Letter to the Editor Common Birthplace? Modern Plastic Surgery and Surrealism Aesthetic Surgery Journal 2016, Vol 36(6) NP202–NP205 © 2016 The American Society for Aesthetic Plastic Surgery, Inc. Reprints and permission: [email protected] DOI: 10.1093/asj/sjw050 www.aestheticsurgeryjournal.com Peter Niclas Broer, MD, PhD; and Paul Immanuel Heidekrueger, MD Accepted for publication January 26, 2016; online publish-ahead-of-print April 5, 2016. Modern plastic and reconstructive surgery certainly has a well-documented history and evolution, with its roots, thinking about the principles of nasal reconstruction by Sushruta for instance, dating back several thousand years.1 However, World War I (WWI) can undoubtedly be considered a time of major importance to advances within our specialty. Modern weaponry and trench warfare lead to severe bodily trauma and a subsequent need for plastic and reconstructive surgery. Not only medicine, but also art and the societal and political mindsets were obviously strongly influenced by the war. As such, several reports about art in plastic surgery and respective exhibitions dating from the time around WWI exist in the literature.2-5 While many illustrations and paintings were initially very graphic in nature, the nihilistic view of the horrible war also lead to the Dada movement and subsequently surrealism. These facts are well described in the literature.6 The fact that modern plastic and reconstructive surgery and the surrealist movement are actually very closely interlinked and may as a matter of fact have common roots is much less well described. The surrealist movement, which commenced in the 1920s primarily in Paris and from there spread around the world, was in part founded and consequently heavily promoted by Louis Aragon (1897-1939) and André Breton (1896-1966), two French writers and poets. Surrealism profoundly influenced the evolution of modern art with representatives like Dalí, Picasso, and Miró, but also provided the theoretical framework for surrealist philosophy, as well as social theories and political concepts. Breton defined surrealism in his 1924 manuscript “Manifesto” as follows: “Pure psychic automatism, by which one proposes to express, either verbally, in writing, or by any other manner, the real functioning of thought. Dictation of thought in the absence of all control exercised by reason, outside of all aesthetic and moral preoccupation.”7 Little is known about what exactly initiated Breton’s concept to freely release and express all subconscious thoughts and images, but the fact that is was so readily accepted by many contemporary artists, writers, and poets, certainly shows that it was the time during and post-WWI that let this movement fall on fruitful ground. Interestingly, Aragon and Breton were physicians in training when they first met sharing a room at the Parisian military hospital Val-de-Grâce during WWI.8 What was it that they saw and thought during that time, urging them to express their sub consciousness, finally using it as a tactic to imply societal changes? Lyford has researched the association between the hospital and its influence on Breton and Aragon extensively in “The Aesthetics of Dismemberment: Surrealism and the Musée du Val-de-Grâce in 1917.”9 Like she and others described, the famous Val-de-Grâce hospital was, during the time, a place like no other representing bodily trauma in terms that were as visual as they were physical or psychological. Similarly, not only may this hospital to some extent be considered as one of the birthplaces of surrealism, but also as a birthplace of modern plastic surgery. Each of these findings has been described previously, but we found it interesting how they apparently coincide. Also interesting From the Department of Plastic, Reconstructive, Hand, and Burn Surgery, Academic Teaching Hospital Technical University Munich, Munich, Germany. Corresponding Author: Dr Paul Immanuel Heidekrueger, Department of Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery, Klinkum Bogenhausen, Academic Teaching Hospital Technical University Munich, Englschalkingerstr. 77, Munich 81925, Germany. E-mail: [email protected] Broer and Heidekrueger appears the fact that the exact opposite of what is set as ultimate goal in daily reconstructive plastic surgery, namely the repair of defects ideally to a degree as to camouflage all previous deformity, is, in its exact contrary, being used as one of the central themes by the surrealists: the persistence of psychological and societal dismemberment even after the external appearance may have undergone reconstruction. Initially, the reason why these hospitals were set up (as, for example, in the United Kingdom first at Aldershot and then at Sidcup) was not because of any concern for post-war outcomes. It was simply to make the soldiers as fit for duty as soon as possible. In fact, in his speech “The Problems of Facial Reconstruction” given by Major Gillies to the Medical Society of London, he said, “I would have you know that my first duty is to the Army, and that this involves the sending back to duty as many soldiers as possible in the shortest time; my second obligation is to the patient and to do the best for him that in me lies, whether he is to be a spectacular success or merely a poor, patched-up pensioner; and my third duty is to contribute as freely as possible to science and to the knowledge of surgery.” These three duties frequently clash, and the solution of a plastic problem is often complicated by the necessity to send a soldier back to duty, presentable but unfinished. Likewise, my duty to surgery is greatly hampered by the stress of work.”10 Consequently the British, French, and Germans set up unique hospitals to treat these injuries, and the Americans, when joining the war 1917, followed their example. This became especially apparent in France, where plastic surgery gained the interest of the public and the media through the communication of the institution of the above cited military hospital Val-de-Grâce. Originally, this hospital was founded and run by Benedictine nuns and, over time, it was regarded as the cutting-edge teaching facility in France. Not very surprisingly it became a center of plastic and reconstructive surgery during WWI. One surgeon in particular, Hippolyte Morestin,11 is still considered one of the founders of modern plastic surgery by many. Working during a time where most of the surgeries were guided by ablational principles, Morestin was one of the first to introduce the concept of reconstruction, a principle that was of tremendous value during the years of WWI with its technologic advances in warfare and consequently abundant deforming injuries. However, before the days of war and his focus on plastic surgery, Morestin also applied his natural sense of aesthetics and whenever possible he combined both, a good functional as well as a good aesthetic result. As early as 1903 he proposed to make a horizontal incision in the armpit to remove tumors of the breast in order to avoid unsightly scars. The principle to replace like with like and use skin grafts of the same color and texture match were also proposed by him, just like he NP203 made many contributions to the development of facelift techniques, later published by his pupil Raymond Passot in “La Presse Médicale” in 1919.12 Besides Morestins’ impressive technical abilities, he also held important positions within Val-de-Grâce’s administration, including being the intendant of the hospital’s war museum. He thereby not only had tremendous influence on the development of novel reconstructive procedures, but also on the way human dismemberment and the subsequent reconstruction were displayed and perceived by the public, mostly through the hospital’s own museum of warship. This museum of medical iconography documented the military’s wartime medical activities. Morestin was responsible for the arrangement and display of the moulages in the museum, which demonstrated impressively the novel surgical procedures and reconstructive options of that time. Morestin reorganized its collection in 1917 and the museum opened its doors to a public that was widely concerned with the issue of injuries and mutilations created by war in 1917. What is interesting about this museum is that the display of the exhibition and the way it was advertised was a response to the pessimistic atmosphere in French society in the 1920s, when fears about civilization, mankind in general, and the uselessness of war were particularly pervasive. Being a state-owned institution, the museum played a role in a more general public policy of keeping up the spirits in a moment when war was lasting too long and more and more people had become depressed.9 The museum opened amidst a blitz of publicity as the war dragged on into 1916. By opening it to a larger public, it was meant as an effort to show what the state was doing to help the war’s most severely injured soldiers (mutilés de guerre). This policy of advertising health system had international impact and was noticed abroad. The New York Times wrote in 1916: “The Ambulance takes these torn, mutilated beings, without any faces, who would otherwise be unbearably repulsive and almost certainly economically dependent, and makes them over. It turns them into normal men again, so that they can live normal lives, as individuals, and be of service to their country as well.”13 Consequently, plastic surgery and especially aesthetic plastic surgery, evolved a lot during this time. Not only was there was a new vast demand for reconstructive procedures, but European States were also facing a social dilemma. The many soldiers with severe facial injuries and no good reconstructive surgical options became a concern for public policies. These dismembered soldiers now were unable to find a job, or a wife, depending solely on social and state support requiring economically unfeasible levels of government assistance and became not only a public Aesthetic Surgery Journal 36(6) NP204 policy issue, but also a collective issue. Indeed, people saw men and husbands coming back from the war, alive but disfigured. This situation became a significant social trauma, as many publications and works of art of the time tended to indicate. Cultural artifacts translated this fear of injury and dismemberment. By 1917, then, Val-de-Grâce had become an institution that played both a political and an aesthetic role in the state’s public relations program to deflect criticism about the huge numbers of casualties being incurred along the western front in the same two years (1916-1917) in which desertions were more numerous in the army. The museum’s collection of moulages (wax and plaster casts) demonstrated to its new audience how national reconstruction would be achieved: progress would occur through the surgical repair of soldiers’ mutilated bodies. Scientific intelligence, innovation, and therapeutic progress were symbolically represented through the tragic displays of bodily injury and subsequent strategies of repair. The explicitly visual character of the museum of Val-de-Grâce was crucial to the military’s demonstration of public support for the mutilés de guerre, for it delineated the ways that French technology and scientific invention were being harnessed in the drive toward national reconstruction.14 The facial casts and moulages were presented to the viewer in chronological order of their repair, starting with the dismembered faces and taking the novice through each stage of the surgical repair. André Breton and Luis Aragon, being among this evolution, found ample sources to establish and promote their surrealists thoughts. The exact opposite of what the state tried to convey with the help of the museum became the central theme of the surrealist movement. Aragon and Breton saw the advances that were made in regards to plastic surgery. However, they symbolized how the trauma persisted even through the most advanced reconstructive techniques by expressing dismemberment trough their subconsciousness. It is a principle which still applies today; a scalpel may sometimes, but not always, heal a mind. During the times of war, this held true for both personal trauma and societal trauma. It was to some degree a way to criticize the state trying to camouflage the real damage and to create a sense of hope and security. Especially after the war when the state tried to make things appear less dramatic then they were, the surrealists continued to express their critique and openly displayed the persistent trauma. Having lived through similar trauma, the surrealist movement became accepted by many, and became the foundation of what we perceive as modern art today (Figure 1). The hypothesis that surrealism and plastic surgery can be traced back to a single hospital is certainly hard, if not impossible, to prove and likely also not entirely correct; too Figure 1. “The Three Dancers” (Les Trois Danseuses, 1925) by Pablo Picasso (1881-1973). Type: Oil paint on canvas. Reprinted with permission from Tate Modern, London, United Kingdom. many evolutions took place in a parallel fashion and in several locations. Certainly this could have been coincidence. Also, if, when and where Morestin, Aragon, and Breton met would be hard to prove. As such it was not the aim to pinpoint either of the two to one location. More so, we attempted to describe and illustrate the interesting overlaps of the phenomena which took place in Paris during the time and which influenced both our specialty and the artistic movements profoundly. Disclosures The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and publication of this article. Funding The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and publication of this article. Broer and Heidekrueger NP205 REFERENCES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. Champaneria MC, Workman AD, Gupta SC. Sushruta: father of plastic surgery. Ann Plast Surg. 2014;73(1):2-7. Kneebone R. The art of war. Lancet. 2014;384(9955): 1662-1663. Martin C. War wounded. Lancet. 2008;371(9618):1064. Swain K. Bringing the war home. Lancet. 2014;384(9960): e64. Wildgoose J. A surgeon’s art. Lancet. 2002;360(9349): 1993. Rosen D. Invoking the muse: Dada’s chaos. Nonlinear Dynamics Psychol Life Sci. 2014;18(3):329-343. Breton A. 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