráfica 1: Rendimiento según la Escala de Instrucciñn
El rendimiento de estos alumnos sigue siendo muy bajo desde el punto de vista de sus
posibilidades siendo este gráfico una repeticiñn del gráfico de calificaciones de estos mismos alumnos.
 Rendimiento del alumnado bitalenteado, según su nota media (nota media de 0 a 10)
Total = 14
De ellos:
2 sin nota media =14‟28%
4 superiores a 8 = 28‟57%
8 inferiores a 8 = 57‟14%
Gráfica 2: Rendimiento según su nota media
Como muestran los datos anteriores es de destacar el alto número de alumnos bien dotados con
calificaciones poco brillantes. Pero no es suficiente con conocer o no la existencia de sobredotaciñn en un
alumno, investigadores como Gruber (1986) enfatizan la necesidad del seguimiento en el desarrollo
desde la niðez hacia la adultez con el fin de tener una mejor comprensiñn del desarrollo de un individuo
sobredotado, mientras que Csikszentmihalyi y Robinson (1986) consideran que la sobredotaciñn es una
capacidad que va emergiendo a lo largo de la vida. Terman y sus colaboradores estudiaron a diferentes
sujetos a lo largo de sus vidas, para concluir que mostraban un buen ajuste psicosocial y éxito en los
157
dominios académico y profesional. Aun asì, sñlo algunos de ellos alcanzaron niveles de excelencia en las
respectivas áreas de actividad en la edad adulta (Olszewski-kubilius, 2003; Terman y Orden, 1957).
Acorde a esta lìnea de pensamiento y los datos obtenidos como referentes, se decidiñ ampliar el
primer estudio cuantitativo realizado, con un enfoque metodolñgico complementario que permitiera
conocer en qué medida los resultados de estas investigaciones se corroboraban con los de la nuestra.
Metodología
Como mencionábamos con anterioridad, en este estudio hemos pretendido analizar si los niðos
diagnosticados como superdotados han tenido “éxito en la vida”, concretándose ese éxito en el
académico y socio-laboral. Para ello optamos por utilizar la metodologìa de las historias de vida,
metodologìa que nos permitìa reunir los acontecimientos más significativos de sus vidas.
Las historias de vida son algo vivido, con un origen y un desarrollo, con progresiones y
regresiones, con contornos sumamente precisos, con sus cifras y sus significados (Ferrarotti, 2007).
En el estudio hemos utilizado un enfoque narrativo biográfico, donde se analizan los contextos en
los que actúan y se construyen los sujetos, centrándonos, sobre todo, en los contextos inmediatos.
Instrumentos de recogida de información
De las modalidades de investigaciñn interactiva, nos ubicamos en la fenomenologìa, ya que
teniendo presente nuestro objetivo principal, es la que nos permite describir los significados de una
experiencia vivida. Para ello, elegimos realizar entrevistas en profundidad donde las personas
investigadas iban aportando una narraciñn de sus experiencias personales (Van Manen, 2003), de tal
forma que pudimos grabar sus historias orales, y poco a poco fuimos construyendo sus autobiografìas.
Esta técnica de recogida de datos se caracteriza por una conversaciñn con un objetivo. Es
frecuente elaborar una guìa de entrevista general, para confeccionarla nos planteamos los indicadores
recopilados y sintetizados por Gervilla (2012) que debìan orientar el diálogo.
Siendo dichos indicadores los siguientes: persistencia en la tarea; gran sensibilidad hacia el mundo
que le rodea; realizaciñn de preguntas exploratorias a edades tempranas; alta capacidad creativa;
elevada capacidad de aprendizaje; idealismo y deseo de alcanzar en sus trabajos la perfecciñn; sentido
del humor; Independientes, trabajo individualizado, confianza en ellos mismos; búsqueda de un desarrollo
social adaptado; realizan aprendizajes tempranos y sin apenas ayuda; aprende con facilidad y memorizan
sin apenas esfuerzo; aplicaciñn rápida de conocimientos adquiridos; facilidad para conectar ideas
diferentes; lenguaje elaborado; comprensiñn de ideas abstractas; curiosidad; alto rendimiento; alto interés
en temas concretos; facilidad en la resoluciñn de problemas; buenos lectores; no se aceptan lo que no
consideran lñgico; se aburre en clase; autoexigente; autocrìtico; capacidad de liderazgo; capacidad para
tomar decisiones; gusto por juegos complicados; gusto por experimentar; necesidad de éxito; imaginaciñn
y fantasìa; idealistas; sensibles; creatividad y necesidad.
Localización de la muestra
De la muestra estudiada, 986 escolares, 17 obtuvieron dicho diagnñstico (1,43%). De estos 17,
habìa dos de 8 aðos, tres de 9 aðos, tres de 11, dos de 12, seis de 13 aðos y uno de 14 aðos por lo que
hoy dìa nos hemos reencontrado con personas adultas de más de 30 aðos. Veamos la siguiente tabla.
Tabla 2: Muestra
Nº
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
Identificador
alumno/a
918
974
958
887
925
583
576
788
665
689
198
199
460
650
655
667
285
Edad
8
8
9
9
9
11
11
11
12
12
13
13
13
13
13
13
14
Media
Creatividad
112,5
115,25
114,7
125,7
119,2
203
173
155
159
160,2
159,75
164,75
156
157,75
157,75
142,5
172
Media
Inteligencia
25
51
1
50
51
66
34
48
55
70
8
40
60
54
55
59,5
42,5
158
Del total de las personas diagnosticadas hemos localizado a 13 de ellas, 5 hombres y 8 mujeres.
Las vìas de localizaciñn de las personas diagnosticas han sido dos: las páginas blancas de
Telefñnica de Internet y las redes sociales (principalmente Facebook).
Cuando hablábamos por primera vez con estas personas, las reacciones han sido muy diversas:
algunas pensaban que querìamos vender algo, otras creìan que le estábamos gastando una broma,
algunos eran incrédulos con el diagnñstico… pero lo cierto es que en general, todos fueron accesibles y
aceptaron realizar la entrevista muy amablemente.
Resultados
Como ya se ha expuesto con anterioridad, 24 aðos después se retoma el estudio, con el objetivo
de encontrar a las personas diagnosticadas para conocer si estas capacidades “habìan dado sus frutos”.
Principalmente nos preocupaba saber su trayectoria escolar y profesional.
En este apartado presentamos una muestra de esta segunda parte de la investigaciñn, apoyada en
los resultados cuantitativos obtenidos del primer estudio, donde nos planteamos analizar, profundizar y
enriquecer los resultados desde una perspectiva cualitativa, mediante la metodologìa de Historias de
Vida.
Tras realizar el análisis de las narraciones hemos apreciado que estas personas a pesar de poseer
todas ellas altas capacidades han tenido historias de vida muy diferentes.
Si el objetivo del estudio era conocer si las personas bitalentadas habìan disfrutado de éxito
escolar y profesional, las conclusiones generales podrìan resumirse en las siguientes ideas.
Respecto al nivel de estudios, las personas bitalentadas, de todas las entrevistadas, solo dos de
ellas no han acabado los estudios superiores. Entre ellos dos arquitectos, un informático, una licenciada
en turismo, una maestra y un gemñlogo. De los dos restantes uno de ellos empezñ a ser empresario con
18 aðos y otra es auxiliar administrativo, ya que empezñ tres carreras pero no les motivaron lo suficiente
como para terminarlas. Prácticamente todos son empresarios, aunque dicha empresa no esté relacionada
con lo que estudiaron.
Excepto uno de ellos todos han tenido padres con titulaciones superiores o empresarios,
dedicándose sus madres al cuidado del hogar, casi en el 50% de los casos han sido los padres los que
mayor influencia han ejercido en ellos, como por ejemplo nos indica K.H.B. “mi padre supo sacar al
máximo todas y cada una de mis cualidades”.
Prácticamente todos recuerdan con agrado su infancia, y solo dos afirman que se aburrìan en el
colegio, a los demás les gustaba estudiar, simplemente en determinadas asignaturas que les costaban
menos trabajo es donde se aburrìan porque poseìan los conocimientos que estaban impartiendo. Nos
muestran cñmo eran capaces de adquirir los conocimientos de forma más rápida y eficaz que el resto de
los compaðeros, por ejemplo K.H.B., estudiaba en el autobús de camino al colegio,… aunque en
ocasiones no tenìan notas muy elevadas era porque no le dedicaban tiempo al estudio, simplemente con
las explicaciones del profesor tenìan suficiente para llegar al notable.
Normalmente las asignaturas que más les interesan son las ciencias, concretamente
matemáticas, fìsica, quìmica, e incluso los idiomas. Aunque con los aðos afirman que la historia también
es algo que les ha llamado mucho la atenciñn.
Otra de las caracterìsticas que demuestran el acierto del diagnñstico son sus tempranas
inquietudes por temas inusuales para los niðos de su edad. Por ejemplo M.L.C.V., con 11 aðos le
interesaba enormemente la polìtica, de hecho se hizo militante. Ello demuestra la madurez temprana que
poseen.
Dos de ellos han tenido graves problemas de drogas en la adolescencia, el resto han sido niðos
“normales” como ellos se definen, aunque I.C.S. considera que “su familia siempre ha sido especial, no
solo ella, sino toda su familia”.
De todas las personas entrevistadas, las dos personas que no han acabado sus estudios, y que
han tenido problemas con las drogas son las que poseen una autoestima baja, introvertidos, con traumas
familiares y personales, una de ellos incluso con problemas de anorexia. El resto de entrevistados posee
una alta autoestima, ellos son conscientes de sus potencialidades, y como dice K.H.B. “me siento
superior, porque veo como soy capaz de explotar mis cualidades, aunque no le doy ningún valor a la
inteligencia”, o A.A.A. “yo me considero medianamente inteligente, más bien considero que tengo una
mente despierta, me veo una persona resolutiva”.
La gran mayorìa consideran que han conseguido los objetivos profesionales que se han ido
marcando.
Consideran que el conocimiento del diagnñstico no hubiera cambiado su actual decisiñn, solo en
aquellos dos casos, donde poseen una muy baja autoestima conocer el diagnñstico, según ellos, hubiera
cambiado sus vidas.
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Intervención educativa con familias
Tras analizar los diferentes relatos hemos observado que el apoyo familiar que han tenido todos y
cada uno de ellos ha sido muy importante, por lo que nos planteamos, ¿dñnde ha estado la principal
dificultad para que muchos de ellos fracasen en el ámbito educativo? Esta es una cuestiñn que debemos
plantearnos los profesionales de la educaciñn.
La intervenciñn educativa con niðos superdotados es totalmente necesaria desde las primeras
edades; por ello es conveniente un diagnñstico precoz y la colaboraciñn de padres y educadores.
De manera gráfica, Gervilla (2012) sintetiza en el siguiente esquema cuál podìa se esta
colaboraciñn:
Es cierto que en las últimas décadas nuestra educaciñn ha avanzado, dando respuestas al
alumnado que presentaban necesidades educativas especiales. Sin embargo, se ha polarizado hacia la
poblaciñn con discapacidad, abandonando a “su suerte” a los individuos más dotados intelectualmente.
Probablemente estimando que por sus altas capacidades saldrìan adelante sin precisar ayuda. La
realidad es que este colectivo muestra unas problemáticas que no podemos seguir ignorando por más
tiempo: tensiones, desajustes, problemas con respecto a los profesores, compaðeros, padres, hermanos.
A esto se aðade que, en muchos, casos optan por el aburrimiento, escogen hábitos de trabajo
inapropiados y lo que es peor, abandonan la escuela (Barcia, 2012).
No puede pasar más tiempo sin que se afronte de forma inexorable esta cuestiñn, con soluciones
pedagñgicas, organizativas y didácticas concretas. La crisis econñmica nos ha enseðado a evitar los
despilfarros, trasladado esto al ámbito educativo, supone un derroche de capacidades no orientar a los
sujetos altamente dotados. En consecuencia, si contamos con sujetos con tales capacidades, los
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docentes y las familias han de saber encauzarles para que maximicen sus posibilidades y recursos, no
podemos hacer que se pierdan estas personas que pueden aportar mucho al progreso y a la eficiente
gestiñn de esta sociedad del conocimiento.
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