Mu, Oceanic Voyaging and Future History: The Riddle of the Pacific
Dr. Kenneth Scott and Mr. Bradley Pitt
Academy for Future Science, Australia
Email: [email protected]
February 2016
Text and photographs © Kenneth Scott and Bradley Pitt (2016) unless otherwise cited.
Introduction
The Pacific Ocean is one of the most remote places on earth. To
most people, the idea that an ancient culture set sail from Asia to
South America, and back again, is unconceivable (despite the fact
that modern-day explorer Thor Heyerdahl demonstrated this was
possible). Polynesia is a vast area of the Pacific between New
Zealand, Hawai’i and Rapa Nui (Easter Island), which despite
massive distances, has been populated by ancient cultures for
millennia. Crossing the Polynesian Triangle (as it is known)
represents one of the greatest feats of human achievement. At the
centre of the Pacific, Polynesia represents a vital missing link
between Asia and the Americas; an alternative, earlier (oceanic)
migration route to compliment the prevailing paradigm that the
Americas were populated relatively recently, from Asia across the
Bering Strait between Russia and North America. Although often
overlooked by researchers, there is much similarity in language,
megalithic architecture, cultural elements and indeed mitochondrial
DNA among Asian, Polynesian and Native American peoples.
The voyaging and settlement of people into Polynesia and beyond
was unquestionably driven by ‘earth changes’, such as climate
change or cataclysmic geological shifts (or both). Indeed,
cataclysmic events are held within the psyche of indigenous
peoples around the world, inscribed on ancient oracle bones, and
detailed in the book of ‘Genesis’ in the Old Testament. Around the
Pacific Rim, indigenous people talk of the flooding of their great
homeland. It is often said that ‘to know our past is to know our
destiny’. That is, the impact of such changes on ancient
civilisations has direct relevance to modern civilisations,
particularly for small island states in the Pacific facing massive
challenges relating to climate-driven sea level rises and the
subsequent emigration of climate refugees. The concept of ‘future
history’ is that by learning about the events of the past, we can
avoid descending back into negative cycles of evolution, and
instead advance the planet to a Higher state of consciousness.
The Legend of Mu
Numerous legends around the world tell of a mysterious continent
in the centre of the Pacific, known as ‘Mu’ or ‘Lemuria’, first
introduced by Blavatsky in ‘The Secret Doctrine’ (Blavatsky 1977).
One of the earliest references to Mu in the twentieth century was in
the book ‘The Riddle of the Pacific’ (Brown 1924). Author John
MacMillan Brown, a New Zealand academic, presented
archaeological evidence from across the Pacific, including a
variety of intriguing megalithic sites (hence the riddle). Shortly
afterwards, in his book The Lost Continent of Mu, James
Churchward popularised the notion of a mysterious sunken
continent (Churchward 1926). His conclusions and the name Mu
were based on his translation of stone tablets found in India where
he was living at the time, corroborated by another set of stone
tablets discovered by William Niven in Mexico. These tablets
contained Naga symbols and characters, where it is said they were
written in the ‘Motherland’ (Mu) and then transported to Burma and
India. Churchward placed Mu roughly in the centre of the Pacific,
to include island groups as far as Fiji, Rapa Nui and Hawai’i, and
also noted the distribution of megalithic sites across the islands in
this region.
In Samoa, legends speak of a homeland of the Polynesian people,
known as Havai’iki (or Hawaiki). Several islands may have been
named after this homeland. For example, Hawai’i and the Samoan
island of Savai’i (along with the word Havai’iki itself) may be
derivatives of ‘Java’ (or ‘Hawa’), an island in South East Asia
(Pearce and Pearce 2010).
Modern-day satellite imagery and the detailed mapping of the
ocean floor do not support the notion of a sunken continent in the
centre of the Pacific. So the question remains, given these
widespread, long-held legends of a long-lost continent, did one
ever exist? And if so, where?
A wealth of archaeological and anthropological evidence has
emerged indicating the continent referred to as Mu lies in South
East Asia, from what is now Japan in the north, to Indonesia in the
south (and inland to the Indo-China region covering Vietnam and
Cambodia) extending over the Sunda shelf (known as Sundaland).
Detailed seafloor mapping of this region shows a pronounced,
elevated continental shelf area above water before and during the
last glacial maximum around 20,000 years ago, which is now
mostly underwater with the exception of some larger islands. The
migration of people from Mu into Polynesia (and beyond) is an epic
story of mass migration, both as climate refugees at the end of the
last Ice Age and exploratory travellers in earlier time cycles.
Older Cycles
Paleolithic cultures have existed in South East Asia for a long
period of time following an ‘out of Africa’ dispersal, evidenced by
the discovery of ‘Java Man’ (Homo erectus erectus) on the island
of Java dating back to 1.3 million years. In addition, the discovery
of a small-statured adult humanoid named ‘the Hobbit’ (Homo
floresiensis) living on the island of Flores in Indonesia, between
95-74,000–12,000 years ago (Morwood et al 2005; Brown 2012),
suggests the possibility of an earlier, independent cycle of
evolution or ‘experiment’. Flores is located on longitude 121°E,
identified in Key 215 of ‘The Book of Knowledge: The Keys of
Enoch®’ (Hurtak 1977) (the Keys) as a location where evidence of
previous cycles of evolution will be found. Cave paintings on the
island of Sulawesi (Indonesia) have been dated at 40,000 years,
which is perhaps the oldest known rock art in the world (Aubert et
al. 2014) that may have been made by proto-Australians given the
similarity of Aboriginal hand stencils of a similar age. With respect
to The Keys, the handprints depicted in this art symbolise the
coming of the Adamic image of man on the 7th ray. Similarly, it
may be possible that ‘Mungo Man’, found in the dry bed of Lake
Mungo in the state of New South Wales in Australia, relates back
to a previous, independent evolutionary experiment. Indeed, other
‘future artefacts’ showing evidence of older cycles of evolution may
be awaiting discovery on this continent, providing the missing link
where all other pieces of this riddle fit together.
The commonly accepted date for the arrival of people in Australia
from the north (via a land bridge to New Guinea when sea levels
were lower) is around 40,000-75,000 years, consistent with the
‘out of Africa’ hypothesis. Logical arrival points include a
northeastern land bridge (or short sailing route) from Papua New
Guinea, or a moderate oceanic route from the Indonesian islands
of Timor, Sumba or Flores to the northwest. Whilst Aboriginal
language groups share much in common with respect to culture
and a Higher cosmology, there are many differences around the
continent. It may be that migration took place in a series of waves,
with earlier migrants moving southwards over time, resulting in the
more recent migrants occupying the northern parts of the
continent.
Out of Asia
To fully understand the evolution and development of human
civilisations in Mu and beyond, it is necessary to understand the
difference between a physical evolutionary construct and
consciousness evolution beyond Darwinism, which may involve
human interaction with a Higher Intelligence (Hurtak 1999). For the
experimental race on Flores, this may have been a discrete
population arriving and leaving the planetary sphere independent
of a linear migration pattern following a typical ‘out of Africa’
scenario.
The Keys describes how the Higher Intelligence first sought to
upgrade humanity aeons ago, most recently 36,000 years ago in
the Takla Makan (Tarim Basin) region of central Asia (Key 105,
verse 32; the civilisation of Tak). From there, migration occurred
throughout the globe in a great planetary diaspora firstly to the
boundaries of Mu and ultimately to South America, in cycles of
24,000, 12,000 and 6,000 years. The pyramid of Gunung Padang
in Indonesia, thought to be up to 20,000 years old (Hancock 2015),
as well as other megalithic structures throughout South East Asia,
may be remnants of this initial dispersion from central Asia. It is
interesting to note that civilisations in Egypt, Mesopotamia, India
and Burma speak of their people originating in the east, and those
of North and South America speak of coming from the west
(Temple of Mu DVD 2002). Ultimately these civilisations may have
ended due to internal or climatic disasters.
The Academy for Future Science has been actively involved in
researching submerged landforms off the coast of Ryukyu Islands
in Japan (near Taiwan), known as the Temple of Mu (Schoch and
Hurtak 2002). Located on longitude 121°E (see Key 215), they are
considered to be natural structures that may have been utilised,
modified, and enhanced by humans in ancient times, probably
prior to the end of the Ice Age 10,000-12,000 years ago. The
profound connection between Taiwan, the Ryukyu Islands and
China is seen in chipped and partially polished rectangular hoes,
stepped adzes, and shouldered axes, which could have been used
in the late Mesolithic for commerce or to build terraces for
agriculture (Schoch and Hurtak 2002). It is interesting to note that
the first of 36 generations of emperors in Japan, Jim-Mu and KimMu, have a clear linguistic relationship to the motherland of Mu
(Schoch and Hurtak 2002).
Rapid climatic shifts at the end of the Ice Age drove the inhabitants
of Mu to seek higher ground and colonise new lands. There were
in fact three Ice Age floods that formed this ‘great flood’, triggered
by ice melt in the warmer conditions that followed the Ice Age,
approximately 13,000, 11,000 and 9,000 years ago. These events
together raised sea levels by 120 m (compared to that at the Last
Glacial Maximum about 20,000 years ago), drowning the region
between China and Japan, and large parts of Sundaland. El Niño
droughts and famines were also likely to have influenced the
migration of Polynesian peoples to seek new lands in the post-Ice
Age period (Pearce and Pearce 2010). Hancock (2015) suggested
a rapid sea level rise could have resulted from the impact of comet
fragments hitting North American ice sheets 12,800 years ago.
As for the origin of Polynesians and their Pre-Polynesian
predecessors (i.e. descendants from Mu), several theories have
been developed to explain their origin, location of cultural
development and subsequent migration routes into the Pacific
(Oppenheimer 1998; Pearce and Pearce 2010). These include the
‘Out of Taiwan’ / ‘Express Train to Polynesia’, ‘Slow Boat to the
Bismarcks’, and ‘Two Train’ theories. Theories with a Taiwanese
origin are currently favoured by scholars, which describe migration
from Taiwan to Polynesia with little or no contact with indigenous
populations in island South East Asia. Chinese agriculturalists are
thought to have arrived in the Bismarck and Solomon island
groups about 3,600 years ago, and then rapidly spread into
western Pacific and then eastern Polynesia after a cessation of
around 500-1500 years. However, this is an area of ongoing
debate and research on a number of different fronts. In particular,
Oppenheimer (1998) and Pearce and Pearce (2010) contend that
island South East Asia is the ancient homeland of Polynesian and
Pre-Polynesian peoples, rather than Taiwan.
Whilst there is little archaeological evidence, it is considered
plausible that settlement (or at least visitation) of the Pacific
occurred much earlier than the accepted paradigm, in accordance
with the planetary diaspora of the civilisation of Tak beginning from
central Asia 36,000 years ago. Nevertheless, previous cultures in
the region left behind archaeological ‘footprints. Ceramics and
petroglyphic markers provide a highly visible marker for a post-Ice
Age diaspora of a Pre-Polynesian ‘Lapita cultural complex’ which
arose in the Pacific about 3,500 years ago as a result of expanding
oceanic voyaging from Melanesia, or the ‘express train’ from
Taiwan (Burley and Connaughton 2007).
Lapita Cultural Complex
The name Lapita derives from a site on the Grand Terre (Main
Island) of New Caledonia where in 1952 a distinctive style of
decorated pottery was found (Burley and Connaughton 2007).
Lapita literally means ‘he dug a pit’. Indigenous people saw an
archaeologist pick up a piece of rubble, and apparently exclaimed
with excitement “Xapeeta!” (“He dug a pit!”), and the
misunderstood interpretation has been used ever since (Lapita
Pottery and Polynesians n.d.). Lapita pottery includes jars, bowls
and dishes bearing complex geometric designs impressed into
clay by small-toothed stamps (Allen and White 1989; Fig. 1).
a)
The recent discovery of petroglyphs on a beach in Tonga’s Ha’apai
Group heralded an important discovery for understanding the
migration and settlement patterns of Lapita people throughout
Polynesia (Egan and Burley 2009; Fig. 2). Three horizontal rock
surfaces with over 40 images typical of Hawaiian rock art were
exposed at Houmale‘eia on the northern end of Foa Island
following a storm. Motifs on the rock surfaces include animals such
as turtles and birds, as well as approximately 22 anthropomorphs,
the dominant category (Egan and Burley 2009). The petroglyphs
have been dated at 1400 AD-1600 AD (approximately 500 years
after Lapita people first settled the island; Dickinson et al. 1994,
Egan and Burley 2009). Correspondence with the emergence of
the triangular torso motif in Hawaii suggests a rapid colonisation of
eastern Polynesia by the Lapita people (Lee and Stasack 1999).
b)
a)
c)
b)
Fig. 1. Lapita pottery sherds (a) and blade (b) excavated from the sea floor
off Mulifanua, Samoa (on display at the Museum of Samoa, Apia) (2014),
and pottery sherds on a beach (c) at Sigatoka, Fiji (2010).
Lapita pottery first makes an appearance in the Bismarck
Archipelago, and then spread rapidly throughout Melanesia and
the central Pacific, including previously uninhabited islands such
as Samoa and Fiji, but not as far as eastern Polynesia (e.g.
Hawai’i and Rapa Nui; Oppenheimer 1998). Based on Lapita
artefacts, western Polynesia (the island of Tongatapu in Tonga) is
estimated to have been settled around 900 BC (Burley and
Dickinson 2001), with settlement in Vava’u to the north shortly
thereafter at around 900-850 BC (Burley and Connaughton 2007).
These dates correspond to the age of ceramic sherds and other
artefacts uncovered from Mulifanua, Samoa, dated to 930-800 BC
(Dickson and Green 1998; Petchey 2001), suggesting colonisation
by the Lapita people at a similar time.
The making of dentate pottery was replaced by plainware a short
time after the dispersal of Lapita people into Polynesia, and
plainware pottery was only continued for a few more generations
after that transition. For example, in Vava’u, the Lapita (dentate) /
Polynesian (plainware) transition occurred around 685-645 BC
(Burley and Connaughton 2007). The period 400-1000 AD has
been called the ‘Dark Age’ of Samoan prehistory on account of
limited evidence in the archaeological record (Davidson 1979;
Smith 2004). At the beginning of this period, the manufacturing of
pottery was abandoned in Samoa, and at the end of the period,
monumental architecture started to appear in this new megalithic,
aceramic age.
Fig. 2. Petroglyphs at Houmale‘eia on the northern end of Foa Island, Tonga
(2011), including a bird motif (a) and anthropomorph (b).
Ancient cultures in the Pacific left behind a variety of megalithic
structures, such as fortifications (Fiji and New Caledonia), mounds
and platforms (Fiji, Tonga, Samoa and New Caledonia), stone
circles (Samoa), and ceremonial structures known as Marae in the
Cook, Society and Tuamotu Islands, Heiau in Hawai’i and Ahu on
Rapa Nui (Fig. 3). Who built them and why? Their construction is
usually attributed to the Lapita people since Lapita artefacts are
co-located at these sites, however, they may be the result of preLapita civilisations much earlier. Are we to believe scientists who
say such megalithic monuments could have only been built in the
last 1000 years, and built using primitive stone-age tools?
These megalithic cultures were clearly advanced, perhaps
constructing these sites using skills imported from Mu or South
America (much earlier than the currently accepted chronology), or
even with the aid of Higher intelligence. Of course, particular sites
can be occupied by successive cultures who build over the top of
existing structures, explaining the Lapita association with
megalithic sites in the Pacific. That modern-day Polynesians
societies bear little cultural similarity to the Lapita people and have
no association with these megalithic sites may indicate their
association with a separate, more recent migratory wave from
Asia. Archaeo-astronomy may prove to be the key to
understanding the exact date of construction, although this is yet to
receive detailed examination.
a)
b)
c)
d)
Fig. 3. Megalithic architecture in Polynesia: a) Pulemelei Mound, Samoa (2014); b) Fale O Le Fe’e (House
of the Octopus), Samoa (2014), c) star mounds, Samoa (2014) and d) langi, Tonga (2011).
Contact with South America
Pearce and Pearce (2010) propose that the West Pacific Warm
Pool (WPWP) was a strong driver of oceanic voyaging across the
Pacific via ocean currents within the Pool during the post-Ice Age
period. In particular, they propose that Lapita people voyaged out of
their homeland (considered to be the Spice Islands) west to
Madagascar and east Africa, north to Japan, Hawaii and America
and south to New Zealand, following major currents flowing out of
the WPWP (the strength and location of which varies over time).
Importantly, these authors show that strong El Niño Southern
Oscillation events were capable of reversing the direction of trade
winds and currents in the Pacific. That is, if a journey to the west
(from South America) was undertaken at the start of an El Niño
event, a predictable west/east reversal of trade winds and currents
would ensure a safe return, thereby facilitating two-way travel
between Asia and South America (like Thor Heyerdahl showed). It
is interesting to note that Mesoamericans thought of themselves as
survivors of oceanic cataclysms, with many of their temples built to
commemorate the destruction of their ancestors in the Pacific
(Hurtak 2002). Indeed, recent mitochondrial DNA analysis has
shown similarity in genetic markers between an indigenous tribe in
Brazil and Polynesian people (Perkins 2013).
Correspondence in language and megalithic architecture may
provide additional evidence of oceanic voyaging from central Asia
to South America, perhaps even prior to the end of the last Ice Age.
For example, in Ecuador and Peru, there are inscriptions of a
language that clearly show a scientific correspondence between the
peoples of China, central Asia and priest-scientists in charge of
sacred pyramidal structures (Hurtak 1994). Also, the Hopi and
Mescalero Indians of the American Southwest speak a language
similar to Mongolian/Tibetan (e.g. the word Metaka used to indicate
holy place of contact), suggesting a linguistic bridge between the
peoples of central Asia and North America (Hurtak 1994), either
through migration across the Bering Strait or perhaps from South
America following oceanic voyaging across the Pacific. In terms of
architecture, the resemblance between stone arches, temples and
statues across South East Asia, the Pacific and South America is
unmistakable (Fig. 4).
Conclusion
The correspondence of megalithic architecture, language and
mitochondrial DNA amongst Asian, Polynesian and South American
people clearly indicates a high degree of connectivity, both in
ancient times prior to the end of the last Ice Age, as well as more
recently as a result of cataclysmic geological changes during the
great flood around 9,000-13,000 years ago. The story of Mu gives
us valuable insights into what lies ahead of us. For example, the
occurrence of cataclysmic events in the recent geological record
(such as tsunamis and cyclones) provides food for thought in
relation to the impact of such events on low-lying coastal
communities in the Pacific today (Williams 2014). Indeed, Lapita
artefacts found off the coast of Samoa are a sombre reminder of the
impacts modern-day communities can expect with climate change
or other geological events. Some of the oldest known Lapita
artefacts were uncovered from a submerged coastal settlement,
now 2.7 m below sea level as a consequence of coastal subsidence
in the post-Ice Age era (Dickson and Green 1998). Having an
understanding of such geological processes enables humanity to
learn lessons from the past and focus more on consciousness
evolution beyond a material, survival mindset.
According to The Keys, megalithic architecture and Higher
geometric symbols (as seen in petroglyphic markings) show the
locations on earth where contact with Higher intelligence, and
legendary beings such as Melchizedek, took place (see Key 215).
That these places have been contact points for the coming of the
Higher evolution, and will again be places of contact in the future, is
not to be taken lightly. The role of the spiritual anthropologist in the
Academy for Future Science is to understand the greater context of
these places as they relate to a Higher spiritual cosmology. Sacred
sites around the globe tie into the one grid of consciousness
programming and transcription of teaching brought by teachers of
Light. Both spiritual and scientific knowledge should be synthesised
to understand the grid points throughout the world. With this, we will
see that Polynesia represents a vital missing link between Asia and
the Americas, that people inhabited Polynesia much earlier than
currently recognised, and that oceanic voyaging to and from South
America was possible and indeed was achieved by a series of
ancient, sea-faring cultures.
a)
b)
c)
1
Fig. 4. Architectural correspondence between a) Tiwanaku in Bolivia and the Ha’amonga ‘a Maui Trilithon in Tonga
2
(2011), b) Candi Sukuh in Indonesia and Mayan pyramids in Central America (Tikal Complex, 2013), and c) statues in
3
4
Sulawesi, Indonesia and Tahiti .
1
2
3
4
http://www.wikiwand.com/es/Tiahuanaco
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Candi_Sukuh_2010_Bennylin_24.jpg
https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parco_nazionale_di_Lore_Lindu
troisfripouillesenvadrouille.eklablog.com
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Dr. Kenneth Scott (BSc (Hons); PhD) and Mr. Bradley Pitt are independent researchers bringing together the spiritual wisdom of ancient
cultures with contemporary scientific understanding to document the higher significance of sacred places around the world.
Dr. Scott is a plant ecologist with a broad background in land management, ecological research, protected area management, and the
development of public policy for the sustainable management of natural resources. His PhD examined the influence of fire regimes on the
structure and composition of plants in tropical savannas, and is regarded as a subject matter expert on grass-layer plant dynamics in
Australian tropical savannas. Following the completion of his studies, he travelled to Zambia to undertake a volunteer project with a rural
community, to better understand the role of wildfire in African savannas and the ignition sources of human-caused wildfire. He has
presented the results of scientific research at national and international conferences (including in Spain and South Africa), and has
authored several peer reviewed scientific publications in Australian and international journals. His current focus includes Pacific prehistory and the legends of Mu, megalithic anthropology and documentary film making at sacred sites around the world.
Mr. Pitt is a futurist and spiritual teacher dedicated to synthesising science and spirituality, guiding us towards a vision of the new world.
As an active member of the World Peace Prayer Society, and gifted visionary and spiritual communiqué, he promotes new peace
initiatives and inter-religious harmony. He has been a representative for the Multi-faith Association of South Australia, attending the
Parliament of World Religions as a delegate and forum facilitator on behalf of national and international organisations. As an Earth Charter
representative for South Australia, he examined ways to instil better values and ethics in businesses and the work of NGOs. Additionally,
he was a former member of UNESCO-APNIEVE South Australia (Asia Pacific Network for International Educational and Values
Education). Bradley has a strong interest in the practice of vibrational medicine, which spans a broad spectrum of disciplines such as
acupuncture, electrotherapy, meditation, sound therapy and psychic healing. As Co-director of Sacred Resonance, he uses visual arts,
music and education to raise the profile of future sciences. Through his visionary thinking, he examines how we can build a bridge
between science and spirituality, and in-turn address key areas of humanity's dilemmas facing us in the 21st century. He is currently the
Australian Coordinator (with Darren Curtis) of the Academy for Future Science.
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