Create Once, Play Everywhere: Convergence
strategies for public radio in the U.S.
Presented at
RIPE@2008
Mainz, Germany
October 2008
Dr. Michael Huntsberger, Assistant Professor
Department of Communication Studies
Furman University
Greenville SC USA
[email protected]
Create once, play everywhere
Huntsberger
Create Once, Play Everywhere: Convergence strategies for
public radio in the U.S.
A recent editorial in a professional engineering magazine
suggests two possible dates for the beginning of the digital media era
(Radio World 2008: 46). One historical frame begins in 1982 with the
introduction of the audio compact disc player to the consumer market.
The second begins in 1993 with the public release of the World Wide
Web. In either case, it is clear that the appellation “new media” is a
misnomer for the technologies of digital communication. To anyone
born since 1980, the designation of digital media is redundant. For
these “early adopters” (who are now raising children of their own),
most electronic media have always been digital. Radio, on the other
hand, “has always been there and has stayed the same all along. So
while digital media may not seem in any way new to these younger
cohorts, they certainly perceive radio (and anything else from the
analog era) as truly ‘old media’.”
The radio industry in the United States is now engaged in the
daunting task of catching up to a host of more agile, more attractive
competitors in the media marketplace. To do this, radio broadcasters
are trying to reposition themselves and “rebrand broadcast radio as
but a single delivery platform within a media provider’s market
presence” (ibid). Such sentiments seem far removed from the
industry’s early promise of CD quality sound, more broadcast
channels, and an “orderly transition” for consumers from analog to
digital reception (Willis 2002; Stimson 2002). Ironically, it is the
commercial side of the industry that seems least able to cope with the
transition to the digital marketplace. In contrast, some public
broadcasting agencies, large and small, have proven to be more
forward thinking about the opportunities offered by digital technology,
and more adept at managing the transition.
This paper examines some of the history behind the
implementation of digital terrestrial radio broadcasting in the U.S., and
explores some of the strategies undertaken by three American public
broadcasters to participate in the multiplatform marketplace of digital
media. The paper argues that technical and policy initiatives
undertaken by the National Association of Broadcasters on behalf of
American commercial broadcasters severely constrained the ability of
the commercial radio industry to respond to emerging technologies
and developments in the digital communication. Long committed to
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strategies intended primarily to preserve the status quo and constrain
competition, commercial radio broadcasters have seen their attempts
to carefully manage the transition to digital delivery pushed to the
margins of public attention by file sharing, audio streaming,
webcasting, podcasting, and social media. In contrast, public radio
broadcasters have been more successful at experimenting with and
integrating new digital content forms and distribution strategies into
their broadcast operations. Their success can be attributed to their
consistent focus on promoting public service, rather than restricting
competition.
Private Industry and Public Policy
The American radio industry did not set out to be consigned to
the margins of digital media. The National Association of Broadcasters
considered adopting the Eureka DAB standard for digital terrestrial
radio broadcasting in 1991, before two consortia of private interests
moved to develop a digital broadcast system that could operate on
existing spectrum – the In-Band On Channel (IBOC) system (Ala-Fossi
and Stavitsky 2003: 63). The NAB steadfastly supported IBOC in the
face of discouraging test results, upheavals and realignments among
the technology developers, and noticeable discomfort within the
consumer electronics industry. Consequently, initial approval for U.S.
radio broadcasters “to introduce digital operations efficiently and
rapidly” to U.S. audiences did not emerge from Federal
Communications Commission until October 2002 (FCC: 1).
The NAB intended to address several concerns with the IBOC
system. At the outset, the NAB sought to exert some control over the
technology marketplace and assure that the FCC would authorize a
single standard for digital radio transmission in the U.S. (Ala-Fossi and
Stavitsky: 70). The NAB also viewed IBOC as the industry’s response
the FCC’s allocation of spectrum for satellite digital audio radio service
(SDARS) in 1992, and subsequent authorizations to American Mobile
Radio Corporation and Satellite CD Radio, Inc. (later XM and Sirius
satellite radio) to provide nationwide, multi-channel digital audio
services directly to consumers (Fisher 2000: 34; Scherer 2002).
Finally, by keeping existing FM allocations intact, the IBOC system
assured that there would be few opportunities for new operators to
enter the FM market (Ala-Fossi and Stavitsky: 71).
As USA Digital Radio and other companies worked deliberately to
develop the IBOC system specifically for American broadcasters, the
transformation of consumer-grade digital media proceeded without
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radio. Digital audio utilities and applications for the personal computer
emerged in rapid succession in the early 1990s, including Apple’s
QuickTime, the MPEG-3 codec, Real Audio streaming, and operating
systems and web browsers with native digital audio capabilities. These
technologies pushed the personal computer to the forefront of social
relevance, and changed popular perceptions of audio media (Menduni
2007: 10). American radio broadcasters responded to these
developments by streaming their programming in real time, but added
little new content to the already cluttered and fragmented market for
webcasts. The limitations of appointment scheduling and pre-selected,
pre-sequenced content quickly became apparent as public demand for
webcasts lagged and demand for podcasts, music file sharing, and
personal playback devices grew rapidly at the turn of the 21st century
(ibid: 15).
As digital media moved to the mainstream of public attention in
the 1990s, the NAB focused its attention on protecting the spectrum
allocations and collateral investments of commercial broadcasters, and
creating new advantages for existing operators within the America
regulatory system. The organizational and lobbying activities of the
NAB played a significant role in the passage of the Telecommunications
Act of 1996, which removed all caps on radio ownership.
Subsequently, commercial broadcasters entered a period that
reshaped the radio marketplace and enriched stockholders, marked by
the sale, acquisition, and merger of broadcast properties. But the
1996 Act offered no special advantages for broadcasters in the digital
marketplace. Instead, the US Congress authorized “ the Internet and
other interactive computer services… to the benefit of all Americans,
with a minimum of government regulation” (Telecommunications Act
of 1996). By the time ownership consolidation had run its course and
IBOC, rechristened as HD Radio, was ready for the market, audiences
had already adapted to the new utilities offered by other digital media
technologies.
American public broadcasters exercised little power in the NAB
or the broadcasting marketplace. On their own initiative, some public
broadcasters undertook experiments with forms of digital distribution
as early as 1994 (We Got Here First). Because commercial interests
drove the overall direction of broadcasting policy and technical
development in the 1990s, public broadcasters were not party to the
prevailing movements toward ownership consolidation and IBOC
implementation. Consequently, public broadcasters had more freedom
to test new platforms, and in some instances paved the way for the
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convergence of digital technologies that has reshaped audience
expectations, attitudes, and behaviors in recent years.
Case studies in digital convergence: WWOZ
Since December 1980, listener-supported noncommercial WWOZ
FM has served the area in and around New Orleans, Louisiana with a
24-hour mixed music format. Recognizing a special responsibility to
the population under its 4000 watt signal, the programming on WWOZ
has always reflected the area’s unique musical heritage, featuring jazz,
blues, rhythm and blues, brass band, gospel, Cajun, Zydeco,
Caribbean, Latin, Brazilian, and African genres (WWOZ Facts).
Throughout its history, WWOZ has broadcast live from the areas clubs
and events, including Mardi Gras and the New Orleans Jazz and
Heritage Festival. The station has cultivated and enjoyed a strong and
productive relationship with local musicians, especially some the city’s
most recognized recording artists (WWOZ History).
In 1995, WWOZ became the first public radio station in the
United States to stream its programming on the Internet in real time
(Freedman 2008). In the succeeding years, the station developed an
international audience for its intensely local programming (Freedman,
2007). The extension of the station’s program service beyond its
signal coverage through online channels has exposed the sounds and
culture of New Orleans to listeners around the world, and proven
especially valuable for former residents of the city who have relocated
to other areas of the globe. For these New Orleans expatriates,
WWOZ’s program streams and associated online content offer “an
opportunity to experience the grace of New Orleans, that redeem[s]
what seem[s] at times the mortal sin of leaving” (Folse 2008). Similar
expressions of appreciation, attributed to locations that include
California, Maryland, and northern Europe, regularly appear in the
forums on the WWOZ web site (WWOZ Forums). The forums provide
the opportunity for listeners to interact directly with program
producers, staff, and each other, through lines of communication that
are unavailable to the broadcast audience.
The value of a strong web presence proved crucial to WWOZ
during and after hurricanes Katrina and Rita devastated New Orleans
in 2005. In conjunction with the general evacuation of the city,
WWOZ shut down its FM service to allow staff and volunteers to
escape two days before the storms arrived. By Wednesday August 31,
as the extent of the damage became apparent, station manager David
Freedman recognized that the prospects for the broadcast service were
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uncertain. More fundamentally, Freedman worried that “the roots
culture of New Orleans” that connected the station and its listeners,
was “itself greatly imperiled“ (Freedman 2005).
In response, staff at New Jersey public station WFMU offered to
host “WWOZ in Exile,” an audio program stream on a local server that
was linked to the WWOZ home page. Initially, the stream consisted of
CD tracks by New Orleans artists. In the following days and weeks,
WWOZ staff and listeners sent old tapes and cassettes, and emailed
MP3 files of past programs to WFMU. The station’s producers started
to create new programs wherever they could find facilities. Recorded
messages from Freedman, delivered by telephone, explained the
circumstances of WWOZ in Exile, and rallied support for the station’s
continued existence. For more than a month, the WWOZ in Exile
webcast served as the sole connection between the station and its
audience – the listeners who had always tuned in to the webcast, and
more crucially, the FM listeners who had scattered in the aftermath of
the hurricanes. The web site provided a central point of contact for
musicians, producers, and listeners, and a collection point for more
than sixty thousand dollars in donations (Troeh 2005). More
fundamentally, the online presence superceded the FM service as the
station’s primary platform.
Oregon Public Broadcasting
From a complex of offices, studios, and support facilities in
Portland, Oregon Public Broadcasting operates a statewide network of
more than 50 full and low power television, FM, and AM radio services.
Established originally as an agency of the state, OPB has operated as
an independent nonprofit agency since 1993. Ratings for OPB radio
and television services are among the highest in the United States for
public broadcasting, and the agency is the third largest producer of
programming for U.S. public television. With the assistance of capital
funding from state government, OPB began the process of
transitioning its broadcast television facilities to digital transmission in
2001, and is now preparing its broadcast television audiences for the
end of analog service in February 2009 (Bass, 2007). The scale of
broadcast programming and operations creates special challenges for
the organization as it integrates digital communication capacity into
the agency’s public service mission.
As Vice President for New Media for OPB, part of Lynne Pollard’s
charge is to change workflow processes to accommodate the
production needs of digital platforms. In some cases, this requires
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preparing existing media files for online distribution, or providing
server space and streaming capacity to make broadcast radio and
television content available to online audiences. Such tasks are now
considered a routine part of the process for both television and radio.
Some content adds components that are available only on line1. For
example, the daily hour-long program Think Out Loud is accompanied
by a real-time blog, moderated by the producers. In the course of
each broadcast, comments from the blog are made available to the
program hosts and guests, in a manner similar to listener calls. The
program’s web site also invites audience members to contribute ideas
for future topics and guests, and to add comments to the blogs of
previous broadcasts (Think Out Loud).
According to Pollard, Think Out Loud currently registers about
25,000 page views per month, and averages 40 posted comments per
day. Some contributors post more than once per program. Those
listeners who post frequently help OPB break through the monolithic
conception of the mass audience, emerging as unique voices and
engaged participants in a broadcast-plus-online community. Access is
controlled through registration, but discussions generally proceed
without interference from the moderator. In a few instances where
Think Out Loud has taken up particularly divisive topics, Pollard has
observed that participants seem to be perfectly capable of moderating
each other, posting reminders to uphold the values of democracy and
civil discourse. Pollard says that OPB’s online audience is
“extraordinarily well mannered,” regularly expressing an appreciation
of the mission of public service broadcasting “in a very authentic way.”
In addition to streaming its broadcast FM news and information
format (including content from National Public Radio), OPB offers a
hosted Triple A music stream and accompanying blog. The blog
provides a text-based forum for the program host to introduce topics
related to the music content. However, response comments from the
audience are not limited to these topics, and can drift into personal
conversations between the host and individual listeners. Additional
audio content includes downloadable MP3 files of performances
recorded in the OPB studios, and links to podcasts from OPB and NPR.
Pollard says that the pattern of online listening to OPB runs
counter to the classic “two humps” pattern of morning and evening
broadcast listening. Online use rises in the late morning and early
afternoon, falls in the late afternoon, and rises again in the evening as
people return home. This pattern suggests that radio remains the
basic utility for the OPB audience during peak commuting hours, while
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online reception is more useful for stationary listening. Pollard cites
anecdotal evidence from fundraising activities and listener
communications to suggest that a sizable portion of OPB’s online
audience is located beyond the geographic limits of its broadcast
signals.
WFMU
Broadcasting at 1450 watts from East Orange New Jersey, WFMU
91.1 FM has served the metropolitan New York City area and the lower
Hudson Valley with an eclectic mix of freeform programming since
1985 (About WFMU; Freeform Timeline). When the station mounted
its first web site in 1993, station manager Ken Freedman anticipated
that the Internet could emerge as a new platform for delivering audio
content to existing and new audiences. WFMU began streaming its FM
programming in 1997, and today the station supports seven live audio
streams using five different codecs (WFMU Audiostream). In 2005,
the station inaugurated fifteen hours per week of live programming for
exclusive Internet distribution, and instituted streams for mobile
devices using the Palm and PocketPC operating systems in 2006.
WFMU claims to be the first broadcaster to stream content for the
iPhone in 2007.2
According to Freedman, WFMU has a weekly cume of 200,000
listeners. Of these, 50% listen online at some point during the week,
and 15% listen online exclusively. The webcast primarily provides an
alternate channel for the broadcast audience: Freedman estimates
that 60% of online listening occurs within the geographic boundaries of
the station’s FM coverage. Anecdotal data suggest that many of these
listeners are capturing the stream while they are at work. WFMU
currently distributes thirteen broadcast programs as podcasts, and two
programs available only as podcasts (WFMU Podcasts). And though
webcasting and podcasting have made the station’s programming
available through more channels and in more circumstances, WFMU
has turned to newer technologies to take advantage of the interactive
capabilities of digital media.
Established in 2004, WFMU’s Beware of the Blog serves as an
ongoing forum for station staff and listeners to share their interests in
music and popular culture. Moderated by Freedman, the blog mirrors
the station’s freeform programming, offering discussions on a wide
range of categories including music, art, current events, religion, real
estate, travel, and books (WFMU’s Beware of the Blog). Bloggers
include a handful of listeners who regularly post on a variety of topics,
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but for the most part the blog provides a multimedia forum for station
staff members to share their interests with that portion of the WFMU
audience that chooses to participate in the blog. Freedman observes
that the nature of interactivity in the blog provides a distinct social
experience that is related, but not integral, to the listening experience.
Those listeners who choose to participate may be listening
concurrently to WFMU programming, but concurrent listening is not a
necessary condition of participation in the social experience.
A more complex relationship between the station and its
audience can be observed in the WFMU programs that offer real time,
interactive playlists on line (fig. 1):
Figure 1: WFMU interactive playlist
Available from a link on the station’s home page, a web page for the
current broadcast program provides a frame on the left for the playlist.
The producer periodically updates the playlist throughout the program,
and the updates appear on the web page in real time. Frames on the
right side allow listeners to engage in real time text-based
conversations with the program host and other audience members.
The producer serves as the discussion moderator. Generally,
conversations revolve around program content. However, Freedman
observes that participants are not obligated to limit their comments to
program-related topics, and sometimes engage in conversations that
are completely unrelated to the broadcast program. In this manner,
the interactive playlists use the entertainment and information
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capabilities of broadcasting to provide the basis for the interactive
experience of social media.
Discussion
Douglas (1999: 23), Breiner (2003: 95), Reader (2007: 655),
and other scholars have drawn on Anderson’s theory of the imagined
community to describe the relationship of broadcast radio providers
and audiences. While the imagined community provides a powerful
metaphor for identity formation and social awareness, it also
demonstrates the limitation of the disseminative nature of
broadcasting: Broadcast channels afford no opportunity for receivers
to engage in direct contact with each other. IBOC and other
technologies of digital radio broadcasting operate within this longestablished paradigm of social relations and discrete delivery systems.
The fundamental characteristics of the imagined community formed by
radio remain unaltered.
The experience of WFMU demonstrates how digital channels can
be used by broadcasters to alter the social relations of broadcasting.
In the new reality of multi-platform delivery, receivers have the
opportunity to establish direct contact with each other, suggesting and
pursuing conversations of their own choosing, and exercising new
degrees of control over the nature and content of messages. Ken
Freedman compares this new relationship to hosting a CD party:
Guests are invited to come in and listen to music, but as the party
progresses the conversations move naturally to topics beyond music.
This sort of spontaneity and participation are rare in radio
broadcasting, but fundamental to social media.
In 1991, American radio broadcasters probably could not have
anticipated the emergence of social media. But it was clear at that
time that digital communication technologies were contributing to the
development of powerful networks in many industries. The
subsequent emergence of the World Wide Web provided the open
standard for utilizing these networking capabilities to distribute media
content to the public. But American commercial broadcasters were not
focused on new opportunities for public service in the early 1990s.
Instead, the attention of the NAB and commercial broadcasters was
focused on technology and policy initiatives that would preserve the
status quo. Consequently, public stations including WWOZ were the
first to experiment with digital distribution. The lessons learned from
these early experiments allowed WWOZ to integrate new platforms
into its broadcasting operations, and rely on them entirely when the
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broadcast service became inoperable. The lesson of Katrina, in David
Freedman’s view, is that “we have entered the post-broadcast era”
(Freedman 2008). The station’s broadcast signal is now the secondary
service: Since the fall of 2005, the primary services provided by
WWOZ have been available on line.
The market for digital content has opened OPB to direct
competition from its most prominent partner: National Public Radio is
distributing directly to listeners online, and on satellite radio. OPB is
responding by trying to recast itself as a unique, multi-platform
content provider. OPB’s digital initiatives anticipate a marketplace in
which geographic boundaries no longer pose barriers for consumers.
Ironically, the loss of this traditional audience boundary is pushing OPB
to develop a niche in the worldwide market that expresses a unique
regional character. By creating and supporting interactive channels,
OPB is allowing listeners to share in and shape a real community of
people who share the values expressed in that regional character, and
the values of public service media.
Conclusions
Broadcast radio has always been “a clearly defined medium with
certain established social and cultural function and distinct delivery
networks” (Ala-Fossi et al 2008: 7). Broadcasters relied on signal
coverage and scheduled programs to be the foundation of their
services. Their audiences were described by geography and behavioral
routines. American commercial broadcasters worked from this
definition as they looked to move to digital transmission with the IBOC
system. Their approach relied on historic conceptions of market and
regulatory structures, and assumptions about technology that turned
out to be “too simplified and optimistic” (ibid). The public
broadcasters presented here, on the other hand, have been open to
other conceptions of public service, and their initiatives provide
evidence that “radio” may be transforming into a multiplicity of
services that are capable of engaging and satisfying audiences in a
variety of ways.
The intentional, deliberate, highly controlled approach of
American commercial radio broadcasters to digital conversion may
have been “to elegant for its own good” (Pizzi 2008: 14). In the years
since 1991, digital technologies have relentlessly pushed broadcasters
into a more fragmented, more competitive environment. In their
attempts to exert a high degree of control over the nature and the
pace of change, commercial broadcasters effectively isolated
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themselves from opportunities to become full partners with the
developers of digital audio applications and mobile communication
devices. As a subsection of the broadcasting industry, public
broadcasters have not completely avoided these consequences. But
their readiness to experiment with other digital platforms has allowed
some public broadcasters to move into new markets, and reshape their
relationships with their audiences, well ahead of their commercial
counterparts.
Brecht conceived of the ideal radio system as “an apparatus of
communication…a vast network of pipes that organizes listeners as
suppliers” (1932). For most of its history, the technology of
broadcasting was incapable of living up to this ideal. The technologies
of digital communication have allowed the public broadcasters
described here to enhance and extend their mission of public service
by creating platforms for new forms of audience participation and
interaction. It remains to be seen how American commercial
broadcasters will make use of the opportunity.
1
Comments by Lynne Pollard from unpublished interview with the
author, August 6, 2008 (Greenville SC).
2
Comments by Ken Freedman from unpublished interviews with the
author, October 19 2005 (Eugene OR); and March 27 2008 (Atlanta
GA).
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