George Mason and the Virginia Declaration John Locke`s Second

George Mason and the Virginia Declaration
1\Ctp:l/eft"-"'eftt.tMII.go.
4) George Mason and the Virginia Declaration of Rights, June 12, 1776, from Colonial
Williamsburg, a link on EDSITEment reviewed Digital History. This document, urging Virginia's
delegates to support such an action, was passed a little more than three weeks before the Declaration of
Independence was adopted by the Continental Congress .. (Students should focus on the first three
clauses of this Declaration ofRights to see how it resembles the Preamble to the Declaration of
Independence [excerpts provided]).
Virginia Declaration of Rights
I.
That all men are by nature equally free and independent, and have certain inherent rights, of
which, when they enter into a state of society, they cannot, by any compact, deprive or divest
their posterity; namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and
possessing property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety.
II.
That all power is vested in, and consequently derived from, the people; that magistrates are their
trustees and servants, and at all times amenable to them.
III.
That government is, or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit, protection, and security of
the people, nation or community; of all the various modes and forms of government that is best,
which is capable of producing the greatest degree ofhappiness and safety and is most effectually
secured against the danger of maladministration; and that, whenever any government shall be
found inadequate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of the community hath an indubitable,
unalienable, and indefeasible right to reform, alter or abolish it, in such manner as shall be
judged most conducive to the public weal.
John Locke's Second Treatise
1) John Locke's Second Treatise on Government, Section 225, 1690
http://www.constitution.org/j l/2ndtr 19 .htm
from The Constitution Society, a link on EDSITEment reviewed Internet Public Libran',
In the segment below, Locke explains under what circumstances people have the right to alter
their form of government.
225. Secondly: I answer, such revolutions happen not upon every little mismanagement in public affairs.
Great mistakes in the ruling part, many wrong and inconvenient laws, and all the slips of human frailty
will be borne by the people without mutiny or murmur. But if a long train of abuses, prevarications, and
artifices, all tending the same way, make the design visible to the people, and they cannot but feel what
they lie under, and see whither they are going, it is not to be wondered that they should then rouse
themselves, and endeavour to put the rule into such hands which may secure to them the ends for which
government was at first erected, and without which, ancient names and specious forms are so far from
being better, that they are much worse than the state ofNature or pure anarchy; the inconveniencies
being all as great and as near, but the remedy farther off and more difficult.
Slave Petition to the Governor, Council, and House of
Representatives of the Province of Massachusetts
25 May 1774
MHS Collections, 5th ser., 3:432--33
The Petition of a Grate Number of Blackes of this Province who by divine permission are held in
a state of Slavery within the bowels of a free and christian Country
Humbly Shewing
That your Petitioners apprehind we have in common with all other men a naturel right to our
freedoms without Being depriv'd of them by our fellow men as we are a freeborn Pepel and have
never forfeited this Blessing by aney compact or agreement whatever. But we were unjustly
dragged by the cruel hand of power from our dearest funds and sum of us stolen from the
bosoms of our tender Parents and from a Populous Pleasant and plentiful country and Brought
hither to be made slaves for Life in a Christian land. Thus are we deprived of every thing that
hath a tendency to make life even tolerable, the endearing ties of husband and wife we are
strangers to for we are no longer man and wife then our masters or mestreses thinkes proper
marred or onmarred. Our children are also taken from us by force and sent maney miles from us
wear we seldom or ever see them again there to be made slaves of for Life which sumtimes is
vere short by Reson of Being dragged from their mothers Breest Thus our Lives are imbittered to
us on these accounts By our deplorable situation we are rendered incapable of shewing our
obedience to Almighty God how can a slave perform the duties of a husband to a wife or parent
to his child How can a husband leave master and work and cleave to his wife How can the wife
submit themselves to there husbands in all things. How can the child obey thear parents in all
things. There is a grat number of us sencear ... members of the Church of Christ how can the
master and the slave be said to fulfil that command Live in love let Brotherly Love contuner and
abound Beare yea onenothers Bordenes How can the master be said to Beare my Borden when
he Beares me down whith the Have chanes of slavery and operson against my will and how can
we fulfill our parte of duty to him whilst in this condition and as we cannot searve our God as we
ought whilst in this situation Nither can we reap an equal benefet from the laws of the Land
which doth not justifi but condemns Slavery or if there had bin aney Law to hold us in Bondege
we are Humbely of the Opinon ther never was aney to inslave our children for life when Born in
a free Countrey. We therefor Bage your Excellency and Honours will give this its deu weight
and consideration and that you will accordingly cause an act of the legislative to be pessed that
we may obtain our Natural right our freedoms and our children be set at lebety at the yeare of
Twenty one for whoues sekes more petequeley your Petitioners is in Duty ever to Pray.
The Founders' Constitution
Volume 1, Chapter 14, Document 9
http://press-pubs. uchicago.edulfounders/documents/v 1ch 14s9 .html
The University of Chicago Press
Instructions from the Town of Malden, Massachusetts, for a
Declaration of Independence
May 27, 1776
At a legal meeting of the inhabitants of the town ofMalden, (Mass.), May 27, 1776, it was voted
unanimously that the following instructions be given to their representative, viz. to Mr. Ezra
Sargeant.
Sir--A resolution ofthe hon. house of representatives, calling upon the several towns in this
colony to express their minds in respect to the important question of American independence, is
the occasion of our now instructing you. The time was, sir, when we loved the king and the
people of Great Britain with an affection truly filial; we felt ourselves interested in their glory;
we shared in their joys and sorrows; we cheerfully poured the fruit of all our labours into the lap
of our mother country, and without reluctance expended our blood and our treasure in their
cause.
These were our sentiments toward Great Britain while she continued to act the part of a parent
state; we felt ourselves happy in our connection with her, nor wished it to be dissolved; but our
sentiments are altered, it is now the ardent wish of our soul that America may become a free and
independent state.
A sense of unprovoked injuries will arouse the resentment of the most peaceful. Such injuries
these colonies have received from Britain. Unjustifiable claims have been made by the king and
his minions to tax us without our consent; these claims have been prosecuted in a manner cruel
and unjust to the highest degree. The frantic policy of administration hath induced them to send
fleets and armies to America; that, by depriving us of our trade, and cutting the throats of our
brethren, they might awe us into submission, and erect a system of despotism in America, which
should so far enlarge the influence of the crown as to enable it to rivet their shackles upon the
people of Great Britain.
This plan was brought to a crisis upon the ever memorable nineteenth of April. We remember the
fatal day! the expiring groans of our countrymen yet vibrate on our ears! and we now behold the
flames of their peaceful dwellings ascending to Heaven! we hear their blood crying to us from
the ground for vengeance! charging us, as we value the peace of their names, to have no further
connection with,-- who can unfeelingly hear of the slaughter of--, and composedly sleep with
their blood upon his soul. The manner in which the war has been prosecuted hath confirmed us in
these sentiments; piracy and murder, robbery and breach of faith, have been conspicuous in the
conduct of the king's troops: defenceless towns have been attacked and destroyed: the ruins of
Charlestown, which are daily in our view, daily reminds us of this: the cries of the widow and the
orphan demand our attention; they demand that the hand of pity should wipe the tear from their
eye, and that the sword of their country should avenge their wrongs. We long entertained hope
that the spirit of the British nation would once more induce them to assert their own and our
rights, and bring to condign punishment the elevated villains who have trampled upon the sacred
rights of men and affronted the majesty of the people. We hoped in vain; they have lost their
spirit of just resentment; we therefore renounce with disdain our connexion with a kingdom of
slaves; we bid a final adieu to Britain.
Could an accommodation now be effected, we have reason to think that it would be fatal to the
liberties of America; we should soon catch the contagion of venality and dissipation, which hath
Britains to lawless domination. Were we placed in the situation we were in 1763: were the
powers of appointing to offices, and commanding the militia, in the hands of governors, our arts,
trade and manufacturers, would be cramped; nay more than this, the life of every man who has
been active in the cause of his country would be endangered.
For these reasons, as well as many others which might be produced, we are confirmed in the
opinion, that the present age would be deficient in their duty to God, their posterity and
themselves, if they do not establish an American republic. This is the only form of government
which we wish to see established; for we can never be willingly subject to any other King than
he who, being possessed of infinite wisdom, goodness and rectitude, is alone fit to possess
unlimited power.
We have freely spoken our sentiments upon this important subject, but we mean not to dictate;
we have unbounded confidence in the wisdom and uprightness of the continental congress: with
pleasure we recollect that this affair is under their direction; and we now instruct you, sir, to give
them the strongest assurance, that if they should declare America to be a free and independent
republic, your constituents will support and defend the measure, to the last drop of their blood,
and the last farthing of their treasure.
URL: http://www. TeachingAmericanHistory .orgllibrary/index.asp?documentprint=238