The World Cup Losers: The other side of the sporting event
By Joan Canela Barrull | Johannesburg
At the gate stands a small security outpost where they ask where you are going. “I have a
meeting with the Bishop”. “One moment”, replies the makeshift guard, before checking a
list to ensure a journalist is scheduled to arrive. The Johannesburg Methodist Church is a
monumental edifice built to demonstrate the church’s glory and might in the very heart of
the city’s business district. Yet today, its size is being used for alternate purposes, with
room to provide shelter for up to 2,000 African ref: gees who Bishop Paul Verryn has
taken under his wing. The majority hail from Zimbabwe, although people from other
countries, such as the Congo, Rwanda, Sudan and Somalia, are also present.
Verryn has played an active role in South Africa’s social struggles since the 1980s, when
he served as pastor to a small church in Soweto and spent his time presiding over the
burials of activists, murdered by police forces.
Perhaps because he has seen it all before, he seems wholly undisturbed by the destitution
order the South African Methodist Council has sent him. “The Council have buckled
under pressure from the government, who regard the refugees as a nuisance”, he explains,
despite express warning not to communicate with the press. “But the entire congregation
is united around this project, and they will fail”.
Verryn and “his refugees”, as the local press have dubbed them, are, in reality, World
Cup victims. And they are not alone. Across the country, thousands of people, most often
the poorest of the poor, have been displaced by the construction of infrastructures directly
or indirectly related to the event. They have seen how their ways of life have been
deemed illegal or, in the case of the Methodist Church refugees, that they have simply
become “bothersome”. This is the other side of the World Cup, featuring people with
precious little to celebrate, even if their country makes it to the final and hoists the prized
cup.
“We have kept our programme aiding refugees and South Africa’s homeless running for
over six years now, and not only have we never had any problems, but the government
has shown us a good deal of support”, continues Verryn. Yet with the World Cup
approaching, the situation began to change. “Their argument is that they’re trying to
decrease insecurity, but are they trying to tell us that all poor people are criminals?”, he
asks. “What they’re really trying to do is hide the poverty, sweep it under the rug like
dust. They don’t want the world to see the real South Africa”.
In recent weeks, a series of violent evictions have taken place in the centre of
Johannesburg, where thousands of immigrants live in blocks of squatter apartments. It
seems that Verryn’s fears were not, regrettably, unfounded.
A living market
Durban, situated some 600 kilometres to the southeast of Johannesburg, is the largest port
in east Africa and a stronghold for the country’s resident Indian community. It is a
modern city, with a dynamic, flourishing economy. Its beaches are heralded by surfing
lovers the world over. As with the majority of the country’s grand metropolises, in the
wake of apartheid’s demise, the urban centre was taken over by the black community,
who came looking for work wherever they could find it.
This is the home of the Early Morning Market, the largest traditional market in this part
of the continent. Here you can purchase everything from locally grown fruit and
vegetables to plastic products made in China, pirated CDs and films, a good meal or
herbs needed to prepare folk remedies. And everything for a price even the poorest can
afford. While you will not find it recommended in any tourist guidebook (in South
Africa, anything that smells African is quickly associated with being dangerous), a
market stroll is a joy for the senses, a true master class on local culture. The market is a
veritable incessant ant’s nest, spilling into adjacent streets in a seemingly incontrollable
flow.
Most importantly, the Early Morning Market represents the place of employment for
somewhere between 7,000 and 10,000 people, most of whom would have great difficulty
finding work elsewhere. “You cannot underestimate the market’s importance”, assures
Richard Dobson, Coordinator of the NGO Asiye Etafuleni, “because most of the income
that the women who work there earn is spent in the townships [the neighbourhoods in
which the black community was forced to live during apartheid] where they live, thus
giving a serious boost to the economy of a large part of the population with fewer
resources”.
Yet the market, situated in the centre of the city, next to the central train and bus stations,
is too strategic a locale to leave in the hands of the poor. Or at least this is what the
directors of Isolenu must have thought. This powerful investment group presented city
hall with a proposal to create a modern shopping centre to “dignify” the area, evidently
with the thousands of prospective tourists in mind. Obed Mlaba, the Mayor of Durban,
announced that they could not “pass up an opportunity that implied a 400 million Rand
(40 million Euros) investment”. According to Harry Ramla, President of the Early
Morning Market Vendors’ Association, all this is but a pretence to “turn this fabulous
space over to a fistful of large companies, even if it means losing thousands of jobs and
destroying the century-old building”, in reference to the fish market built in 1911, which
forms the market’s central nucleus and has been deemed a place of cultural interest.
“The World Cup has become a formidable excuse to impose development plans that spell
disastrous consequences for those most vulnerable”, explains Pat Horn, Coordinator of
StreetNet, an international alliance of street vendors, “and privatise the centre of major
cities to benefit a globalised economy that excludes the majority of these humble
individuals. They promised us development, but instead they are giving us greater
marginalisation and an elitist, homogenised urban centre, akin to all other metropolises
on the planet”.
Zero Evictions
On the continent’s southernmost tip sits Cape Town, the Rainbow Nation’s “white”
bastion. It is the only major district and province not to be governed by the African
National Congress, but by the Democratic Alliance (DA), torchbearers of the moderate
anti-apartheid parties, which today collects the votes of the white minority.
Cape Town is also a place of pilgrimage for the international jet-set crowd, who are
routinely seen frequenting its luxury restaurants or most exclusive boutiques. For
example, Victoria Beckham has rented a spacious apartment and swimming pool for the
World Cup, which rests spectacularly atop a cliff, overlooking the sea.
However, it also plays host to the country’s worst “informal settlements”, a local
euphemism that denotes shanty towns. We are talking about an authentic ring of poverty,
violence and desperation that literally encircles the formal city. These neighbourhoods
are not equipped with sewer systems, running water or electricity that does not come
from illegally connecting cables to high-voltage towers. Mere kilometres from the former
Spice Girl’s pool, it is impossible to find a flushing toilet.
This siege has fanned out so far that in order to construct Green Point, the über modern,
sea-front stadium, with seating for some 70,000 spectators, built especially for the World
Cup for a cost of 44 million Euros, hundreds of residents were forced to leave their
homes. And the former inhabitants of Green Point are not the only ones affected.
“Evictions have multiplied in recent years”, explains Tshawe, the community leader of
Joe Slovo, one of these so-called “settlements” named in honour of the famous South
African communist leader, “partly due to an increase in land prices, and partly because
the city government doesn’t want us so close to the centre, where the tourists might see
us”. The Anti-Eviction Campaign, a local alliance that coordinates affected communities,
places the number of people forcibly removed from the homes since 2000, the year the
organisation was founded, in the “tens of thousands”. In the case of Joe Slovo, the
“problem” lies in its proximity to the highway, consequently re-valuing the terrain upon
which their shacks were built. “But we didn’t settle here out of coincidence. If we leave
and go somewhere out in the middle of nowhere, how are we supposed to get to work?”,
asks Tshawe.
Three tales of resistance
While the former leaders of the anti-apartheid struggle are today directing the World Cup
and a good number of the projects that hinder the lives of South Africa’s poorest, the fact
is that the culture of resistance generated by that conflict remains profoundly engrained in
the collective conscience. For now, just days prior to the inaugural game’s opening
whistle, the Johannesburg Church refugees, the market vendors in Durban and the
residents of Joe Slovo are yet to be removed and continue their vehement opposition to
plans that, in the name of development, will exacerbate their already difficult lives.
With old songs from the anti-apartheid struggle resounding, the Early Morning traders
shut down their market and burned tyres, prompting the investing company, upon
realising that it would be impossible to open the shopping centre in time for the World
Cup, to throw in the towel. For the meantime, at least.
Bishop Paul Verryn is also optimistic. “In January 2009, police forces attempted to raid
the church and detain 1,500 people. Only pressure from the international media helped
stop them in their tracks. Today, with more news coverage than ever, they wouldn’t dare
take similar actions again”.
Zwelinzima Vavi, the General Secretary of the Congress of South African Trade Unions
(Cosatu), an association allied with the governing African National Congress, warned
that a general strike during the World Cup would be a possibility, if the government
seized upon this euphoric moment to apply certain unpopular measures, such as a
draconian hike in electricity rates. “We are Bafana’s [the national football team] biggest
fans; we support the World Cup. But we are not willing to take it in exchange for jobs.
We would rather see our people taken care of than the World Cup”. A few days before
kick-off, a hard-line railway-workers strike threatens to paralyse the country. “You can’t
ask the workers to place their fight on hold just because of the World Cup”, Vavi fires
back.
For the time being, the government has responded by prohibiting all nationwide
demonstrations between June 1 and July 15. This measure may signal the government’s
degree of desperation; a government in permanent conflict between its roots amidst the
people and social struggle and a desire to be accepted as a “trustworthy ally” in western
circles, between its genuine respect for democracy and pressure to appear peaceful and
tranquil to the outside world.
South Africa is today the world’s second leading country in terms of protests per capita.
An extensive network of social movements, trade unions and community-based
associations breathe life into the promise that with the end of segregation, everyone’s life
would improve. In this sense, the World Cup could prove a timely opportunity to execute
elitist development plans. However, it could also provide a great opportunity for the
entire world to see the South African people’s power of resistance.
A neoliberal World Cup?
“This is a country where staggering wealth and poverty stand side by side. The World
Cup, far from helping this situation, is just putting a magnifying glass on every blemish
of this post-apartheid nation”. This quote, contrary to what it might seem, was not voiced
by some social activist or academic Marxist, but by Dave Zirin, one of the United States’
most famous sports journalists. Yet the fact remains that South Africa, as of this past
year, is the world’s most unequal country. The stark contrast between five-star hotels and
sprawling cardboard and tin shanty towns will not be lost on visitors with even the
slightest amount of curiosity. With the sporting event drawing nearer, the most important
the continent has ever held, there has been an upswing in the number of voices
condemning the tournament for further aggravating this inequality, as opposed to, as the
government promised, developing the country and helping the people out of poverty.
According to data provided by Pravin Gordhan, the South African Minister of the
Economy, of the 2.5% growth in GDP calculated for 2010, 0.5 will be directly related to
organising the World Cup. However, this stretch comes thanks to a colossal public
investment, needed for what is already considered the most expensive World Cup of all
time. Over recent years, the entire country has been “tidied up” and today boasts
completely remodelled, or even brand new, roads, airports, stadiums and urban centres.
“The problem is that a large part of the public budget has been mortgaged in
infrastructures that, in the best case scenario, reinforce the neoliberal model for
development, instead of focusing on a social and sustainable solution”, sums up
University of Kwa Zulu Natal Professor of Economics, Patrick Bond. “In the worst case,
these installations are in fact completely useless, like the stadiums, for example, which
altogether cost some 3,000 million Rands [300 million Euros]. And this money comes
from funds allotted for potable water, social housing, health care and education”.
Naturally, not even one agrees. In fact, the World Cup has generated a great deal of
national backing outside of the people who directly suffer its negative effects, whereby
the poorer the people, the stronger the support. In these circles, critiques are taken as an
attack on Africa’s capacity to organise the event. Said critiques are often raised by the
white minority, in permanent opposition to the actions of the black majority’s
government. Regrettably, this logic of “us” versus “them” is alive and well 20 years after
Mandela’s release. And what’s more, a large number of people are seeking, even still, to
attain personal profit from the deluge of millions promised to rain down on the country in
upcoming weeks.
“Obviously, the World Cup is not going to substantially change the people’s lives, and I
think that presenting it in this manner was a mistake”, argues Yunus Ballim, Deputy Vice
Chancellor of the University of Wits, the country’s largest. “But we have to acknowledge
that it presents a wonderful opportunity to kick-start social projects and work with the
communities. I feel like the University has taken advantage in this sense, collaborating
with our guests from the Dutch national team, and it has worked out well. The World Cup
won’t bring in one cent, but it will bring in infrastructure and training for the future”.
Yet what will happen when it becomes clear that the expectations lumped upon this
event, and clearly encouraged by the government, are not met? “The level of frustration
will be high, and we could see a repeat of serious incidents, like the xenophobic attacks
of two years ago”, acknowledges Ballim.
Dennis Brutus, one of South Africa’s most radical voices, and one of its national sports
heroes, particularly remembered for organising a non-racial sports movement at the
height of apartheid, acknowledged, in an interview just prior to his death, that people
have been fooled by the World Cup. “So much money, enormous stadiums”, he
lamented. “If what they wanted was to help sport they could have built school fields”.
***
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World Cup 2010
Africa's World Cup?
By Sean Jacobs on July 7, 2010 0 Comments
On the eve of Ghana'
s fateful loss to Uruguay in the quarterfinals, South Africa'
s ruling
party, the African National Congress, declared them the Black Stars of Africa. Locals
joined their compatriots across the continent in willing the Black Stars on. When
Uruguayan gamesmanship prevailed in the end, the disappointment seemed genuine.
Even Nelson Mandela sent "a message of condolence" to Asamoah Gyan, the Ghana
forward, who missed the dramatic penalty at the end of extra time. (Ghana eventually lost
on penalties.)
But that momentary continental unity masks more sinister developments at play in South
Africa.
I was in South Africa for the first week or so of the tournament and one thing that
struck me, apart from the fickleness of South African fans in supporting their own
national team when its down, was the cold reception for African teams. I can only speak
for Cape Town where I traveled to see some first round matches--I scored tickets to 3
matches in the end--but friends and contacts confirmed my observations.In the earlier
rounds local fans cared little for continental teams, including Ghana, opting to support
the "traditional powerhouse" teams instead. By that I mean the stronger European sides
like Germany, France, and Italy with records of success in the World Cup, oreven
weaker, over-hyped sides, like England. The same was true for Argentina and Brazil.
You could argue that local fans--who make up the bulk of those at stadiums--were just
being realistic. (Confession: I favored Brazil and Argentina to win the whole thing.) But
these loyalties are also a function of television (the English Premier League and
European Champions League dominate football broadcasts on local TV) or due to the
poor organization of the continental leagues (with the exception of Egypt, Tunisia, and
perhaps South Africa, national leagues on the continent are quite weak, players are badly
paid, stadiums are dilapidated, and the quality of refereeing is way below even the World
Cup standards.) I find no problem with those explanations.
But I think there are other, more compelling explanations. South Africans are
uncomfortable about their continental identity, the "Ghana revenge" moment
notwithstanding. As an acquaintance probed: "Do [South Africans] think they belong
elsewhere and just happen to be in the wrong continent?"I can't count how many odd
looks I got for variously wearing a Ghana or Cameroon beanie hat or jacket in a mall, or
for wearing my Algeria scarf to the latter's game with England. Finding paraphernalia of
any other African team apart from South Africa proved quite a mission.
A Cape Town-based writer, in an email to me, suggested a reason for this:
I perceive an indifference to African [football] stars for certain. I see more Ronaldinho
jerseys [Ronaldinho was not even in Brazil'
s World Cup squad] than I see [Samuel] Eto'
o
ones and while I do see a fair amount of support for the big powers, its Brazil
overwhelmingly. I perceive a color dimension to it as well as a tendency of the poor to
support winners. I suspect the idea of brown skinned creolized Brazilians (although many
of the current team are dark skinned) is appealing to brown skinned South Africans [he is
referring to coloureds] that feel only a tenuous connection to Africa.
Ekapa, a regular commenter on my blog, Africa is a Country, wrote to me about his
recent travels to Johannesburg. He noted the annoyance of middle class black and white
South Africans with the idea that this was "Africa'
s World Cup," despite the fact that this
was the basis on which FIFA awarded the competition to South Africa.
Second, and perhaps more sinister, are the high levels of xenophobia against other
Africans displayed by South Africans. Nigerians especially come in for the bulk of the
abuse.But what was shocking was the persistent rumors I heard of threatened attacks on
African migrants once the World Cup is over. These have been given credence by news
reports, the Nelson Mandela Foundation'
s recent statement, and Desmond Tutu'
s decision
to publicly condemn such potential violence. In some shack settlements armed police
have already been deployed to monitor tensions between locals and migrants.Such
anxieties are not unfounded. In a frenzy of violence in May 2008 in shack dweller
communities and poor black townships around South Africa at least 70 people were
murdered and about 100,000 left homeless when locals attacked anyone they perceived of
being a foreigner.
Two examples from my trip: My brother told me colleagues at the suburban factory
where he works in Cape Town openly talk about planned attacks against non-South
African black Africans once the World Cup is over. When he challenged them about this,
they showed no shame.
Likewise, a friend, an anthropologist doing research with Angolan migrants in Cape
Town, told me of a number of instances where plans to attack foreigners were discussed-in one case, prompting a series of meetings by refugee/migrant representatives and local
community leaders to discuss how best to respond to these threats. In another case, one
of the anthropologist'
s interviewees was told to her face that "we'
ll get you after the
World Cup."
Ekapa also wrote: that I "in the working class and poor suburb of Alexandria [located
next to South Africa'
s richest suburb, Sandton] I heard a lot of resentment expressed
about how Nigerian and Zimbabwean hawkers were benefiting from an event that was
put on using South African money." Locals spoke of how African migrants were using
the World Cup to "stay on after the games were over."
"I overhead several conversations where the speakers felt that they needed to make it
clear that after the World Cup was over foreigners from Africa - makwerekwere or
'
Nigerians'as migrants are invariably called - were not welcome to stay."
Ekapa concluded:
"... I'
m afraid the post World Cup '
morning after'may not be pretty. The event was sold
as an occasion that would benefit South Africa economically and in terms of how the
world perceives it. No economic benefits have materialized, particularly for the poor and
working class, and judging from the World Cup [TV commercials] and the non-football
writing [in local newspapers] there hasn'
t been much of a shift in perception [about
African immigrants and refugees]. The party is glamorous and successful but in its
aftermath the hard and drab everydayness of life may even seem more depressing and
unleash the demons that haunt us all."
Let'
s hope this is all just a rumor.
Sean Jacobs, born in South Africa, teaches international affairs at
the New School in Manhattan. He blogs at Africa is a Country.
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World Cup 2010
World Cup Soccer: Enjoyment and
Identification
By Eli Jelly-Schapiro on July 8, 2010 0 Comments
Football fans can be divided, somewhat crudely, into two categories: those attracted to the game for aesthetic
gratification, and those whose fandom is rather driven by feelings of group solidarity. These categories are not
mutually exclusive. A beautiful move acquires even greater beauty when performed by a player or team with
whom one identifies; feelings of solidarity are emboldened when joined to rare artistry.
In my own life as a football supporter, my principal affinity is to the London club Arsenal. I am drawn to the
club'
s commitment, in recent times, to playing attractive passing soccer, and to the cosmopolitan makeup and
bearing of the team. But the depth of my identification is more the result of a year spent living in the North
London neighborhood where Arsenal plays. On match days, I could hear the undulating cadence of the crowd
from my front stoop. In the pub, I hugged random strangers after important goals.
My relationship to the football played in the World Cup is more detached, and more fluid. I hope, above all, for
transcendent moments of skill or invention, and for drama. In synch with local sentiment, I have rooted for this
World Cup, the first held in Africa, for an African team to advance far into the tournament. Ghana'
s "Black
Stars" made it to the quarterfinals--becoming the third African side to reach that stage of the competition--before
falling, in emotionally devastating fashion, on penalties to Uruguay. Asamoah Gyan, the team'
s star striker,
acknowledged last week that Ghana carried the expectations of a continent: "We have made everybody proud,
not only Ghana, but the whole of Africa." Where I watched Ghana'
s final match, at a bar in the Melville
neighborhood of Johannesburg, the DJ began his post-match set with a brief Bob Marley medley--"No Woman,
No Cry" transitioning to "Africa Unite"--which nicely captured the evening'
s layered mood. And from there the
Kwaito party took off.
On 20 June, I visited Johannesburg'
s Soccer City stadium to witness Côte d'
Ivoire'
s encounter with Brazil. My
support lay with Côte d'
Ivoire, who, though entering the tournament as Africa'
s greatest hope for glory, failed to
make it out of a difficult group. The crowd inside Soccer City was a motley composition of divided or multiple
loyalties--Holland shirts were paired with Brazil hats, Germany scarves with Brazil flags. "O jogo bonito" is
universal cultural property; Brazil belongs to the world. The majority of the 85,000 people inside the ground-minus the pockets of mourning Côte d'
Ivoire supporters--rejoiced as Elano, Robinho, and Luis Fabiano glided
around the field with the ball as their tether.
In Brazil, football as enjoyment and football as identification are inextricably bound. To arouse the nation'
s
affections, the team must not only win, but do so with style. The current Brazil side and its manager, the explayer Dunga, have been criticized back home for their un-Brazilian approach. A rigidity of structure and
emphasis on defensive discipline, the critique goes, has blunted creative energies both individual and collective-has alienated, in other words, the essence of Brazilian football culture. This critique will only grow louder given
Brazil'
s early exit from the tournament, after a frankly shambolic performance against Holland in the
quarterfinals.
The history of samba-futebol can be traced to the 1930s, when Brazil first brought its radical, playful version of
the game to the world stage. "The Brazilians," Gilberto Freyre observed, "play football as if it is a dance." In
1958, a young player named Pelé captivated the world'
s imagination as Brazil won its first World Cup title. In
1970 Brazil triumphed for a third time, reaching in the process an exalted aesthetic height that remains a
footballing ideal.
The universal, Hegel taught, is found in the particular. The football sides that resonate on a planetary, and not
just national, scale gesture beyond themselves even as they enact their own singularity. Brazilian football, at its
best, is that most precious of things: an expression of national identity that inspires global consciousness. The
World Cup is likewise at its best when it occasions such a leap--from identification with the familiar and the past,
to identification with the foreign and the yet to come.
Will this World Cup engender such utopian feeling? That depends on where you stand. As yet, despite myriad
moments of brilliance, no team or player has conjured anything that might incite global reverence. In any event,
we would do well to remember the British historian Tony Mason'
s sage, if plaintive, words: "Football may
indeed be a passion rather than a pleasure and may be better than nothing but it is certainly not enough."
Image: Brazil versus Portugal World Cup Match in Durban, South Africa. Photo by Kwame Nyong'
o.
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World Cup 2010
Listening to the World Cup
By Jennifer Doyle on July 9, 2010 1 Comment
With ESPN'
s broadcast of the World Cup'
s opening match, my fellow tweeters began to
crack jokes about The Lion King. We imagined Rafiki calling the matches, or Mufasa,
and half expected the referees to lift up the Jabulani to announce the arrival of the New
Ball. Most folks simply observed, "I feel like I am watching The Lion King."
There is a good reason for this. The score used by ESPN to frame its coverage was
written by Lisle Moore. The Utah composer gave us muscular music for a sporting event,
upbeat music for a media event organized around putting us all in the mood to buy a shirt,
a ball, or a Coke. Layered over the orchestral swells are the oddly familiar sounds of
African voices, or, I should say, African-sounding voices. Africa is scored here as a
noble landscape, peopled by a unified chorus, singing together in a harmonic
convergence of tribal cultures.
"With the exception of the African choir," reports the Salt Lake Tribune, "all of the music
is performed by Utah musicians." ("ESPN Turns to Utah for World Cup Music") The
"African choir" lending this score a sense of location is actually made up with members
of The Lion King'
s Broadway cast. The African-sounding choir from New York City was
hired to sonically channel an idea of African authenticity keyed to the ears of ESPN'
s
American audience. This is of course true of all scores produced by the World Cup
broadcasting networks as they reach for music their imagined audience will understand.
Without a doubt, we are hearing not African music but (to invoke philosopher Valentin
Mudimbe) a musical "Idea of Africa."
In the mix of the music draped over the 2010 World Cup are more specific strains--the
audible sound of a continent being ripped off. This is nowhere more obvious than "The
Official 2010 FIFA World Cup (TM) Song," "Waka Waka (This Time for Africa)," sung
by Shakira and Freshlyground, a South African Afro-fusion band.
As pointed out by numerous bloggers, the global pop hit has a clear relationship to a
Cameroonian military song, Zangaléwa, popularized by Golden Sounds in 1986. "Waka
Waka" doesn'
t just borrow from "Zangaléwa" - listen to the two and you see that the
chorus to "Waka Waka" is a direct use of "Zangaléwa."
First, Golden Sounds'1986 hit (watch Golden Sounds'Youtube video for Zangaléwa).
And Shakira/Freshlyground (watch Shakira'
s Waka Waka Youtube video.)
In his article "Undermining African Intellectual and Artistic Rights: Shakira, Zangalewa
and the World Cup Anthem," Dibussi Tande places this appropriation within a longer
history of intellectual theft. He begins with perhaps the most infamous case of an
international pop star absorbing the work of an African musician, Michael Jackson'
s use
of a hit song by the Cameroonian makossa master, Manu Dibango. The words and
melody of "Soul Makossa" provide the distinctive sound of Thriller'
s opening track.
Dibango sued Jackson and won. Incredibly, given the topic here, Dibango'
s song was the
B-side to Movement Ewondo, a song the artist composed for the 1972 African Cup of
Nations (hosted by Cameroon and won by Congo-Brazzaville). It'
s a frenetic football
score in which strings seems to scurry underneath Dibango'
s expressive and light-footed
sax.
Jackson'
s appropriation of recognizable lyrics and melodies pales in comparison with
what Shakira and Sony music pull off with "Waka Waka." Given their use of a song
known to a generation of Cameroonians, it'
s surprising that they thought they could get
away with it. (See WFMU'
s record of their efforts to figure out the song'
s genealogy.)
But, of course, that is how entitlement works--you don'
t notice the theft of that which
you feel is already yours.
Tande, a digital activist, points out that the origins of the song were only acknowledged
by FIFA, Shakira, et al. in response to online activism by those who were horrified to see
it stolen in this way. Under pressure from the Cameroonian musicians and their
advocates, FIFA gingerly inserted a statement declaring that "Waka Waka" is a "remix"
of the Golden Sounds hit. This appropriation of African music into a musical idea of
Africa is a never-ending story. Tande reminds us that
for decades, African artists have had their works plagiarized by the West with little or no
compensation or acknowledgment. The most memorable example of the theft of the
intellectual rights of an African artist is that of Solomon Popoli Linda who in 1939 wrote
the song "Mbube" and received 10 shillings (less than $US 2) for his efforts. The song
which later became the pop hit The Lion Sleeps Tonight was reinterpreted by dozens of
American artists without Linda or his family receiving a dime....he died penniless. In
1995, the Lion Sleeps Tonight earned an estimated $15 million dollars just for its use in
the movie Lion King - a movie which has since grossed about 800 million USD
worldwide. Linda'
s descendants sued Walt Disney for 1.5 million dollars with the full
backing of the South African government. Disney settled for an undisclosed sum just as
the trial was about to begin. (Scribbles from the Den)
This is not something the company is eager for its consumers to know--behind that feelgood African sound is the noise of the gear-works of colonial exploitation, turning.
Perhaps more interesting in terms of the spin an artist can put on the same song is
K'
naan'
s "Wavin Flag," now ubiquitous as the official song for Coca-Cola'
s 2010 World
Cup advertising campaign, as well as the soundtrack for EA'
s game 2010 FIFA World
Cup South Africa. The song began as rousing melody tracking fantasies of pre-colonial
glory and postcolonial resistance:
So many wars, settling scores,
Bringing us promises, leaving us poor,
I heard them say, love is the way,
Love is the answer, that'
s what they say,
But look how they treat us,
Make us believers,
We fight their battles, then they deceive us,
Try to control us, they couldn'
t hold us
Cause we just move forward like Buffalo Soldiers.
But we struggling, fighting to eat
And we wondering, when we'
ll be free
So we patiently wait for that faithful day
It'
s not far away...
The song'
s chorus then repeats the following wistful thought, "when I get older I will be
stronger/They'
ll call me freedom just like a wavin'flag/And then it goes back, and then it
goes back, and then it goes back." While supported by anthem-like muscle, the song is
hardly the sort of thing one imagines selling Coca-Cola and animated video games. All
of the above lines were thus removed from the World Cup song. The refrain "And then it
goes back, and then it goes back" remains, however, like a phantom limb. It describes the
movement of a flag, literally, but without the context of the song'
s original words the
phrase has lost its sense. For within the original lyrics, the refrain describes the
movement of nationalist impulses toward and away from dreams of freedom. Those
words promise both that "if we go forward, we also go back" and that power "goes back"
to the people from whom it was stolen. We also have the very dense reference to Buffalo
Soldiers--to all-black regiments in the US Army. These soldiers supported the federal
government in the Indian Wars--the reference perhaps accidentally underscores the
colonial twist embedded in that phrase "moving forward." Perhaps I over-read in
K'
Naan'
s lyrics a story about settler colonialism, but it does not seem like a stretch to say
that in the story of his participation in its revision for (more) commercial use, we see
something of the problem of the World Cup interface.
Mumbai-based writer Supriya Nair, in an intervention that nods to "Wavin'Flag" with its
title "when I get older," warns liberal American pundits to check their impulses to read
African teams an allegory for Africa itself:
Where you see models of correlation between dictators and football victories, others
would see the run of play as the rest of the world knows it: of a history of possession
dominated by those who wrote the rules, of enforced migrations and unwilling
recruitments; of contests that we must always resist seeing as wars, because they are only
fought - and won - on the field (Treasons, Stratagems, and Spoils)
We would do well to listen other music, music not co-opted by the FIFA and its corporate
tentacles. Nomadic Wax produced "World Cup," a 12 minute track in which sixteen
emcees from Africa, Europe, and the Americas contribute 16 bars of lyrics speaking to
and about the 2010 World Cup. The grimmest lines come from South African emcee
Emile YX, who sums up the imperial relation between the FIFA that profits from the
World Cup and the South Africa that pays for it:
The attention world gathers for the wrong reason
It'
s the long cold-hearted capitalist season
Where basic human freedoms violated for money
In the land of gold, we chase a gold cup, that'
s funny
Suddenly money changes "never & never again"
Never say never, the same money'
s running everything
Where Khoi & San bodies hung, impaled and battered
Is where they built the stadium & 4 billion got Blattered
But we'
ll foot the bill, just to foot their ball
On the graces of our ancestors, how can we stand tall?
Here Hegemony erases the memory of the San
And lands send players to get played by the man
This scams like '
Yes we can tans [Obama]'distracting nations
Subduing revolution with media mind occupation
When FIFA'
s moneymaking machine moves on
Has Africa finally the World'
s respect won?
Emile YX boils down a critique launched by activists and academics across the country
(see World Cup Watch and Patrick Bond'
s slide show "A Political Economy of the 2010
World Cup.") As MCs toggle between bragging about their skills on the pitch and on the
mike, between love for their national team and critical reads like the above, "World Cup"
distills both the desire and the danger of looking for redemption in FIFA'
s tournament.
Perhaps no team bore the burden of redemptive hope more than Ghana. Cheery anthems
abound in its stands. Ghana is home to "hiplife," a hybrid movement that combines the
sounds of up-tempo Ghanaian highlife, hip hop, and pop. Ghanaian artists working in
this genre regularly make use of Jama songs (football chants). In his 2006 survey of
hiplife and World Cup music, Chale describes Jama as a form of "public music"--songs
known, sung, and, in essence, "owned" by the Ghanaian public (Museke: home of the
African music fan). Jama is woven throughout much hiplife, and hiplife feeds back into
Jama as fans break into songs that have been recast by their favorite MCs and pop artists.
Ghanaian musicians regularly produce new anthems for their national squad, called the
Black Stars.
For the 2006 World Cup, the group G-Force produced a whole album celebrating the
team (Faith in the Black Star). That year, an all-star lineup of hiplife musicians produced
"Oseiye" as the Black Star'
s official theme song in the lead up to the 2008 Africa Cup of
Nations (watch "All Stars" youtube video for "Oseiye"). In "Blackstar 2010," Trosky
Blackman sings for the Ghanaian squad over a bouncy synth backdrop, the song
coalescing in the familiar "Olé, Olé, Olé, Olé, Olé, Olé." (Listen to it here:
http://ghanamixtapes.com/wordpress/?p=1854)
The genre migrates: London DJ Richy Pitch spent two years in Ghana and has produced a
series of tracks with hiplife musicians including the amazing "Football Jama," which
mixes the crowd noise, drumming, and whistles of fans with Jama football chants, and
rapid-fire football-centered lyrics from UK artists Sway and M3NSA, who imagine life
as the captain of the team and its fans. Kwabena Jones and the US-based MC M.anifest
produced "Vuvuzela blackstars," yet another celebration of the cruelly eliminated squad,
via an appreciation of the unpopular noise trumpet. M.anifest concludes that regardless
of the results, "I know they heard us." Maybe.
Currently making the viral rounds is a comic dual, "African Vuvuzela vs Turkish Zurna,"
produced by the Turkish football fan site 90turk.com. Two stereotyped characters, one
African and one Turkish, blow their horns--"Ali"'
s Zurna appears hopelessly quaint, until
wins a crowd of chanting Turkish football fans swarm around him with drums. Point
taken, for the vuvuzela is removed from the world of "public music": the person who
plants their lips on it has opted instead for the world of plastic noise. And so unfolds the
debate over the authenticity of the vuvuzela as an African sound (as asserted by FIFA'
s
Sepp Blatter). They are manufactured in China, andthe people in the stands of the World
Cup don'
t represent South African football culture. It is unfair to reduce the whole of any
fan culture to what has Elina Shatkin aptly described as a "glorified kazoo."
Vuvuzelas have been in US and Mexican stands for years,but in crowds much smaller
than are packed into World Cup stadiums, which were scaled up from South Africa'
s
existing, more reasonable facilities. 17,000 people, some with drums, some with
vuvuzelas, some with trumpets, makes one kind of aural experience--a cacophony in
which song and noise can wrestle playfully. Sounded by audiences of 70,000 or more,
however, the vuvuzela is a nightmare, a wasp'
s nest of sonic anxiety, especially for
networks broadcasting the tournament.
The vuvuzela does not communicate support, but affect itself--interest and anxiety,
mostly. A team attacks at a tense moment in the match, and the volume goes up. The
horns throb when it feels like something important might happen, when it feels like a
team might go up or down. It communicates intensity--a sonically disorienting sense of
hope and alarm.
Radio and television production of World Cup matches must ride these waves of sonic
attack. Sound editors balance the imperative that they communicate the audience'
s
volume (the aural effect of a packed stadium) with the need to create a watchable,
listenable broadcast. The vuvuzela is the sound not of resistance, exactly, but of
interference-- the noise of a multitude that refuses the desire to hear a pretty African
song.
Nair, Supriya. "when i get older." Treasons, Stratagems, and Spoils.
Tande, Dibussi. "Undermining African Intellectual and Artistic Rights." Scribbles from
the Den.
Chale. "jama-osee, osee, black stars ei, forward ever!" Museke: home of the African
music fan
Photo credit: http://www.flickr.com/photos/bigblackbox/4760632538/in/photostream/
Jennifer Doyle is the author of Sex Objects: Art and the Dialectics of Desire (Minnesota,
2006) and the queer feminist soccer blog, From A Left Wing. She teaches at
the University of California, Riverside and lives (and plays) in Los Angeles.
***
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World Cup 2010
Vuvuzela: A Loud, Blank Cipher
By Andrew Ross on July 10, 2010 0 Comments
Locals who had hoped that the rest of the world would take away some useful knowledge about South Africa'
s
current affairs could hardly be faulted for cursing the existence of the vuvuzela. Zealous opinion about the
ubiquitous plastic horns has nearly dominated the portion of the World Cup'
s global media coverage which is
reserved for "African content." Not only that, at the rate they are selling abroad, the trumpets may turn out to be
South Africa'
s most distinctive export, and its most enduring contribution to football culture. Move over,
songmakers of the Spion Kop, the storied Liverpool fan foundry that originated crowd chants! The low B flat
drone of the vuvuzela seems destined to turn your rhymes to sonic dust.
Before you are tempted to join the chorus of contempt, consider what we can learn from the
debate about the vuvuzela. The most virulent respondents have called for the horn to be
banned from stadia (as it is from South Africa'
s own elite rugby citadel Newlands). Given the
sordid history of banning African drums and other musical forms during colonial and slavery
regimes, one might reasonably expect public figures from the global North to think twice
before going down a similar road. But this has not restrained a range of commentators--from
star players like Spain'
s Xabi Alonso to national sports officials like Japan Football
Association president Motoaki Inukai--from voicing strong support for a ban. On the other
hand, some efforts to defend the horn as a quintessential expression of Africa have been just
as condescending. "I have always said that Africa has a different rhythm, a different sound,"
tweeted FIFA president Sepp Blatter, inviting the kind of cringe that often greets his offhand
public comments.
More consequential was the response from Danny Jordaan, chief exec of South Africa'
s
World Cup organizing committee, who fought for sixteen years to bring the tournament
home. Explaining why he would have rather have had the stadia ringing with crowd chants,
he observed: "In the days of the struggle [against apartheid] we were singing, all through our
history it'
s our ability to sing that inspired and drove the emotions." Indeed, this is the
backdrop to the anti-apartheid struggles that the world remembers, and it is still echoed in the
international recognition accorded to distinctive sounds from South Africa such as the a
cappella songs of Ladysmith Black Mambazo.
If mellifluent choral phrasing is your standard for representing the nation, the vuvuzela'
s
monotone is likely to be judged harshly. Indeed, those who have jumped to its defense as an
instrument of music-making have run the risk of sounding risible. The horns, it has been
argued, have the potential to be played in unison, either in support of a song or in a basic
melody of their own, and are often used in call and response routines by coordinated fan
groups. But, the argument continues, most of the ones used in the World Cup are being
blown by foreigners who have no prior experience with them, and in any case, they are of
such poor quality-Made in China-that they cannot be made to perform even by the most
skillful practitioners.
For the majority of users, the vuvuzela is, first and foremost, a noisemaker, and in this
respect, it resembles the traditional wooden rattle that provided a cacophonous, clacking
soundtrack to British soccer matches for several decades after the First World War. This
rattle had an indelible working-class association, and, as the game gentrified, was phased out
in favor of more articulate crowd expressions. More recently, the thunderstick, of Korean
provenance, came to global attention during the 2002 World Cup (hosted by Korea and
Japan) and has been widely adopted by fans of American sports and by the corporations who
brand the sticks. But the impact of the vuvuzela sound (often compared to an elephant in
distress, or a megaswarm of angry bees) has reached much further, pushing fan noise beyond
the point even of corporate acceptability. It has threatened to negate the visual slickness of
the stadium billboard ads and to ruffle the corporate polish of the global TV operation, built
around heroic ad spots which depict stars in Olympian profile, performing exploits that far
outmatch what they can ever achieve on the actual field. Thus the BBC worked hard to
design a "clean" feed that would strip out most of the crowd noise in its broadcasts.
With the home team'
s dismissal from the tournament in the opening group round, some of the
rationale for the vuvuzela as the "12th man" of the home side fell away--the Johannesburg
Star had promised that the din would "blow our opponents away, and turn other teams to
jelly." But this turn of events has only served to redirect focus on the horn'
s impact toward
the people whose consumer gratification is all but sacrosanct--the remote TV viewers, far
from the vuvu-zeal of the stadium crowd, in the atomistic comfort of their homes.
Put more abstractly, the vuvuzela has become a blank cipher in an arena otherwise arranged
for complete legibility--a baffling, and to many disturbing, intrusion on the management of
their passions. And who or what is its energy source? The fans at these games are well-heeled
enough to afford the pricey match tickets, and many of them hail from other continents, but
in the global imagination, the sound of the vuvuzela is indelibly that of the African masses-issuing from the long, historical horn of their neglect, insistent now on being heard, and
resigned to the knowledge that not being welcomed or understood may be their best shot at
getting attention.
Andrew Ross is Professor of Social and Cultural Analysis at NYU. His most recent book is
Nice Work If You Can Get It: Life and Labor in Precarious Times.
***
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World Cup 2010
World Cup 2010
By Nikhil Pal Singh on July 11, 2010 0 Comments
In this dossier, a series of football enthusiasts (who also happen to be social and cultural
critics), offer their reflections upon the meaning and significance of the 2010 World Cup
in South Africa. Much commentary and controversy has already been generated by this
global event, the first World Cup, and indeed the first global sporting event of any
significance to be held in "Africa". The specific importance of South Africa as a
relatively privileged outpost, what some would describe as an "exceptional" civil and
political space on the African continent--lends additional weight and distinctiveness to
these reflections. World history from the vantage point of South Africa has been
represented as a triumph over the legacies of modern white supremacy and settler
colonialism. South Africa'
s World Cup in turn has been touted by its many boosters as a
benchmark in post-apartheid nation-building, and as a showcase for African national
competence and good governance that will both advertise and provide a leading indicator
for a bright new era of continental development.
The facts on ground, of course, have proven to be messier and more conflicted, even as
the conventional narratives and imagery that saturate the event often conform to and
reanimate older colonial scripts. Pre-World Cup advertisements on Australian television,
for example, depicted the national team, "the Socceroos," training with wild animals of
the African bush. Laundered by post-apartheid common-sense, the racist bestiary thus
regains its old salience for the '
invention of Africa'
. What might be called the sounding of
the event as several writers discuss, has been an arena of fundamental contestation, as
"Waka-Waka" and the vuvuzela offer competing soundtracks and register a contested
history of cultural production and material appropriation that has long been central to
both scholarly and popular representations of African realities. A stunning commercial
and financial success from the standpoint of FIFA (football'
s world governing body), and
its biggest corporate sponsors (McDonalds, Budweiser, Coca Cola, etc...), for South
Africans saddled with '
white elephant'stadia, unpaid public wage bills, and masses of
underemployed and workless poor who could not afford the price of the ticket, the
'
trickle-down benefits'of the event are far from certain.
Africa'
s first World Cup in this sense at once signifies and promotes the ascendancy of
multicultural neo-liberalism in our own time, bundling together its glittering promise of
inclusion for all along with its vicious indifference to a host of new enclosures. Yet, for
many who write here who have been engaged in the event these past weeks, football'
s
World Cup cannot be grasped in its complexity if it is cast only as a confirmation of
dominance (or merely as a guilty pleasure). For the ardent partisans of national teams, the
passionate neutrals, as well as those who get drawn in, in different ways, to the public
narratives that cohere around the event, the World Cup indexes something more than the
unremitting triumph of corporate capitalism in the train of its colonial past and present.
Not only is football, (soccer in the US parlance), arguably the only truly global game, its
World Cup, a spectacle consumed by billions of people, takes on an interpretive
significance for the entire planet, as its serialized, agonistic form engages in both precise
and distorted ways the pressing social questions of our time: the allure and failure of
nationalism as a cosmopolitan ideal, the risk and promise of innovation weighed down by
a stagnant order of things, the limits of formal equality and the inadequacy of the rule of
law to demands for justice, the threat that ever widening circles of human affiliation
across borders will beat a xenophobic retreat to virulent realities of marginalization and
defeat.
Football in this sense encompasses a geopolitics of affiliation, one with an irreducibly
modern historical dimension. Viewed in this light, the presiding trope of "Africa'
s World
Cup," retains a decided ambivalence. The tournament has unfolded in such a way that for
the first time in 72 years two European teams will meet in back to back finals; the winner
will be the first European nation to win a World Cup played outside of that continent.
Michel Platini, the head of UEFA, the European soccer federation, explains these
developments in a classically Eurocentric idiom: "we are witnessing a triumph for
technical education programs, sound management and good governance... Nothing could
be more pleasing than this state of affairs." As columnist Richard Williams pointed out in
the Guardian and as Peter Alegi documents in his book African Soccerscapes, Platini
characteristically ignores how Europe'
s soccer federations have prospered in recent
decades through the ravenous recruitment of African talent at all levels of the game, with
very little return given back for local infrastructural development at the source.
One suspects that the collective feeling, cost accounting and narrative framing in South
Africa and elsewhere on the African continent is rather different. For despite the failure
of most of the African teams, including South Africa (the first host nation to fail) to
advance out of the qualifying rounds, one team, the Black Stars from Ghana (notably the
first independent, post-colonial African state), did so, eventually reaching the quarter
finals. South Africans across colors and communities quickly transferred their allegiances
to the Black Stars in ways that seemed unprecedented to many -- a demonstration of
horizontal solidarity and pan-African affiliation that appeared to cut against the grain of
both South African exceptionalism and the enduring divisions of the apartheid past. At
Soccer City stadium outside Soweto, a crowd of 85,000 (excepting approximately 2000
Uruguay supporters) watched in horror as Ghana were cruelly knocked out by Uruguay,
as a result of a Uruguayan field player, Luis Suárez saving a ball off the goal-line with his
hand, an egregious breech of the rules of the game, but one that despite being punished
with a red card and an award of a penalty kick, delivered the match to Uruguay as a
consequence of the Ghanaian players subsequent failure to convert the penalty, and a
succession of spot kicks in the penalty shoot out. This event, much like Zinedine Zidane'
s
notorious head butt in 2006, or Diego Maradona'
s'
hand of god'goal in 1986 arguably
constituted the central talking point for the event as a whole. For Suarez'
s handball
highlighted an injustice, indeed a form of cheating, for which the laws of the game
provided no definitive remedy. In turn, Ghana was prevented from becoming the first
African side to reach a World Cup semi-final, (after which who knows what might have
happened?). Instead, with the defeat of (the now locally unloved underdog) Uruguay in
the semi-final we were left with the novelty of two of Europe'
s oldest colonial powers
Spain and Holland, neither of whom has ever won the World Cup before, contesting for
the ultimate prize on African soil.
One South African blogger of note (who also happens to be my brother) thoughtfully
considers this outcome, drawing upon the insights of the celebrated Uruguayan leftist
writer and soccer enthusiast Eduardo Galeano. "In football," Galeano writes, "rarities
occur. In a world organized around the daily confirmation of the power of the powerful,
nothing is rarer than the coronation of the humiliated and the humiliation of the crowned.
But in football, at times, this rarest of events does happen." Alas, "rare" remains the
operative word. More often the games leave fans hard done by and not only because our
teams don'
t win, or because we must return to our mundane existence. Rather we are
dogged by a sense of the unfairness of it all. This is not only because we have spent days,
weeks (and eventually years) mesmerized by a highly scripted, corporate-dominated,
commodity spectacle. For unlike other serialized forms of mass culture whose generic
prescriptions frequently offer comforting confirmation and imaginary resolution, football
is fatalistic; its results rarely please. And yet this may also help to explain the peculiar
unity that an event like this actually engenders among supporters of all sorts. For apposite
the nationalist pageantry of flag waving and face-painting, the beautiful game,
particularly when played on the global stage, engenders neither partisanship nor
triumphalism among the great majority, but the intimate fellowship and humility of the
mutually wronged.
The essays here can hardly begin to chart the still proliferating meanings of this global
event, particularly as its narrative threads disperse with returning players and fans across
four continents. Inside South Africa, the post-mortems on World Cup 2010 have scarcely
begun. Charges of corruption, murky money trails, on-going and impending strikes,
rumors of resurgent crime and xenophobia are weighed against a justifiable sense of
national achievement and near universal praise for South Africa'
s astonishing ecumenism
and hospitality. With its'coffers lined, FIFA ( an organization that seems a bizarre cross
between the Vatican and the IMF) has already charted a relatively short path across the
Southern hemisphere to 2014 and Brazil, a country still brimming with recrimination for
falling short of a wholly unique expectation to win every World Cup it plays. Outside
hapless England, whose golden generation finally withered on the vine, Europe looks on
with anticipation and complacency. Elsewhere, Catalunya pauses to give two cheers for
Spain. While Asia and Africa still await their champion.
Nikhil Singh is Associate Professor of Social and Cultural Analysis at
NYU. He is the author of Black is a Country: Race and the Unfinished
Struggle for Democracy (Harvard, 2004), and editor of Climun' Jacob's
Ladder: The Black Freedom Movement Writings of Jack O'Dell
(California, 2010).
Photo by Karam Singh.
***
“Africa’s World Cup” was a good World Cup. But was it African?
by Siddhartha Mitter
In the run-up to the climax of the World Cup on July 11 in Johannesburg, with the field
of teams inexorably reducing to finalists Netherlands and Spain, there was at last time
between matches to start assessing the tournament’s global impact.
This was, after all, the first World Cup of the Facebook and Twitter age. Even YouTube
was just a year old when Italy defeated France in the ill-tempered final of the last World
Cup, in 2006. This time, the global audience consumed the World Cup – already the
planet’s most popular and obsessively-watched sports event – in the most dense, realtime, multilingual, multimedia manner we have ever known.
And what we consumed extended far beyond events on the field: beyond ignominious
first-round exits by Italy and France; beyond the blond ‘do and pinpoint strikes of Japan’s
Keisuke Honda; beyond the imperious beatdowns a young, multiethnic Germany put on
highly-touted England and Argentina; beyond the hands of Uruguay’s Luis Suarez
illegally stopping Ghana’s late game-winner, and Ghana striker Asamoah Gyan tragically
missing the ensuing penalty kick; beyond referee errors, goalkeeper heroics, 0-0 draws,
and every glorious moment when the Jabulani ball, supposedly the sleekest and roundest
ever made, was struck, tapped, stroked, headed or smashed into the back of the net.
We consumed, more voraciously than ever, our own consumption, with hysterical tabloid
coverage from every country just a click away. We consumed gossip: Did England coach
Fabio Capello’s ban on pre-match sex have a part in the squad’s poor form? Who is the
mother of Portugal star Cristiano Ronaldo’s newborn American baby? And we consumed
entertaining sideshows like Paul the clairvoyant octopus, who correctly “predicted” from
his aquarium tank every result of the German team and even Spain’s final victory.
Last but not least, we consumed Africa.
Holding the World Cup in Africa for the first time carried a clear symbolic meaning. It
would be part recognition of the immense contribution of Africans to the development of
the world game, and part showcase for the vibrancy and potential of the continent not just
in footballing matters, but as a destination for investment, tourism, cultural exchange.
And staging the tournament in South Africa would honor the anti-apartheid struggle and
the country’s transformation and present the advantage of access to the continent’s most
advanced infrastructure and a hotel and travel industry able to accommodate a huge flux
of fans from around the world.
Not everyone in South Africa enjoys football. (In the white community rugby is the main
sport of choice.) And not every South African football enthusiast backed the choice to
host the World Cup. Critics argued that spending on stadiums and hotels showed
misplaced priorities for a country with serious poverty, inequality and health issues. Yet
once the decision was made, the World Cup became a national showcase in which
everyone, like it or not, had a stake.
Just as unavoidably, it became a showcase for all of Africa – despite a raft of ambiguities
and conflations that set eyes rolling among activists, scholars, and anyone with a nuanced
understanding of the continent. Collapsing Africa’s 53 states and billion people into one
simplified concept easy to drape in stereotypes is an all-too-familiar source of frustration.
South Africa’s political and business relations with other African states, the role of
migrants in South Africa’s workforce, the xenophobic backlash against them, were just a
few of the dimensions guaranteed to be obscured by billing this “Africa’s World Cup.”
Yet Africa’s World Cup it was; an avalanche of messaging ensured it would be. “This
time for Africa,” sang Shakira in the tournament’s inane but catchy official theme song,
“Waka Waka” – a typical instance of a non-African messenger delivering the official
line. Lines of taste and dignity were trampled from the outset. Advertisers from Holland
to Mexico created World Cup themed ads featuring pith-clad explorers in the bush, wideeyed village children, Masai tribespeople, and those African signifiers of last resort:
lions, elephants, giraffe, zebras, crocodiles, hippos, wildebeest.
YouTube Doubler
The Cup’s opening concert also struck a pan-continental note, giving prime billing to a
mix of usual suspects from the world-music circuit (Hugh Masekela, Angélique Kidjo,
Amadou & Mariam, Tinariwen) and up-and-comers with an alternate take (SomaliCanadian rapper K’Naan, South African rockers BLK JKS). It was a pleasant mix,
offsetting the annoying Black Eyed Peas and increasingly soulless Alicia Keys, but
missing were the styles and artists that are actually popular among youth or the general
public in large parts of the continent: Nigerian hip-hop and R&B, Ivoirian coupé-décalé,
Ghanaian hiplife, Congolese soukous, Angolan kuduro, South African kwaito and more.
By mid-tournament, new storylines had taken root thanks to the action on the field. The
question now was what it meant for Africa that five of its six participants in the 32-team
field failed to place first or second in their group, and so did not advance to the knock-out
stage. Was the early elimination of South Africa, Algeria, Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire and
Nigeria some kind of lost opportunity or even dishonor to Africa as a whole? Columnists
in the non-African press devoted much space to variants of this question, while TV match
commentary, recycling a particularly tired stereotype, focused on the supposed physical
advantage of African players versus the tactical edge of their European opponents.
Fortunately, Ghana’s Black Stars made it out of their group, and thus were immediately
branded “Africa’s last hope” to hold its own in the tournament. A hard-fought win over
the United States in the second round led to the quarter-final match against Uruguay that
ended in heartbreak. The tragic and dignified manner of Ghana’s exit solidified their
support not just in Africa but around the world, and the lively farewell the players
received on the streets of Soweto confirmed that pan-African solidarity was more than
just an invention of political romantics or writers in search of a storyline. Still, there were
limits. A Nigerian acquaintance grumbled, not in jest, that Ghana deserved to win but
ought not to be the first African team to hoist the Cup. And after the elimination of their
own Bafana Bafana squad, South Africans were more likely to don Brazil shirts than
those of any other team.
In the end, a tournament that South American teams seemed set to dominate instead came
down to two European countries. The tactical and stylistic connections between the
Spanish and Dutch teams gave football scholars plenty to chew on. Observers in search
of historical ironies could point to the fact that the Dutch East India Company was the
first to colonize South Africa – or reach all the way back to the Eighty Years War
between Holland and Spain. As it turned out, the match itself was violent enough, but
ended in deserved victory for an elegant Spanish side.
In South Africa, the impending end of an intense month brought relief and deserved pride
at the World Cup’s success. Giving the lie to pre-tournament hyperbole about all that
could go wrong in South Africa – violent crime, transportation problems, prostitution,
terrorism, other unspecified mayhem – were record attendance numbers and happy fans
streaming home. The new challenge for South Africa’s political and business leaders was
to capitalize on the good will. Meanwhile critics warned of chronic problems resurfacing
once the party was over. In the townships, rumors spread of impending violence against
African immigrants after the eyes of the world turned away.
Elsewhere in Africa, the end of “Africa’s World Cup” way down on the continent’s
southern, winterly tip spelled neither new business opportunities nor new threats. While
South Africa has a functional domestic football league, top young footballers in other
African countries are still snatched up by unscrupulous foreign scouts and fed into lower
levels of the European game, while most local talent faces underfunded and disorganized
domestic leagues. Mercenary European coaches come in for short stints at high prices,
but still less than it would cost local authorities to invest in quality football academies.
Beyond football, the Cup’s effect on the rest of Africa will be incidental – another of
those global Africa moments with benefits that are mostly symbolic. If anything, the
World Cup may leave Africa more vulnerable, not less, to the simplifying gaze of wellmeaning outsiders, such as Belgian photographer Jessica Hilltout, whose images of men
and boys in various African countries playing soccer with improvised balls were being
shown in a Johannesburg gallery. The photographs are artful, technically strong. Yet
Hilltout’s artistic statement – “Africa is a world like no other. Unstructured, disorganised,
carefree, monotonous. African people have simple needs and huge hearts. They accept
their lot in life with a supreme calmness” – conveys the lazy condescension that afflicts
so much of the continent’s treatment by its would-be foreign advocates.
Still, this was a good World Cup. An excellent one, even. The football was strong, the
competition exciting, the logistics successful, the champion new. And the meaning of
holding all this in a free South Africa, in the presence of revered figures like Nelson
Mandela and Archbishop Desmond Tutu and the spirits of their fallen comrades in the
struggle, was so strong as to trump any misgiving. Even ESPN, the normally craven
sports TV behemoth, ran a strong documentary on how soccer kept up spirits and honed
the organization of political prisoners in the Robben Island prison during apartheid.
All that – and vuvuzelas too.
The long plastic horns ubiquitous in South African stadiums were excoriated as noise
pollution by foreigners (and some South Africans) at the start of the World Cup. By
tournament’s end, they had become its most prized souvenir, an international cult item
that traveling supporters were bringing home by the bushel.
An “African” item almost entirely liberated, in material and context, from any existing
positive or negative stereotype of Africa, the vuvuzela might just do more to promote a
healthier relationship to Africa in the West than the funkiest new band, the most stirring
Nick Kristof or Bono appeal, or the most earnest art project.
For now, its joyous, honking high-decibel output bears witness to one incontrovertible
fact: The football has come and gone. “Africa’s World Cup,” for all its success, will fade
into memory.
But it brought the noise.
Siddhartha Mitter is a writer on politics, music and culture who has lived in New York,
Boston, Abidjan, Kolkata and Paris. His work has appeared in numerous outlets including
the Boston Globe, Paste, Alarm, Transition, The Oxford American, WNYC Radio, MTV
Iggy, and PRI’s The World.
***
At the World Cup, Searching for the
'Real' South Africa
Jul 9 2010, 11:30 AM ET | Comment
Rodger Bosch/Getty Images
What does one wear to go watch soccer in the real South Africa? I have the jersey of a
local team, the Orlando Pirates—will that be good camouflage? Or will it make me look
like a poser? Maybe I should just put on a parka and hand sanitizer and throw a hospital
bag with extra clothes into the trunk, for my next two days in the overdose ward. I am,
after all, going to watch a game at Mzoli'
s Meat in the black township of Gugulethu,
which means I will be freezing, eating my food without utensils, and probably consuming
large quantities of alcohol.
Alas, none of this ended up happening. It seems I'
m alone among foreign correspondents
in failing to score a dirty-sexy Africa experience during this soccer season. It'
s the first
African World Cup, and we came here needing to see something, well, African. The
images that came easily were all wrong. The stadiums were too shiny, the hotels too
continental. An anxiety began to creep in that we weren'
t getting the real story.
And so the race was on to cover the games in a more authentically "African" setting. The
BBC team watched Ghana'
s match against Uruguay from the "African Corner" restaurant
in a ghetto called Yeoville. One crewman told me it was "amazing," with people dancing
in the streets—although the authenticity was very slightly dampened by the spotting of an
al-Jazeera TV crew in the same vicinity. The Canadian newspapermen watched Bafana
Bafana versus France in Sakhumzi, a well-known shebeen—the old apartheid-era name
for an underground bar—in the famous black township of Soweto. "Not far away, the tin
shacks and scorched earth of the Soweto slums reflect the grim reality that continues to
plague the Rainbow Nation," one of them noted in his post-game report, although
mysteriously, the patrons inside seemed happy.
Down in Cape Town, everybody looking for authenticity with their soccer was directed to
Mzoli'
s. The Malawian cab driver who drove him there—a.k.a. "my new friend
Charles"—promised the American sportswriter John Walters the real deal: no waitresses,
no cutlery, a great vibe with a dash of danger. If he got lucky, he might even have a
chance to have that quintessentially South African adventure, getting robbed on the toilet.
We constantly read that South Africa has some of the worst inequality in the world, and
so if the stadiums look so good, ordinary life has to look equally bad. That'
s why even the
foreign press'
s ostensibly admiring reports from local watering-holes have been vaguely
damning. Some journalists cut the shebeen shtick altogether and wrote straight
travelogues through harrowing landscapes of want.
Boris Johnson, the London mayor-cum-Daily Telegraph columnist, found that the only
beacon of hope in ordinary South Africa was a "nice one-eyed woman called Mary" who
let him tour her house. Mary'
s house had no heat, no TV—and, we learn, "no cooker
except for a couple of electric rings." This is a strange description, and while far be it
from me to deny the hardships surely visited on Mary by her one eye, it sounds
suspiciously like a euphemism for a stove.
I tried to watch the World Cup in the real South Africa, I did. Mzoli'
s, in the run-up to the
tournament, was visited by Jamie Oliver, England'
s Naked Chef, who verified it was
fabulously native. "It'
s a real experience, driving into serious poverty, no police around,"
he wrote in Jamie Magazine (yes, this really exists). "I knew we were going off the
beaten track." The alcohol is "booze," the music is bass-heavy, and the girls are naturally
hot, not like the British women with "their big sunglasses." He found the no-cutlery thing
particularly awesome. "It'
s so hot out there that they just can'
t be hanging meat like we do
in Europe. Just kill it. Gut it. Skin it. Eat it," he panted. "People might think this is the
wrong word, but for me, the whole experience was totally sexy."
I was primed, but the only part of that which happened at Mzoli'
s the night I watched the
Germany-Spain semifinal there was the eating. There was cutlery, as well as waitresses
doling out little containers of salad. And many policemen, who escorted with amusement
all the white soccer fans who feared—while they looked for—the heart of darkness to and
from their cars. Totally sexy came in the form of a red, dazzlingly lit Marlboro cigarette
promotion booth manned by two salespeople who insisted I call them "activators" and
who told me they mostly sold their products to Europeans.
In the room where you order meat, there was one piece of decoration on the wall: a
laminated copy of Jamie Oliver'
s article. I found myself among four white tourists
peering at his assertion we were "off the beaten track." It was horribly recursive, like
looking into a cage at a zoo and realizing there'
s nothing inside but a mirror; the exhibit is
you. I fled back to my table, where my South African companion was starting to get into
the whole authenticity thing himself. "We'
re going to have a traditional South African
dessert," he told me. He'
d bought a loaf of white bread and two cans of soda. "You mix
the bread in your mouth with Coke. It tastes like cake."
"Whose tradition is that?" I asked.
"Construction workers'
," he said.
Which brings me to the interesting thing. When I Googled recommendations for how to
experience the World Cup in an authentically African manner, I expected to turn up the
romanticized odes from gringos like Jamie Oliver. But I found as many South Africans
searching for the real South Africa in places like Mzoli'
s. Mzoli'
s served wine, which
t the township
disappointed the reporter from the local Cape Argus. "For me it just ain'
without Black Label [beer] quarts," she complained. Fortunately, a minimart nearby sold
whiskey "in a box."
I think there'
s an element of penance at work here, for everyone. Less than 20 years after
the end of the great crime of apartheid, if the reality looks too good, we think we must be
blind. So we rush into places like Mzoli'
s like Leontius in Plato'
s Republic, who curses
himself for desiring to look at a pile of massacred bodies but finally tears his hands from
his eyes, screaming, "Drink your fill!" Surely there are bodies behind that bottle of
Mzoli'
s wine?
In my Cape Town apartment, I keep a South African book called the African Cities
Reader, produced by Chimurenga, probably the realest magazine in the country, catering
to the hip arts set. Of the book'
s six essays on Johannesburg, five are set in the wild,
decrepit downtown, and they all reference drugs. The storyline is the broken African city
with the feisty African soul, where desperate wanderers sleep on park benches while
dreaming big dreams and the whole experience is totally sexy. Maybe the foreign press
found a storyline that was more authentic than they knew.
***
Blowing the Vuvuzela on FIFA’s Governance Challenges: Reforms for
Development
Global Governance, Development
Daniel Kaufmann, Senior Fellow, Global Economy and Development
Veronika Penciakova, Research Assistant, Global Economy and Development
The Brookings Institution
July 09, 2010 —
Sixty-two games have been played at the 2010 World Cup, which has been
marvelously hosted by South Africa. Only two games remain; one tomorrow
for third place and Sunday’s much awaited World Cup Final between Spain
and the Netherlands. In a couple of days, we will have a brand new world
soccer champion. But its international governing body, the Fédération
Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), will still be stuck in
the past. FIFA has monopoly control over international soccer, and as
this tournament has shown, faces enormous challenges: subpar corporate
governance, leadership and transparency. These challenges in part
undermine the development objectives of member countries.
Germany'
s goalkeeper Manuel Neuer watches as the ball crosses the line
during the 2010 World Cup
FIFA was founded in 1904 as a non-governmental and ostensible democratic
organization concerned with the “good of the game.” Today not only is
FIFA the only international body governing soccer, but its “product” is
in extremely high demand and basically lacks close substitutes.
For instance, when FIFA recently objected to French and Nigerian
government leaders interfering in the affairs of their respective
national teams, both governments had little choice but to relent as
their respective soccer associations were faced with sanctions and
possible suspension by FIFA. It would be political suicide for a leader
to be associated with sanctions against or the expulsion of a national
soccer team, particularly since the public is strongly invested in the
sport and influential private groups have strong financial interests in it.
A contrast between the development aid industry and FIFA is telling.
Nowadays, emerging economies can choose between various multilateral
development banks (MDBs) or bilateral aid donors based on which offers
the most convenient terms. Furthermore, development finance often has
substitutes, such as foreign direct investment, trade and the country’s
own reserves. Thus, there is more competition on the supply side of
development finance and a more elastic demand for the product.
Developing countries therefore generally have far more bargaining power
in negotiating with an aid institution than with FIFA.
FIFA’s monopoly over international soccer and the inelastic demand for
its product allow the organization to wield inordinate political and
market power. The latter permits it to extract immense rents from
countries. In recent years, FIFA has generated revenues averaging about
US$1 billion per year, with an additional US$ 3 billion generated in the
year when the World Cup is held. Most of its revenue is generated
through their control over television and marketing rights for games.
FIFA extracts large rents from countries hosting the World Cup while
host nations foot the bill. FIFA does not even pay taxes to host
countries for in-country revenue since it demands and receives
“diplomatic” status.
FIFA’s monopoly power in international soccer is also mirrored by its
own outmoded and autocratic internal governance structure. FIFA has no
term limits for committee members or the president. Since its inception,
FIFA has only had eight presidents, their tenure averaging over 13 years
each.[1] Further, key decisions, such as choosing the World Cup host,
are made by very small FIFA committees rather than the general council.
Ultimately, a select “club of insiders” wields disproportionate influence.
While development aid institutions still need substantial reforms[2], it
would be highly unrealistic for an international development agency,
like the World Bank, to blatantly infringe on the national sovereignty
of its member states by mandating them to make luxury infrastructure
investments with their own national resources and extract revenue flows
from such investments. But this is what FIFA is effectively doing.
FIFA’s statutes impact sovereignty. FIFA'
s Statute generally prohibits
country members from taking soccer-related contracts and disputes
involving associations, club members, player and officials to their
national courts of law. FIFA can impose serious sanctions on members
violating their provisions.
FIFA imposes a large development costs on host countries. FIFA’s effort
to bring the World Cup to Africa is laudable and is likely to generate
some socio-political and reputational benefits for South Africa. But,
the costs for the host nation are huge since FIFA mandates
infrastructure investments but does not equally share the funding
burden. This is particularly troubling since South Africa faces enormous
development challenges. Of course, FIFA often is not the only culprit
resulting in lavish expenditures at the expense of development:
politicians in the country at times quickly agree to embark in those
investments, due to either political expediency or venality.
The total cost for South Africa in infrastructural investments in
stadiums, roads and other projects is estimated at up to US$ 6 billion.
For example, five new stadiums cost South Africa over US$1.3 billion,
significantly more than was originally envisaged. Although the
government and local people encouraged renovating existing stadiums,
FIFA nixed this idea in favor of building new stadiums in locations with
better views and away from poor neighborhoods. Take the existing stadium
in Cape Town Township, which could have been renovated for a mere 5
percent (an estimated $30 million) of the actual cost to build the brand
new Green Point stadium (US$600 million). Similarly, a brand new stadium
capable of seating well over 40,000 people was built in the small city
of Nelspruit at a cost of US$ 137 million, where many of its residents
lack access to running water.[3]
The World Cup has boosted tourism. But with FIFA’s hospitality agents
monopolizing most of the bookings, South Africa will get minimal tourism
revenues. Tourism services were granted by FIFA through a no-bid, sole
source contract to Switzerland-based Match AG, where the nephew of
FIFA’s president has an interest. Construction was also expected to
provide a major boost in employment, but that has not been sustained.
A token fraction of FIFA’s estimated US$3 billion World Cup revenues may
be given to South Africa after the games, yet it would barely make a
dent to the billions already spent by the country. FIFA will channel
another share of their billions in revenues into many national soccer
associations around the world, but mostly the money will not benefit
local communities.
Transparency
FIFA also faces transparency challenges both on the field and off the
field. On the field, referee errors during this World Cup have once
again increased calls for technological assistance to refereeing,
particularly through instant replays. Off the field, the lack of
transparency in FIFA’s procurement and bidding has given rise to
numerous scandals.
Calls for instant replays. Controversies over referee errors and
questionable goals are not unique to this World Cup. However, the
availability and use of modern technology can often reduce and double
check referee errors. For example, modern technology in the form of an
instant replay on the stadium’s big screen exposed the egregious referee
errors during the England-Germany and Mexico-Argentina matches on June
27. Although spectators and players tried to bring the error to the
referee’s attention, long-standing FIFA rules state that referees cannot
rely on technology to make decisions. FIFA officials promptly ensured
that no more replays were shown on the big screen for the remainder of
the World Cup.
Off the field, lack of transparency in procurement and bidding has given
rise to corruption scandals. In 2009, a Swiss investigation concluded
that FIFA employees received kickbacks from a Swiss sports marketing
company ISL/ISMM. The company was suspected of securing television
rights to international sporting events, including the World Cup, by
engaging in corporate bribery. One of the officials implicated was a
FIFA executive committee member who received bribes totaling over
$150,000.[4] There is also evidence that a lack of transparency and
bribery featured in preparations for this year’s World Cup. A recent
report alleges that there was a lack of competitive bidding for stadium
construction contracts and price-fixing for materials, both of which
resulted in inflated construction costs.[5]
SELECTED RECOMMENDATIONS
National political leaders and the media are key “actors” in breaking
the FIFA’s monopoly and their obsolete corporate governance logjam:
* Politically-induce FIFA reforms. A concerted challenge to FIFA’s
monopoly powers by the highest political officials in member countries
is warranted, supported by opposition parties and civil society. With
the support of a growing base of soccer aficionados who are becoming
increasingly aware of how FIFA operates, national political leaders
should take on the organization’s governance challenges (existing vested
interests notwithstanding). Their respective political leadership of
future World Cup host countries could join Brazil, the 2014 host, in
drawing other countries and FIFA to the re-negotiation table in an
effort to establish a new international soccer order.
* A more active monitoring role by the media: Media outlets around the
world have been largely silent regarding FIFA’s many shortcomings. This
is partly due to vested interests and fear of alienating powerful
constituencies. Yet, there is a significant segment of the media
industry (including internet-based) that is not subject to the same
pressures and can play a more active role in investigating and
disseminating information on weak governance and reform options, further
sensitizing citizens at large and policymakers. The media should also
play a more active role in holding their country politicians accountable
in their investment decisions and payments to FIFA, and should
collaborate more with civil society organizations that hold their
government and FIFA more accountable.
FIFA could actively work to reform and consider the following concrete
suggestions:
FIFA should not undermine host country development objectives:
Currently, host countries bear exorbitant preparation costs for World
Cups, which are particularly onerous for emerging and developing economies.
* FIFA should refrain from mandating “white elephant” investment
projects, deter countries from embarking on wasteful investments
(sometimes favored by national politicians), and encourage host
countries to engage in cost-savings and upgrades of existing infrastructure.
* FIFA’s financial contribution for World Cup preparations should be
much larger, particularly in emerging economies and developing countries.
* Revenue-sharing arrangements should be revamped to increase the paltry
share currently received by the host nation.
* Innovations in private sector initiatives and Public-Private
Partnership (PPP) Infrastructure investments ought to be encouraged in
emerging economies
FIFA should increase transparency on the field: While FIFA President
Sepp Blatter has hinted at reconsidering his long-held opposition to the
use of technology on the field following the worldwide outcry over the
England-Germany and Argentina-Mexico games, concerns linger that the
‘concession’ may simply reside in adding referees rather than
introducing new technology.
* FIFA could allow instant replays for contested goals. If instant
replay technology is too expensive to implement worldwide, it could at
least be used at large international tournaments, like the World Cup.
FIFA should improve transparency in procurement:
* FIFA should replace its sole sourcing procurement with a high-tech
public procurement portal for all soccer-related contracts, and likewise
the host country ought to have an e-procurement portal, which includes
all preparatory investments as well. Procurement contracts would be
subject to competitive bidding, banning sole sourcing contracts above a
minimum amount. These reforms would result in large cost savings for
countries and deter conflicts of interest and corruption.
* It should also institute a hotline for reporting alleged
improprieties. To promote and protect impropriety reporting, FIFA and
the host nation should have in place stringent whistleblower protection
policies.
* FIFA should institute a public debarment system for corrupt firms,
similar to that already under implementation by various MDBs such as the
World Bank, where companies found engaging in corruption are publicly
banned from bidding.
FIFA should improve organizational transparency:
* FIFA should institute public disclosure requirements for the assets
and incomes of FIFA officials and their relatives and those of the
national soccer associations.
* FIFA should institute term limits for committee members and its
president and limit the number of committees that representatives can be
on. Furthermore, FIFA’s congress should transparently vote on important
items, such as the World Cup host country, rather than leave the
decision to a small committee.
This Sunday evening, the world will have a new soccer champion. The
vuvuzelas will die down as spectators return home. The World Cup fervor
will be on hold until 2014. Brazil’s President of Lula will be in
attendance this Sunday for the passing of the baton. In 2014, Lula will
have been replaced by a new president who will lead the nation at the
World Cup, consistent with the democratic principles that also govern
South Africa. Unfortunately, unless changes are implemented, such
transfers of power will remain absent at FIFA. Between now and 2014, it
is imperative to draw from such examples of leadership and governance to
help FIFA reform and become a real partner of sovereign nations pursuing
development objectives.
[1] By comparison, the International Cricket Council, which democratized
itself 22 years ago, has had 9 presidents since then, their tenure
averaging less than 2.5 years per president.
[2] such as in how transparently and competitively their heads are
selected (as with FIFA)
[3] If There is no official soccer team in Nelspruit. If no sizeable
regular audience is in attendance in Nelspruit following the Cup, then
the ‘unit cost’ of this investment could end amounting to US$34 m. per
game played. Similarly, even if some sports events take place in the
Green Point stadium in Cape Town, the unit costs is likely to end up
being very high and the rate of return highly negative. And so on.
[4]Other examples of corruption allegations exist, some recent. Last
week allegations surfaced against the Football Federation of Australia
(FFA) over its bid to host the 2022 World Cup to the effect of alleged
attempts by FFA officials to buy the votes of FIFA’s executive committee
members. Further, allegedly the FFA also attempted to influence FIFA
Vice President Jack Warner by paying for his national team, Trinidad and
Tobago, to fly to Cyprus.
[5] For detailed information on possible conflicts of interest in the
2010 World Cup refer to Herzenberg, Collette, ed. Player and referee:
Conflicting interests and the 2010 FIFA World Cup, Institute for
Security Studies, April 2010
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Not all waving flags at the World Cup
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Following the kick-off of the World Cup last Friday, Sokari Ekine finds herself torn
between joining in with the ‘hooray vuvuzela-blowing madness’ and watching the games,
or blanking out ‘the whole flag-waving charade.’ Ekine reports back from the African
blogosphere with its views on the matter, as well on the unawarded Mo Ibrahim Prize,
homosexuality and homophobia in Africa and the Niger Delta Amnesty.
Finally it has arrived – World Cup 2010, after months of debate in the international and
South African media on the pros and cons of the tournament being held in South Africa.
The games kicked off on Friday with the host country drawing with Mexico. The hype
around the games seems to have reached new levels but really there is nothing unusual
about this year’s World Cup – which along with the Olympics is THE major international
sporting event – except that it is taking place in Africa. FIFA decides and controls
everything around the World Cup – they are owners of the event from decisions on who
gets advertised, WC products, music, what takes place in and outside the stadium, the
food which is sold, where the teams stay and even words. FIFA actually own words and
phrases and have managed to persuade the government to suspend the right to protest.
South Africa is simply the host with no real powers.
The four main criticisms are the massive financial cost of hosting the event at the expense
of far more pressing housing needs; the role of FIFA in dictating the terms of the
tournament; the displacement and forced evictions of low-income residents and shack
dwellers; and the exclusion of street traders from selling their wares at the venues.
Nonetheless the response from the start of the games has been overwhelmingly positive
with the nation going football crazy, a real opium for the masses as all sense of reality is
thrown out of the window.
I wondered how many would actually turn up to the protests planned by the Western
Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign and Abahlali baseMjondolo – would they not also be
watching the games? Some of us have struggled with how to respond now the games are
actually here. Do we join in the hooray vuvuzela-blowing madness and watch the games
or do we blank out the whole flag-waving charade? As a football-loving fan, I decided to
try and selectively focus on the game of football (which incidentally has been impossible
due to the incessant noise produced by thousands of vuvuzelas for 90 minutes) and keep
as far away as possible from Coca Cola and K’naan flag-waving.
Patrick Bond aptly described the start of the games as a ‘formidable shock-and-awe
campaign against the senses’. It’s wholly depressing and I completely agree. FIFA World
Cup™ and CocaCola® copyrighted everything – no one can write, speak, or wear
anything that has not already been commandeered by these two corporate predators:
‘Damn, in my 48 years I have never seen a hip-hyper-hysterical commercio-nationalist
flag-waving horn-tooting onslaught like CocaCola® v the masses.
‘But let'
s face it, this is one of the most formidable shock-and-awe campaigns against the
senses – and common sense -–ever created, reaching out to a billion tv watchers across
the world plus audiences here at SA ground zero.
‘CocaCola® must have spent hundreds of millions of dollars on feel-good “open
happiness”™ (yeah, they copyrighted those two words together). How devious is that, to
get a very suave Somalian, K'
NAAN, as lead singer, drawing in top-knotch African
artists?’
Former Cameroonian football start, Roger Milla has also been coca-colarised as he
appears in the TV commercial ‘History of Celebration’ - yet another example of the
depressing banality and supremacy of commercialism in this World Cup.
Enough of my commentary; I am expanding this round up to include soundtracks, videos
and photo montages.
Starting with music, Dakar’s Nomadic Wax & DJ Magee’s ’World Cup’,which brings
together a global collaboration of hip-hop artists to explore the ‘complexities and
controversies’ of the World Cup in South Africa. Next ‘’Shame on the Game’ by Creamy
Ewok Baggends, who sing about the Khulumani Support Group, currently involved in the
prosecution of five multinationals involved in Apartheid and who are also investors in the
World Cup.
The Chomsky AllStars’ rap against the World Cup with ‘The Beautiful Gain’. Finally in
the interest of balance and to those lucky folk who have so far avoided hearing the
‘Waving Flag’ anthem by K’Naan, here is link.
The Centre for Civil Society has produced a montage representing the ‘Political Economy
of the World Cup’ – it’s in pdf format and can be downloaded here.
One example of the jubilation around the World Cup comes from Paul Zeleza onThe
Zeleza Post who just about speaks for the majority of bloggers as he can hardly contain
his excitement at the start of the games evoking ‘African Nationalism’ and desires to be
included in the global community:
‘For many Africans across the continent and in the diaspora the World Cup represents
football nationalism that transcends nationality; it evokes their Pan-African quest to
belong to the world and the world to belong to them with their full dignity as human
beings. In the words of Adichie, "our football nationalism, then, symbolizes a cathartic,
even if fleeting, addressing of historical and political grievances. It is a platform on which
to stand and say that we may not be part of the G8 who decide the fate of the world, we
may always rank on the bottom of health and government and economic indexes, we may
have crumbling institutions and infrastructure, but hey, we won by sheer talent and grit.
And a lot of the boys started playing without shoes. Now imagine what we could do if we
all had shoes - literal and metaphorical - from the beginning.’
Finally the Poor People’s World Cup kicked off on Sunday and will be played each
Sunday over the tournament. A great idea but very disappointing that women soccer
teams were not invited to participate?
‘At the meeting where the programme of the day was discussed, the coordinators
explained that this tournament is not only for the soccer teams, but also for the whole
community and for the people who struggle everyday against water and electricity cutoffs and against evictions from their homes and working places. The message during the
meeting was clear: while the poor people in Cape Town and in South Africa as a whole
are suffering, the rich are enjoying themselves in the expensive stadiums at the expenses
of the poor.’
Show Me the Money
Ron Singer
The World Cup (June 11th – July 11th) represents hope for the suffering, much maligned
continent that metaphorically sits atop South Africa’s shoulders. But it also encapsulates
a basic economic debate within South Africa. If you subscribe to the neoliberal economic
agenda, the minimum of U.S.$4 to 5 billion that will have been spent on infrastructure
and security is not only creating temporary jobs, but will attract future investment. This
investment will generate wealth that will push the ongoing agenda of deracializing the
still mostly white middle class. Perhaps even better, by putting serious new money in
government coffers, the Cup may ultimately narrow the gap between South Africa’s rich
and poor, the widest in the world. (As of September 2009, the Gini coefficient was 0.679.
Anything above 0.5 is said to be unacceptably high.)
Some South Africans dispute this neoliberal vision, in both the short and long terms. To
activists and other critics, the Cup symbolizes the government’s endemic failure to
deliver basic services to the vast majority of the populace. These critics do not believe in
the trickle-down effect. They see “investments for the future,” such as the recently
approved World Bank loan to ESKOM, as a way to sustain profiteering by the
government and its cronies at the expense of the people. For the poor, already
unaffordable electricity and water rates will surely continue to rise, so that ESKOM’s –
and the World Cup’s – debt can be paid off, and profits made. These critics also note that,
even as stadiums, roads and other infrastructure have been built and refurbished, hospitals
are being closed, and evictions and service shut-offs are accelerating. This is the South
African version of Wall Street vs. Main Street. To Cup critics, the poor are the skeletons
in the shadows at the big party.
Many South Africans base their life’s work on more direct efforts to ameliorate poverty.
Not that I mean to impugn the efforts of celebrity philanthropists or foreign-based
NGO’s, but those efforts are better known than the home-grown product. I recently
interviewed two South African women who are deeply involved in the struggle against
what some call “economic apartheid,” and who will serve to represent the range of good
works being carried on. One is an African (i.e. Black); the other, an Indian-South
African. One works with the government; the other, mostly against it. Both are in the
struggle for the long haul. Neither practices violence. Not only the work that each woman
does, but their own very different life stories, illustrate fruitful ways to narrow the gap
between rich and poor.
Puleng Motoseneng was the last of eleven children of a housewife and a farm worker.
She grew up in the conservative Afrikaner Orange Free State during the apartheid era.
Overcoming many obstacles, she managed to complete her secondary education, the
“Matric,” after which she married, had a child, and started to care for workers’ children
on her in-laws’ farm. From these beginnings, Puleng rose to become a Director of
Ntataise (Sotho for “to lead a child by the hand”), an organization that trains early
childhood educators working with poor children at over a hundred centers across South
Africa. Recently, Puleng secured a government grant of 1.1 million rands (about U.S.
$150,000) for outreach work with mothers in the Cape Town area. Early in life, Puleng
learned to make lemonade from lemons. In her words:
School was like, you go to school early morning, sometimes we would even leave before
our fathers would go to work. And we would come back ... long distances. Wow! And
there would be a child of the white farmer here. She would be taken to the bus stop. We
would be walking from this to this. And the bus would be taking this white child to
school, and it would pass you. You would be still waiting. The bus would pass you on the
road, and go, turn off and take Mr. So-and-So'
s child, come back, pass you. You know
what? We termed the bus to be our clock. We know, if the bus is collecting Mr. So-andSo'
s child, and Mr. So-and-So'
s, it keeps us moving, and we know, "We'
re still on time,
we'
re still on time." So it was our clock.
Orlean Naidoo: After the Group Areas Act of 1950 had dispossessed Natal’s IndianAfricans of their land, they were gradually moved to Chatsworth, in Durban, on the
Indian Ocean. Born there to a middle-class family, Orlean married her way down the
socioeconomic ladder: since the displaced population was housed according to income,
she found herself in a public-housing bloc, where, in 1997, she was unexpectedly
politicized. For the subsequent thirteen years, as leader of the Westcliff Flat Residents
Association, she has worked fourteen-hour days in the service of the poor. In her words:
Right across from me, there was a female, and she had four kids. The municipality had
sent her a letter, telling her that, if she didn’t pay arrears [rent, electricity, water] within
seven days, she would be evicted. She was so scared she didn’t know what to do, she
overdosed, some tablets or stuff, she wanted to kill herself. Everyone in the community
was trying to sympathize with her. And I had just moved into this flat. I didn’t know how
to react. Now people started talking around with each other, and we started getting
information on how you can really handle the situation. The advice was that maybe she
would apply for a divorce because her husband’s no longer with her. She can actually
save the house in that process. The house will now be transferred to her. The arrears
would be written off because they were her husband’s. That’s how they managed to save
the flat. The starting point of organizing was not very long after that.
Which story do you find more compelling, more inspiring, Africa’s first-ever World Cup,
or the biographies of Orlean Naidoo and Puleng Motoseneng? Which ideology do you
endorse, “trickle down” or direct action? I see it as a push-me-pull-you situation. I hope
the World Cup will, indeed, generate a great deal of money for South Africa. And, if it
does, I know that Puleng Motoseneng and Orlean Naidoo will make sure some of that
money gets to those who need it most.
Ron Singer served with the U.S. Peace Corps in Nigeria from 1964 to 1967. His
writings about Africa have appeared in publications including Bulletin of the Atomic
Scientists, The Georgia Review, opendemocracy.net, Poets & Writers, and The Wall
Street Journal. From February 18th to April 11th, Singer was in Botswana and South
Africa working on a book of interviews, Uhuru Revisited (Africa World Press/Red Sea
Press). For more details about Orlean Naidoo and the WFRA, see “A Visit to Westcliff
Flats,” Evergreen Review, Issue #123, June, 2010.
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South Africa’s own goal
As football fans worldwide turn their attention towards South Africa,
Ashwin Desai and Patrick Bond look at what impact hosting the World Cup
is having on the world’s most unequal large country
Visitors to the World Cup in South Africa this June will have to try
hard not to see some shocking contrasts in wealth and poverty. On the
one hand, the vast informal settlements in the Cape Flats and Soweto,
where hundreds of thousands of poor black South Africans live in shacks
without basic services. On the other, the new £380-million Green Point
stadium in Cape Town and £300-million refurbished Soccer City in
Johannesburg, which have received huge subsidies thanks to rulers from
both the white liberal-dominated Democratic Alliance and the African
National Congress.
Cape Town’s contrast is especially galling given that an upgrade of the
Newlands cricket field (in a white suburb) or of Athlone’s stadium (in a
black neighbourhood) would have been far cheaper. The latter was
rejected, according to a representative of the international football
federation Fifa, because ‘a billion television viewers don’t want to see
shacks and poverty on this scale.’
South Africa’s second-largest city, Durban, boasts the most memorable
new sports facility (£275 million worth, overrun from an original £160
million budget), as well as the country’s highest-profile municipal
sleaze and chutzpah. This exudes from a city manager, Mike Sutcliffe,
who tried – but failed – to gentrify a century-old Indian/African market
for Fifa’s sake, and who regularly bans nonviolent demonstrations.
Executives of Zurich-based Fifa, especially Fifa president Sepp Blatter,
blithely ignore the havoc this extravaganza is creating. To illustrate,
expensive imported German marquee tents apparently require erection by a
German construction company. And Fifa gets sole occupation of Durban’s
Moses Mabhida stadium – including retail space and a controversial,
oft-broken Sky Car up the iconic 108 meter high arch – for nearly a
month, even on the 75 per cent of days soccer won’t be played, keeping
the facility off-limits to visitors.
Recent national laws provide Blatter guarantees in terms of ‘ambush
marketing’, logistical support, access control and protection for Fifa’s
corporate partners (Adidas, Sony, Visa, Emirates, Coca Cola,
Hyundai-Kia, McDonalds, local phone giants Telkom and MTN, First
National Bank, Continental Tyres, Castrol, McDonalds, and Indian IT
company Satyam). Only Fifa-endorsed items can be advertised within a
one-kilometre radius of the stadium and along major roads. All profits
go to Fifa, whose 2010 take is estimated at £2.2 billion.
Shunted off
Little will trickle down. Aside from ear-splitting vuvuzela plastic
trumpets, the much-vaunted ‘African’ feel to the World Cup will be
muted. Even the women who typically sell pap (corn meal) and vleis
(inexpensive meat) just outside soccer stadiums will be shunted off at
least a kilometre away. According to leading researcher Udesh Pillay of
the South African Human Sciences Research Council, in 2005 one in three
South Africans hoped to personally benefit from the World Cup, but this
fell to one in five in 2009, and one in 100 today.
Danny Jordaan, CEO of the World Cup Local Organising Committee,
predicted in 2005 that the games would be worth as much as £3.9 billion
profit to South Africa, even after 2010-related infrastructure expenses.
An estimated 400,000 people would visit the country and 160,000 jobs
would be created. But current estimates have more than halved those
figures. The hospitality industry is shattered after a third of rooms
initially booked by Fifa’s Match agency were recently cancelled.
Benefits have shrunk but costs have soared. South Africa’s 2003 Bid Book
estimate of between £100 million and £750 million rose in October 2006
to a final projected £900 million. Since then, escalations have been
prolific, and now £3.6 billion is typically cited as the 2010 cost
(above and beyond standard infrastructure maintenance and upgrading) –
as against £1.2 billion in tourist income (an overestimate since many
non-soccer tourists are staying away due to fears of overcrowding).
Some expenses, such as a new fast train from Johannesburg’s refurbished
airport to the Sandton financial district, will receive partial payback
from future customers, but many such projects were break-even at best
without the momentary 2010 inflow. The Congress of South African Trade
Unions argued in early 2009 that ‘the billions being spent on this
prestige project for a rich minority of commuters should rather be spent
on upgrading the existing public transport system, which is used by the
poor majority.’
Mood of protest
The mood of poor and working people remains feisty, with several dozen
protests each day according to police statistics, most over ‘service
delivery’ shortcomings. A University of Cape Town research team reported
in early 2010 that the underlying causes of discontent will continue
long after the final goal. Principal among these are worsening urban
poverty and rising income differentials (along both class and race
lines) in what is already the most unequal major society in the world.
At least two political assassinations allegedly associated with 2010
profiteering have occurred in Mpumalanga Province’s host city, Mbombela
(formerly Nelspruit). More than a thousand pupils demonstrated against
Mbombela stadium when schools displaced in the construction process were
not rebuilt. Mpumalanga also witnessed a recent return of apparent
xenophobia, which after the World Cup may well worsen, with desperately
poor South Africans turning from attacks against municipal facilities to
loot retail traders from Pakistan, Somalia and Ethiopia.
Other World Cup-related protests have been held by informal traders in
Durban and Cape Town; against Johannesburg officials by Soccer City
neighbours in impoverished Riverlea township; against construction
companies by workers; and against national officials by four towns’
activists attempting to relocate the provincial borders to shift their
municipalities to a wealthier province. Just a month before the first
ball was to be kicked in the tournament, strikes were threatened, raging
or had just been settled over national electricity price increases,
transport sector wages and municipal worker grievances.
Nor will the masses have much to cheer on the field, as the national
soccer team, appropriately named Bafana Bafana (‘boys, boys’), has
fallen in the global rankings from 81st to 90th this year. Global soccer
apartheid means that the best African players are sucked up into
European clubs with little opportunity to prepare for such events.
Trevor Phillips, former director of the South African Premier Soccer
League, asks: ‘What the hell are we going to do with a 70,000-seater
football stadium in Durban once the World Cup is over? Durban has two
football teams, which attract crowds of only a few thousand. It would
have been more sensible to have built smaller stadiums nearer the
football-loving heartlands and used the surplus funds to have
constructed training facilities in the townships.’
The local winners in the process are not footballers or even rugby teams
that municipal officials fruitlessly hope will one day fill the
white-elephant stadia. They are the large corporations and
politically-connected black ‘tenderpreneurs’ (who win state tenders
thanks to affirmative action, if linked to established white firms),
especially in the construction sector.
This process reflects post-apartheid accumulation, according to Moeletsi
Mbeki, brother of former president Thabo: ‘Black economic empowerment
was created by the ultra-wealthy white business community in this
country, who were involved in mining and financing and other big
business, as a method of countering a programme of nationalisation. It
was a matter of co-option, to co-opt the African nationalist leaders by
enriching them privately.’
But with all the problems thus created, co-option is not on the cards
this year. As the hype fades and protests become more insistent, the
local elites’ mistake in hosting these games will be glaring. Global
business and the genuine joy associated with the world’s most loved
sport are mutually incompatible.
Ashwin Desai recently edited The Race to Transform: sport in
post-apartheid South Africa. Patrick Bond directs the Centre for Civil
Society at the University of KwaZulu-Natal
16 June 2010
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***
World Cup, Inc. Red Cards for Fifa, Coke and South African Elites
By PATRICK BOND June 14, 2010
Durban, South Africa
The World Cup™ began with the home team drawing Mexico 1-1 on Friday at
Johannesburg’s Soccer City stadium, with the US and England playing to
the same score the following night, two hours west, next door to the
infamous Sun City resort. Only injury-ridden Germany really stood out on
the first weekend, thrashing Australia 4-0 here in Durban.
The sounds of 50,000 vuvuzelas – that ubiquitous $3 plastic horn – are
as loud as anticipated, but to be frank, the most formidable sight is
the Coca-Cola® shock-and-awe offense: a hip-commercialized
hyper-nationalist hysteria-inducing flag-waving onslaught of
multinational capital at its most intimidating.
Sprinting through our weak South African legal and political defenses,
Coke® trademarked the two words ‘open happiness’™ and hired suave
Somalian K’NAAN as lead singer for ‘Wave the Flag’, drawing in
top-knotch African artists, blowing away local musicians who were left
grumbling at the inadequate exposure they received at Thursday’s
glamorous opening concert in Soweto.
They even coopted Cameroonian Roger Milla, who “changed the world of
football goal celebrations forever with his iconic corner flag dance” at
the 1990 World Cup™, claim the cheesy Coca-Cola® marketers on their
website. “The action continues with a montage of players showing off
their moves, representing the evolution of goal celebrations that
continues to this day. A smiling Roger Milla, next seen in the stands
watching the action and drinking a Coca-Cola®, nods in approval of
today’s goal celebrations motivated by his dance.”
Intoxicating as this can be, there’s no shortage of either cultural
counterpunching and counter-hegemonic analysis
(http://www.ukzn.ac.za/ccs has a daily World Cup Watch, joining the
Social Protest Observatory).
At least Coca-Cola® will never snag Durban’s young hip-hop master Ewok,
whose ‘Shame on the Beautiful Game’ sets a new standard for radical
protest tunes here. Also off limits are the 15 great rap artists that
DJs Magee and Nio assembled with Brooklyn’s Funk Nouveau, Blackler
Mastering and producer Eliot Leigh, featuring Emile YX from Cape Town’s
Black Noise Crew reminding, ‘We’ll foot the bill just so they can foot
the ball’.
Footing the bill and financing record profit outflows (30% higher than
in 2006) for the International Federation of Football Associations
(Fifa) are just some of the egregious errors made by our national and
municipal governments. Here’s the World Cup™ socio-economic six-pack of
red cards most damaging and worthy of reversal:
1) dubious priorities and overspending;
2) Fifa super-profits and political corruption;
3) heightened foreign debt and imports amidst generalized economic
hardships;
4) the breaking of numerous trickle-down promises;
5) the suspension of democratic freedoms; and
6) repression of rising protest.
Consider each in turn, and help us ask, can U-turns mitigate the damage?
First, overspending has been most obvious at the stadiums, including new
grounds (in Durban, Cape Town, Port Elizabeth, Nelspruit and Polokwane)
plus extravagant refurbishment expenses for Soccer City.
Which events can fill these stands after the last soccer match in July?
How many officials had Durban-type delusions - i.e., that we will
successfully bid for a future Olympic Games? These white elephants cost
the state $3.1 billion in subsidies.
The most expensive, at $580 million, is Cape Town’s Green Point, with
65,000 seats. It was foolish and racist, for the existing soccer stadium
in Athlone township could have hosted the semifinals with an additional
layer of seats. But no, according to a Fifa report, “A billion
television viewers don’t want to see shacks and poverty on this scale.”
Durban’s 70,000-seater Moses Mabhida, the $380 million ‘Alien’s Handbag’
(according to comedian Pieter Dirk-Uys) is delightful to view, so long
as we keep out of sight and mind the city’s vast backlogs of housing,
water/sanitation, electricity, clinics, schools and roads, and the
absurd cost escalation (from $225 million).
Harder to keep from view is next-door neighbor Absa Stadium, home of
Sharks rugby, which seats 52,000 and which easily could have been
extended. The Sharks have said they cannot afford to make the move to
Mabhida because of high rental costs, and a titanic battle lies ahead
over destruction of the older stadium to force the issue.
Amnesty for this red card would be imposition of a windfall tax on
profiteering construction companies, directing revenues straight to
neglected township facilities, including dusty, rocky soccer pitches.
The second red card is Fifa’s culture of corruption and excess luxury in
South Africa, the world’s most unequal major country. It’s not just Fifa
boss Sepp Blatter’s own insensitive demands, such as the installation of
fine new luxury toilets at one of SA’s leading hotels.
Reports of bribes for players, referees and officials are emerging. Lord
Triesman, who chaired England’s Football Association and headed its 2018
World Cup™ bid team, last month claimed in a taped phone conversation
that Spain and Russia are intent on paying referees to fix matches.
Journalist Declan Hill remarks, “Nothing at Fifa has been effective in
stopping this kind of stuff.”
Other corruption includes the death penalty imposed on whistle-blowing
in the eastern-most city of Nelspruit: at least eight suspicious kills
associated with the new 40,000-sesater Mbombela stadium, and a hit list
indicating profound splits in the ruling party.
The biggest corruption problem, as British journalist – and author of
the gripping book Foul! - Andrew Jennings puts it, is that “The
unaccountable structure they’ve installed is honed to deliver the game
to the needs of global capitalism - with no checks or restraints. Just
cheques.”
Those outflows are reason enough for a third red card: the huge import
bill and rise in SA foreign debt to more than $80 billion. In agreements
Pretoria tried to hide from the Mail&Guardian newspaper, it is now
evident that Fifa not only will pay no taxes, the Zurich soccer gnomes
can also ignore SA exchange control regulations.
Since the Fifa profit estimate is more than $3 billion (the TV rights
alone sold for $2.8 bn), the export of funds will hit SA’s current
account balance hard. Already we are at the very bottom of the emerging
markets rankings for this reason, making likely a currency crash sooner
than later.
As senior financier Trevor Kerst observed of stadium subsidies last
month, “The return on that investment is by no means assured. Within
these exclusion zones, only Fifa and its partners may sell any goods;
nothing from these sales accrues to the government.”
Who are these partners? The Khulumani Support Group joined Jubilee South
Africa to demand reparations payments from firms which supported
apartheid, a matter currently in the US courts through the Alien Tort
Claims Act. Khulumani has begun its own red card campaign against
corporate sponsors of the German and US teams who show up on the
defendant docket: Daimler, Rheinmettal, Ford, IBM and General Motors.
Fifa ‘partners’ who bought exclusive rights to monopolize commerce in
SA’s cities these next four weeks are Adidas, Coca-Cola, Air Emirates,
Hyundai, Sony and Visa, while ‘official sponsors’ include Budweiser,
McDonalds and Castrol.
Worse, the construction bubble has been driving our economy, just as
happened in the US prior to its crash. New luxury transport
infrastructure, for example, gambles on shifting rich people’s behaviour
away from private cars. But the $3 billion Gautrain rapid rail costs
riders five times more than previously advertised and probably won’t
dislodge Johannesburg-Pretoria commuters, thanks to traffic jams and
parking shortages at the new stations.
As labour leader Zwelinzima Vavi, put it, Gautrain “does nothing for
those who really suffer from transport problems – above all, commuters
from places like Soweto and Diepsloot. Instead, it takes away resources
that could improve the lives of millions of commuters.”
And was a new $1.1 billion King Shaka International Airport wise for
Durban, given that the old one had excess capacity until 2017, and given
the doubling of distance and taxi fares from central Durban?
Mitigating these red cards requires a full rethink of government’s
relaxation of exchange controls and its high-end infrastructure
spending. Re-imposition of the capital controls so as to halt capital
flight, and new housing/services subsidies for townships and rural areas
are both overdue.
A fourth red card is the lack of trickle-down to the masses, witnessed
in wasted opportunities – such as the trashy Zakumi doll mascot made in
Chinese sweatshops, not here – and municipalities’ brutal displacement
tactics. Informal street traders are furious at being barred from
selling in the vicinity of games, as are Durban fisherfolk evicted from
the main piers in early June.
Crafts, tourism and township soccer facilities were all meant to
benefit. But as SA Football Association Western Cape provincial
president, Norman Arendse, confessed, Fifa’s ‘fatal’ top-down approach
left grassroots soccer with merely ‘crumbs.’
Most sickening is our betrayal of helpless street kids. On April 1,
2009, at the Fourth SA Aids Conference, Durban city manager Mike
Sutcliffe promised that “street children would not be whisked off the
streets in the backs of police vans before the 2010 World Cup™ kicked
off in the city, only to miraculously reappear on the streets when
visitors had returned home.”
Turns out he was April-fooling with us. Whisking is underway, and as
Durban NGO Umthombo director Tom Hewitt remarked in February,
“Removing
children for the World Cup™ is not about child protection but about
cleaning up the streets.”
Others pissed off by Fifa and local World Cup™ elites are AIDS agencies
trying to distribute condoms, an idea which repelled the Zurich gnomes.
Environmentalists are disgusted with the tree-planting ‘offset’ gimmicks
that some municipalities boast to make the Cup less of a contribution to
global warming.
A red card need not be slapped on municipalities if they reverse such
policies and urgently inform Fifa that local business Exclusion Zones
are now inside not outside the stadiums, so that local informal traders,
fisherfolk and street kids can get on with their lives.
At least one auditing firm, Grant Thornton, disagrees, arguing that
about $7 billion in spin-offs can be expected, including 415,400 jobs,
with tourists spending of about $1 billion. But this appears to be
pie-in-the-sky.
The fifth red card is for Fifa’s takeover of SA’s sovereignty. Most
chilling is that not only does Fifa get full indemnity “against all
proceedings, claims and related costs (including professional adviser
fees) which may be incurred or suffered by or threatened by others.”
Journalists getting Fifa accreditation must also pledge not to throw the
World Cup™ ‘into disrepute’ while reporting, at the risk of being
banned. With such pressure, no wonder that the superb documentary film
Fahrenheit 2010 was censored by the three major SA networks in recent
weeks. (It will soon be available in the US, under the title ‘Who Really
Wins’.)
In addition, confirms one official agreement, SA will provide police
specifically “to enforce the protection of the marketing rights,
broadcast rights, marks and other intellectual property rights of Fifa
and its commercial partners.”
There appears, however, to be a bit of wiggle room here, and the red
card could certainly be appealed if state militarists U-turn. Indeed, in
Johannesburg on Friday, a Soweto march against Fifa – originally banned,
like all protests between June 10 and July 15 - was permitted so long as
the Anti-Privatisation Forum agreed to stay more than 1.5 km away from
Fifa HQ at Soccer City. Sadly only 100 or so protesters made it out to
express their anger, a reflection of the weak state of left organizing
at the home of Africa’s largest formal proletariat.
Then late on Sunday night in Durban, several hundred security workers at
Durban’s Mabhida Stadium began revolting after the Germany-Australia
game, demanding payment of a promised bonus. They only received $27 for
12 hours’ work; outsourcing and superexploitation have soured employee
relations in the often dangerous security sector. Police tear-gassed and
stun-grenaded 300 to break up the protest and promised that the
ringleaders will be arrested.
Another test of repressive power is an anti-Fifa march on June 16
commemorating the Soweto uprising, which activists in the
newly-reconstituted Durban Social Forum have been planning for several
weeks. Today they expect to learn whether marching to City Hall – a
couple of km south of Mabhida Stadium – will be permitted. In Cape Town,
the ‘Poor People’s World Cup’ kicked off yesterday, with a march
promised for Thursday and threatened shack construction in the vicinity
of Green Point Stadium.
No matter that the cops seem to have been reigned in more than the
independent left anticipated. Regardless, a sixth red card should go to
the SA police simply for their repression warm-up game, starting with
general Bheki Cele’s 2008 ‘shoot to kill’ order as security minister in
KwaZulu-Natal province, quickened with clampdowns on striking workers
and then two murders earlier this month - of service delivery protesters
in a township (Etwatwa) east of Johannesburg and in Soweto - and also of
two young men in Phoenix, Durban which catalyzed a demonstration against
police brutality.
The necessary U-turn would include a formal cease-fire by a police force
now aiming its guns at the people. To avoid a red card (and red blood in
the streets), SA’s securocrats should now point fingers and detective
investigations at the real criminals, from Zurich, a wicked mafiosi
group whose nickname now is ‘Thiefa’, for obvious reasons.
Or put more positively, as did the National Union of Metalworkers’
spokesperson Castro Ngobesi in an official Bafana-boosting statement
last Thursday, “The opening match should serve as defiance to the
barbaric, immoral and exploitive Capitalist system, for football by its
nature promotes communalism and sharing - key elements of Socialism.”
Patrick Bond directs the Durban-based Centre for Civil Society, an
institute dedicated to furthering the memory of SA’s greatest political
economist of sport, Dennis Brutus, 1924-2009. Brutus was a Robben Island
prison veteran; a critic of corporate athletics including Fifa; the
primary organiser of 1960s Olympic Boycott of white South Africa, of
expulsion of white SA from Fifa in 1976, and of 1970s-80s cricket, rugby
and tennis anti-apartheid campaigns; a leading poet and literary
scholar; a global justice movement strategist; and at time of death, a
Centre for Civil Society Honorary Professor. Until his last breath, he
opposed the World Cup™ being held in a country characterized by what he
termed ‘class apartheid’.
World Cup bonuses a matter of public interest
Elijah Moholola City Press 14 June 2010
One of the lessons local football officials need to learn from the
visiting World Cup teams is transparency when it comes to figures,
writes Elijah Moholola.
“It was agreed -between the players, us and Safa that we will not reveal
the figures to anyone.”
This statement by soccer agent Tony Irish, who represented Bafana Bafana
players in negotiations for World Cup bonuses, certainly doesn’t taste
like Irish coffee to any tongue.
It has proved a mission for the media to establish exactly how much
Bafana players will be getting in appearance fees and performance
bonuses for representing the 44-million South Africans at the World Cup.
In stark contrast, most international sides arriving in the country did
so on the back of reports in their native countries of how much they
will be raking in for carrying their countries’ hopes.
One of the most significant aspects of the game local football
authorities need to learn is that disclosing figures is in the public
interest.
After all, they are the national team, not a private squad.
How much players earn is a matter of public interest in South Africa,
just like in other countries.
What harm would knowing that each Bafana player will be getting
R4?million and a Mercedes-Benz if they win do?
We are not asking to know players’ salaries – something which is also
public knowledge in other countries.
All the public wants to know is how much will the players representing
them be paid.
This secretive tendency is even more prevalent among Premier Soccer
League club officials.
A few weeks ago, we did a story on how much SuperSport United players
receive during their club’s end-of-the season awards ceremony.
Imagine the shock when Mazolman Skhosana uttered through his infamous
dental structure that such was not to be revealed to the public.
On the same story, Kaizer Chiefs’s Bobby Motaung refused to divulge how
the R4.25 million Telkom Knockout windfall was split between the club
and players.
Perhaps the two – and other secretive officials – should take a leaf
from Roger de Sa’s book.
The Nedbank Cup final whistle had barely been blown when the Students
coach publicly announced that his players were set to get at least half
of the R6 million loot they had won.
Soccer officials need to know that while they don’t want to go the easy,
transparent way, scribes will always use other means to get the information.
There’s an old saying in Sepedi:“kgogo le ge o ka e tima meetse o tla
bona e nwele” (even if you do not give a chicken water, it will drink
nonetheless).
- City Press
***
Flag waving won’t fix the widening cracks
RICHARD CALLAND: CONTRETEMPS - Jun 13 2010 16:16
Football has made us all touchy-feely for now -- but there’s no real unity
While the World Cup does its level best to enjoin a sense of national
unity, at least among the middle classes, enlisting thousands of Bulls
fans into the process by making them travel to Soweto -- an unintended
but thoroughly useful consequence of Fifa'
s requirements -- the ANC-led
alliance devotes itself to disunity and disharmony.
And, with a president who is pre-occupied with affairs of state (some of
the time) and affairs of his family (surprisingly often), the ANC'
s
centre is simply not holding. Is this in any way surprising?
Not only is the alliance an improbable hybrid of competing political
traditions, drawn from an implausible array of ideological sources, it
lacks strong leadership.
That the organisation has collected such an eclectic band of waifs and
strays, migrants from parties as diverse as the old National Party, the
Pan Africanist Congress and the Inkatha Freedom Party, who sit alongside
ardent socialists, is part of the ANC'
s strength and its appeal, some
would argue. But it assumes a leadership that is capable of holding it
all together.
Thabo Mbeki'
s was a strategy of accumulation from the centre, but within
that strategy, and his apparent disregard and disrespect for the trade
unionists on the left, there lay the seeds of the current disarray. But
at least he had the political wherewithal to somehow pull the strands
together, demanding respect, commanding the centre ground, in contrast
to Jacob Zuma. One ANC insider, a former senior government official,
observed recently that he had never seen an ANC "so isolated".
Would Mbeki or his predecessors have tolerated the verbal hostilities of
the recent past, provoked by Julius Malema'
s cringe-worthy outbursts and
culminating in his humiliating disciplinary proceedings?
Like the Capulets seeking revenge against the house of Montague, this
triggers further political bloodshed and results in calls for the
tit-for-tat disciplining of conscientious disciples of the project of
transformative constitutionalism such as Jeremy Cronin and Zwelinzima
Vavi. In turn, Vavi is threatened with legal action for having the
temerity to accuse the leaders of the conservative project of grand
accumulation of corruption.
Would Mbeki or his predecessors even have allowed the organisation to
get to such a point? I doubt it. But those were different times; the
organisation -- the alliance -- is a very different creature and the
context is very different; the balance of forces has shifted. The common
enemy -- apartheid -- is vanquished, but there is little agreement about
how best to heal the scars of inequality and injustice.
And so, finally, the "battle for the soul of the ANC" inevitably begins
to reach its climax. William Gumede was hopelessly premature; the
"right" did not defeat the "left" in the 1990s. The switch from the
Reconstruction and Development Programme to the growth, employment and
redistribution strategy was a significant strategic adjustment of
policy, but it did not create the toxic conservative wing of the ANC
that now deserves our full attention.
As I have argued here before, business is now waking up to the fact that
its preoccupation with the "left" was misplaced; the real dangers come
from the "right". Among others, Business Day cutely refers to this wing
as the "nationalists", but I am not sure this label does justice to the
deep conservatism that defines its interests, because it is less about
race than class interests.
It is conservative in the sense that it is anti-transformation or, at
least, anti transformation of the sort that the Constitution envisages,
based on human dignity and equality as well as freedom, or that of the
progressive wing of the ANC.
Theirs, instead, is an agenda of greedy personal enrichment, concerned
with transferring resources of the state and the private sector to a
ruthless few. They are uncaring of the plight of the poor, arrogantly
dismissive of inequality and contemptuous of the democratic institutions
that seek to protect the vulnerable by insisting on accountability of
the powerful. Lastly, the agenda is dressed up in the language of
popular politics (à la Malema).
This game will run now, I believe, until it is fully resolved. There can
be no easy compromises, because to procrastinate or to make concessions
to the nationalist/conservative right would be to endanger us all and to
consign the Constitution to the dustbin. There will simply be too much
collateral damage. A new fascism would rule the land.
So, when the little Swiss man and his entourage of Fifa fixers, lawyers
and spin doctors take off on July 12, what will South Africa be left
with? A hangover, an economy that is doing better than many but which
remains deeply structurally flawed and therefore vulnerable to external
shifts, and some shiny new airports, buses and roads. But also with a
precarious social contract and a ruling party that will resume the
process of tearing itself apart, topped by a lame-duck president.
It will be a tough period. The road to the ANC'
s national general
council in September will be messy. The equivalent event, in Pretoria in
July 2007, was the beginning of the end for Mbeki; the road beyond, to
its 2012 conference, will be bloodier still.
At its best, sport can offer both vivid inspiration and all-consuming
escapism. Thus, the World Cup may serve to remind South Africans of how
much has been achieved since the days of sporting boycott and crisis in
the 1980s and, in so doing, engender a new national sense of purpose and
pride. Or it may merely mask the cracks for a short time, obscuring the
real fault lines and encouraging those who wish to loot the state to
continue to do so, with a dangerous sense of impunity.
The completely miscalculated World Cup bid book that cost us a bundle
NIREN TOLSI | JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH AFRICA - Jun 13 2010 12:09
South Africa’s World Cup bid book, the cornerstone of the country’s successful
application to host the World Cup, is a curious mélange of hyperbole and
underestimation.
Included in it is former president Thabo Mbeki’s letter to Fifa president Sepp
Blatter, suggesting that a World Cup on African soil “will provide a powerful,
irresistible momentum” to a “resolute African Renaissance”. That might be
embarrassing enough were it not for some of the gross miscalculations on the
projected expenditure of taxpayers’ money on infrastructure such as stadiums.
The refurbishment of Soccer City, for example, was projected to cost about R220million, according to the bid book. It was eventually completed at a cost of more
than R3,3-billion.
It’s no wonder the bid book has been secreted away from the public eye, despite
attempts by the likes of the University of Cape Town’s democratic governance
and rights unit, using the Promotion of Access to Information Act, to make it
available.
The Mail & Guardian has seen a copy of the book and it makes for depressing
reading. The initial amount budgeted for all stadium upgrades and
refurbishments was R1,1-billion.
The eventual cost, with Cape Town’s Newlands stadium and Durban’s Kings
Park discarded in favour of newly built stadiums, amounted to about R16,5billion. This despite the book claiming the budget was “meticulously costed to
provide an accurate budget value”.
In an interview with the M&G Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe suggested
that increasing material costs had contributed to the escalation. It’s a common
refrain among local municipalities. Yet these inflated costs become increasingly
sinister when considering the 2005 Transparency International report on the $3trillion (R23-trillion) global construction industry, which found it to be the most
corrupt sector in the global economy.
The bid book suggests that a World Cup in South Africa will help heal a nation
“brutalised by apartheid”. With the book estimating that revenue from ticket
sales and local suppliers was expected to top R3-billion -- most of which will go
to the local organising committee after Fifa takes its cut -- and with direct
government spending likely to top R40-billion, it seems taxpayers have a long
time to wait for the healing to begin.
www.mg.co.za
We are xenophobic monsters
SA is again besieged by its own, homegrown terror
May 30, 2010 11:07 PM | By Justice Malala
Justice Malala: They are killing foreigners again. They are not waiting for the
World Cup to come and go. They have started killing them now.
Last week, in a case that has not been reported anywhere, a Somali shopkeeper
was robbed and murdered in Soshanguve, Pretoria. He was easy prey, like all
Somali and Pakistani and Bangladeshi shopkeepers. Like all foreigners.
The murderers came in the night. There were two Somalis in the shop. When the
robbers arrived, one man ran into the storeroom at the back of the shop and
locked himself in. The other tried to run out of the shop, into the community at
large. They shot him five times. He died in a pool of his own blood. They killed
him for a mere R3000 and cellphone airtime.
On Thursday night, in the newish F4 section of a village called New Eersterus,
Hammanskraal, a Bangladeshi shopkeeper was shot and killed during a robbery.
New Eersterus, where I grew up and where, just a few months ago, the police
mowed down and killed an innocent Olga Kekana, is just 10km from
Soshanguve.
The village is serviced by the Temba police station, 15km away. The police were
not there on Thursday when the Bangladeshi shopkeeper was killed.
On Friday evening, a friend of mine who rents his shop in New Eersterus to a
Bangladeshi, was fielding calls from foreigners throughout the region who were
worried that, when the sun goes down, murder walks the land.
“The word is that criminals want to make cash to spend during the World Cup.
This is their chance. The attacks are picking up. Things are getting worse,” he
said.
Foreign shopkeepers, most of them Somalis and Bangladeshis, have been
murdered in their hundreds in South Africa over the past 10 years. In Eastern
Cape, the Daily Dispatch has written amazing exposés about the fear in which
foreigners live.
I have heard young men talk about how vulnerable the foreigners are. Because
many of them are in the country illegally, they do not have the paperwork to
open bank accounts, the thugs reason. That means that they have a lot of cash on
the premises.
They are unarmed and the community around them is too scared to come out
and help them.”
The thugs attack them because they are thought to have cash and because they
are foreigners.
In one Daily Dispatch exposé, the killer chillingly intimates that foreign lives are
worthless; that it is OK to kill them.
Last week, the ANC in Gauteng said that more service-delivery protests are
likely in the province and that there is a possibility that they will be accompanied
by xenophobic attacks in the coming year.
The spokesman for the ANC in Gauteng, Dumisa Ntuli, said the party’s
investigations showed that there was an increasing trend of protests that might
provide fertile soil for xenophobic attacks in areas beset by political infighting.
“The report says there will be more protests in the run-up to the local elections,
targeting councillors and their property. This is something that worries the
leadership.
“There is also a disturbing trend of protests organised by schoolchildren. We are
conducting research to look into the possibility that xenophobic attacks might
happen again,” he said.
Ntuli is wrong on one point. Things might get worse as the local-government
elections approach, but the truth is that the killing is happening now.
And it is not just about money. The killings are happening because, as we
showed in that terrible winter two years ago, we are stupid and crazy and
ignorant and poor and economically insecure (“they are taking our jobs”) and
even sexually insecure (“they are taking our women”). And we are also
inhumane.
We know not what Steve Biko was talking about when he spoke about ubuntu.
We have to call this spade by its name: We are xenophobic.
The examples I make above are related to crime. But we know now that it is not
just crime. It is also a misguided belief that Somalian lives are worthless. And
Zimbabwean lives. And Nigerian lives. And so on. It is xenophobia.
The ANC’s warning last week came just a week after the SA Human Rights
Commission warned of a new wave of xenophobic attacks ahead of the localgovernment elections next year.
This potential terror must be nipped in the bud. There have been reports that our
country might be targeted by terrorists during the World Cup, starting next
week. We will probably throw millions in resources into fighting that threat.
The truth, however, is that xenophobia is our own terrorism. We must stop the
attacks before they overwhelm us again.
***
The real 2010 World Cup Winners
Issue # 128 June, 2010
Having shagged his way through the female staff (as did
his something-of-the-night predecessor, nonogenarian
Joao Havelange), and now abandoned by his Polish
girlfriend, Sepp Blatter will be on the make in Joburg,
pilled up and looking for do-it-my-way partners, hoping
Teazers has reopened under new management, any
management, who cares.
Herr Blatter’s special contribution to transparency at the
world game (don’t ask what he trousers in pay, bonuses,
allowances and perks – he won’t say) is to be the sole
voice at FIFA press conferences. That saves time and risk
of dissent. The other 23 members of his Executive
Committee (ExCo) disperse, leaving him to give his
selective version of decisions. The minutes are forever
secret, so you have to trust Sepp. And never call him
“Herr”. He hates it and demands to be addressed as
“President Blatter” – so he can reply: “The FIFA
President thinks...”.
If things are going badly Herr Blatter will summon general secretary Jerome
Valcke to shoulder blame. How Jerome got the job is a mystery. Formerly
marketing chief, he was fired in late 2006 after FIFA were denounced as a bunch
of liars by a New York judge and had to pony up $90m to MasterCard for
pissing on their contract.
Herr Blatter soon brought Valcke back – and I have to wonder about that
private letter in my archive, which Blatter wrote a decade ago, accusing Valcke
of blackmail: did that help get him shortlisted for the top job?
Occasionally Herr Blatter brings in finance committee chief, turkey-wobblechinDon Julio Grondona, who entertains Argentine TV audiences with gems
like “Jews? They don’t like hard work – that’s why we have no Jewish referees
in our Premier League”. Nowadays Julio maintains he doesn’t understand
English – so why he attends press fests is a mystery.
Keeping football in their family is the tradition of Brazil’s ExCo
member”Tricky” Ricardo Teixeira, son-in-law of gimlet-eyed Joao Havelange.
Sometime, somewhere, the daughter/wife was mislaid – but hey, those guys are
tight as ever.
Silver-haired Tricky Ricky ignored the 2003 Brazilian Congressional
investigation of his Confederation of Brazilian Football with its verdict: “a den
of crime”. The next World Cup, in 2014, is his to plunder – if he ever gets round
to building the venues.
Further round the ExCo boardroom table is Amos Adamu, the delegate from
Nigeria, who, after two decades controlling his country’s sports budgets, can
boast of being the richest civil servant in the land. You can’t think why?
President Yar’Adua figured it: After a letter from his sports minister about
Adamu’s career, laced with words like “corruption”, he sacked the bugger.
But hey, that Prezzie’s dead, and Amos in his new career is so beloved by Herr
Perfect pitch: Cape Town’s Green Point stadium
Cape Town’s stunning Green Point stadium is the jewel in South Africa’s World
Cup crown. Will it be a sure-fire winner – or an expensive own goal?
* Jonathan Glancey
*
o Jonathan Glancey
o guardian.co.uk, Sunday 30 May 2010 21.30 BST
o Article history
green point
Stunning … Green Point stadium. Photograph: Bruce Sutherland
With just days to go, Cape Town’s sleek new Green Point stadium is in the final
stages of preparation for the World Cup. This stunning white apparition rises
like a porcelain bowl from a podium set in restored parkland, between the
breakers of the Atlantic and the commanding backdrop of Lion’s Rock, Devil’s
Peak and Table Mountain. Is there a stadium anywhere in the world with a more
sublime setting?
Fifteen storeys high with curving walls, the new “Diva of Cape Town” is
sheathed in a translucent fabric mesh, made from woven fibreglass coated with
Teflon. This sounds coldly technical, but during the course of the day (and
depending on the weather), the building’s filigree skin glows blue at noon, rose
in the late afternoon and red at sunset. On stormy days, it can appear silver, grey
or even pewter. By night, and with its 360 internal lamps switched on, the skin
becomes all but transparent, revealing the undulating swoops of the stadium’s
three tiers of seats, its airy public concourses, and something of its quietly
thrilling structure.
But there has been criticism of Green Point – and in particular of its location, in
an opulent part of town a long way from the townships where most football fans
live. (To put it into some context, a bottle of Bollinger La Grande Année, 1999,
£275 a pop in a swanky nearby restaurant is slightly more than the cost of
employing a labourer for a month on a building site.) An enormous amount of
public money has been spent on this and other South African football stadiums:
are they primarily a branding exercise, proving to the world that South Africa is
a go-ahead, modern nation? How well do they serve local people, who in many
cases will have to trek a long way to reach them?
Green Point is one of 10 stadiums hosting the World Cup, five of them existing
buildings recently brought up to date, five of them brand new. Three of these
have been designed by a consortium of architects led by GMP Architekten,
Cologne: Green Point (with a group of Cape Town practices); the Wembley-like
Moses Mabhida stadium, Durban; and the elegant Nelson Mandela Bay stadium
in Port Elizabeth (again, with a consortium of South African practices). Each is as
crisply refined as you might expect of the very best German engineering and
design: these stadiums are as pristine as a Braun radio by Dieter Rams, or a
Silver Arrow Mercedes-Benz racing car.
The thinking is that all the necessary colour will be provided by players, crowds
and the human drama enacted in these exquisite sports machines. There appears
to have been no attempt to play to the gallery – no sentimental rainbows or
kaleidoscopes of colours – although I hear that some politicians wanted the fabric
mesh of the stadium walls finished in a leopard-skin effect.
In recent decades, architects and engineers have produced a number of superb
new stadiums. Munich’s Allianz Arena, Milan’s San Siro, Bari (by Renzo Piano),
Wembley (Norman Foster) and Berlin’s beautifully remodelled Olympiastadion
show how far inspiring design can enhance the beautiful game. A great stadium
offers uninterrupted sight lines, a compact arena so that players and crowd feel
close to one another, and easy entrances and exits. They work much like great
opera houses: the layout of the building creates a sense of compression and
release, heightening the sense of drama and occasion: intense in the arena,
relaxed in the public spaces around it. And if they can offer that something extra
– a memorable facade, a dramatic roofline, then they become part of the drama
they underscore.
It is, of course, perfectly possible to have an electric atmosphere without
memorable architecture: Manchester United’s stamping ground at Old Trafford
is based on the school of out-of-town supermarket design, and it barely matters.
Location, too, can be as important as design: look what happened when Juventus
moved from their battered yet much loved inner-city home – the Stadio
Municipale, Turin – to the architecturally impressive but soulless and windswept
Stadio delle Alpi, way out of town. The intense atmosphere of the old inner-city
games was lost.
In South Africa, Green Point is certainly an emotional touchstone. It used to be
home to an 18,000-seat stadium dating from the 1940s, hosting acts such as
Michael Jackson, Paul Simon and U2; this historic, if modest, building was
demolished in 2007. The structure of the new 4.4bn rand (£40m) stadium,
financed by national, Western Cape and city governments, was completed last
December ahead of time, with up to 2,500 workers on site at any one time.
530 toilets, 16 lifts and a jail
Occupying a site the size of six city blocks, the stadium is enormous, with a
delicacy and grace that belies its bulk. The arena rises from a tautly designed
concrete and glass podium, housing a car park, club rooms, offices, a medical
centre, a press centre and a police station with cells. Above are the three tiers of
seats, along with cafes, kitchens, shops and 250 VIP lounges, all leading off
spacious concourses and plazas. Somewhere in the structural mix, there are 59
gates, 115 entry turnstiles, 530 lavatories, 16 lifts and four TV studios.
All this is impressive, but it is the view from the 68,000 seats that is truly
spectacular. Above, daylight filters through the fabric canopy, set beneath a
circular roof made up of 9,000 glass panels. The very centre of the roof – the
space above the laser-levelled rye grass pitch – is open to the elements. This
design, as well as the curvature of the walls, is intended to hold the most intense
sunlight at bay (and harsh Atlantic storms); it should also contain noise as far as
possible within the confines of the stadium. (The stadium is set close by a hushed
and wealthy residential neighbourhood. For the same reason, lighting has been
largely contained within the stadium, avoiding the need for the usual powerful
floodlights mounted on giant external gantries).
A huge effort has been made to ensure that this vast building is a pleasure to
look at from any angle. The roof in particular is beautifully resolved, especially
when seen from above – from Cape Town’s hillside suburbs, the top of Table
Mountain and, of course, the television helicopters covering the football. As
Robert Hormes, GMP’s project architect, says: “The roof is the fifth facade of the
building.” He admits that it presented a complex design problem: his aim was to
build the stadium as low as possible, to help withstand strong ocean winds and
to protect views, while shaping a structure containing as many seats as possible.
The result is a roof designed “like the rim of a bicycle wheel”, holding all the
forces at work within a lightweight and delicate-looking frame.
Not everyone wants to like Green Point, or indeed any of the other new
stadiums. Fahrenheit 2010, a recent documentary by Australian film-maker Craig
Tanner, has been highly critical of Green Point and its siblings. Tanner believes
the entire project has been a waste of money that will lead South Africa into
serious debt. The late Dennis Brutus, the veteran anti-apartheid campaigner
jailed with Nelson Mandela on Robben Island and one of Tanner’s interviewees,
argues on screen that: “When you build enormous stadiums, you [are] shifting
resources . . . from building schools or hospitals and then you have these huge
structures standing empty. They become white elephants.” This is an age-old
concern, reinforced by the questionable legacy of ambitious sporting venues built
for World Cups and Olympics over the last 60 years. Struggling with its economy
and yet attempting to woo 450,000 foreign tourists this summer, South Africa
hopes its new stadiums will make the leap to first-rate venues for sport, music
and other mass gatherings when the Fifa circus has moved on.
The first game to be played here will be between Uruguay and France on 11 June;
England will play Algeria at Green Point a week later. And after this summer?
This is the 4bn-rand question. The stadium will be run by SAIL/Stade de France,
a Parisian firm, and should be home to local football teams Hellenic, Santos and
Ajax Cape Town. Its special (albeit controversial) location, intelligent design and
civilised presence should attract other users – though there are no guarantees.
Will Green Point stand the test of time and qualify as one of the world’s great
football stadiums? We will have to wait until next month to see.
Fouls and Goals for Climate Change at World Cup
Daniela Estrada*
Credit:Public domain
Cape Town’s Green Point Stadium, one of the venues for the 2010 football
championship.
PUNTA DEL ESTE, Uruguay, Jun 2 (Tierramérica) - South Africa, where the
FIFA Football World Cup is to kick off Jun. 11, has introduced cleaner
transportation, while Brazil is planning ecological stadiums for the
championship it will host in 2014. But these and other initiatives clash with the
countries’ overall environmental performance.
The first FIFA (International Federation of Association Football) World Cup to
take place on the African continent will leave a carbon footprint more than eight
times greater than the 2006 World Cup in Germany, according to a study
conducted in February 2009 at the request of the South African government and
the Norwegian embassy in that country.
Local transportation, the construction of stadiums and the energy use associated
with the football matches and accommodations for thousands of fans are
predicted to emit nearly 900,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide. Another 1.9 million
tonnes of this greenhouse-effect gas, the main cause of climate change, will be
emitted in the international travel to and from the World Cup.
To reduce these emissions and raise awareness among South Africans and
visitors about energy efficiency, Pretoria has implemented two projects with the
support of the Global Environment Facility (GEF).
In 2008, South Africa began work to improve public transportation systems in
seven of the nine cities where football matches will take place as a means attract
use by middle and upper income passengers who would otherwise drive
individual cars.
GEF’s contribution to this initiative, which is implemented by the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP), is about 11 million dollars, while the national
investment is more than 328 million dollars.
Among the biggest changes are the creation of a rapid transit system of buses in
some cities and the improvement of infrastructure for pedestrian walkways and
bicycle circulation. But the latter are very limited and it remains unclear whether
the wealthier residents, who normally drive their cars, will accept the cultural
changes implied in sharing buses, seats and routes with poorer passengers.
Making the most of this major sporting event to mobilise international
investment, the idea is to leave a legacy for a definitive improvement of the
public transportation system in South Africa’s cities, the UNDP’s lead technical
adviser for climate change mitigation, Marcel Alers, told Tierramérica.
Alers was at the Fourth Assembly of the GEF, May 24-28, in the Uruguayan
resort city of Punta del Este, where his account of the South African experience
was heard with interest.
Another environmental project related to the World Cup, and with a budget of
10 million dollars, aims to reduce fossil fuel consumption in the six host cities
through the installation of solar panels and efficient lights on the streets,
stoplights and billboards, as well as actions to raise public awareness.
But the environmental will of South Africa and international organisations was
called into question in April with the World Bank’s approval of a 3-billion- dollar
credit for that country to build one of the world’s largest coal-fired
thermoelectric power plants.
The World Bank’s decision to support the Medupi project of the South African
government corporation Eskom prompted criticisms from the United States and
some European countries -- which abstained from the Bank vote -- due to the
power plant’s contribution to climate change. Activists charge that it will emit 25
million tonnes of carbon dioxide per year.
Achim Steiner, head of the United Nations Environment Programme, tried to
soften the criticism, saying the country should not be judged for its decisions
based on the urgent energy needs of the South African people.
South Africa is not the only one facing major environmental challenges.
Brazil, host of the 2014 World Cup, wants to organise the “most ecological”
global football tournament in history. The nation’s environmental authorities
will require environmental certification before granting financing to stadium
renovation and construction projects.
There are also plans for cleaner transportation and promoting organic products,
say officials. But Fernando Alvez, retired goalkeeper of the Uruguayan national
team, and special guest of the GEF Assembly, told Tierramérica that Brazil needs
to halt deforestation of the Amazon if it wants to send a real environmental
signal before the next World Cup.
Former diplomat and president of the Argentine Academy of Environmental
Sciences, Raúl Estrada Oyuela, said “an infrastructure to emit less greenhouse
gas and educate the population during the South Africa World Cup are two
positive things.”
“But to go from there to truly resolving the environmental problem is a long
stretch,” said the Argentine expert, who said he had turned down a 2007
invitation to advise South Africa on its transportation reforms due to the lack of
basic data.
“South Africa, Brazil, China and India (who united as a bloc in international
climate change negotiations) have a rhetorical attitude that has yet to be
demonstrated in environmental management data,” said Estrada Oyuela, who
headed the committee that drew up the Kyoto Protocol on climate change.
Meanwhile, the “green” initiatives associated with football seem never- ending.
The transnational sports clothing company Nike announced that the nine teams
wearing its uniforms -- including Brazil, Portugal and Netherlands -- will use
jerseys made from recycled plastic bottles.
At the end of the year, an analysis will be conducted of the ecological projects in
South Africa that were part of the FIFA World Cup to identify what worked and
what didn’t, according to GEF officials.
(*This story was originally published by Latin American newspapers that are
part of the Tierramérica network. Tierramérica is a specialised news service
produced by IPS with the backing of the United Nations Development
Programme, United Nations Environment Programme and the World Bank.)
(END/2010)
World Cup return on investment not guaranteed
By: Creamer Media Reporter Engineering News 25th May 2010
While it was hoped that the 2010 FIFA World Cup would deliver substantial
economic benefit for South Africa, ACE Insurance has warned that there is also
an alternate future in which the country would have to deal with massive debt.
ACE senior underwriter Technical Lines Trevor Kerst noted that South Africa
had spent about R33-billion on preparations for the sporting event.
“With estimates of tourist numbers to the country now hovering [at] between 300
000 and 400 000, the return on that investment is by no means assured; add to
that the reality that FIFA pays no taxes and institutes exclusion zones around the
stadiums where matches take place, and tax income is curtailed. Within these
exclusion zones, only FIFA and its partners may sell any goods; nothing from
these sales accrues to the government,” he said.
Further, he warned that such massive debt would lead to a marked slowdown in
public sector spending, especially on large capital projects, and that the insurance
industry might be facing lean time ahead.
“Already there has been a slowdown in the number of new big projects; the big
deals of the past are no longer cropping up quite as often,” said Kerst.
He noted that insurers had written “good business” throughout the last five to
seven years, with the multitude of large-scale projects.
Meanwhile, Kerst expected conditions in the mining sector to improve, saying
that the many mining projects that were put on hold during the global recession
might see renewed focus.
“The global economy and the rand/dollar exchange rate point to a possible
revamp of these projects, whether in terms of progress at a slower rate or even
full steam ahead.”
Other projects, like the expansion of coal reserves are necessary to provide the
raw materials for Eskom’s new power stations, noted Kerst, adding, “these are
non-negotiables; the country has to have an energy-secure future if any
development is to take place.”
Don’t Bet on Home Continent in African World Cup
By JERÉ LONGMAN
Published: June 5, 2010
JOHANNESBURG — The World Cup opens Friday, and this host city is draped
in the flags of the 32 participating nations. With the world’s biggest sporting
event coming to Africa for the first time, hope wafts across the continent that one
of the six African teams might win.
Enlarge This Image
Martial Trezzini/Keystone, via European Pressphoto Agency
Didier Drogba, left, is a key player for Ivory Coast, but his status is uncertain
after he broke his arm in a friendly on Friday.
“The talent is there, certainly,” Bob Bradley, the United States coach, said.
Yet history says that disarray in preparations, desperate coaching changes,
poverty, official corruption and vagaries of the draw will conspire against
Africa’s chances. And injuries have afflicted two of the continent’s best players.
The prospects for forward Didier Drogba of Ivory Coast are uncertain after he
broke an arm Friday, and midfielder Michael Essien of Ghana is out of the
monthlong tournament with a balky knee.
Of course, winning the World Cup is a formidable task for any country. Soccer’s
governing body ranks more than 200 national teams. In the 18 World Cups
played since the tournament’s inception in 1930, only seven countries have won
the title, and all have been from Europe or South America.
Pelé once predicted that an African team would win the World Cup by the turn
of the century. And the host country, South Africa, wants to use the World Cup
to unite the country and to rebut the stereotype of Africa as a place of conflict,
poverty and disease.
Yet South Africa risks becoming the first host nation to fail to reach the second
round.
And only two African teams have advanced as far as the quarterfinals —
Cameroon in 1990 and Senegal in 2002.
This year, Cameroon, at 19th in the world the highest-ranked African team in the
tournament, faces odds of 100 to 1 to win the title. Ivory Coast, ranked 27th, is 50
to 1, the best odds of any team from the continent.
“The African teams have tended to destroy themselves in their own
environments,” said Jürgen Klinsmann, who won a World Cup playing for West
Germany in 1990 and coached a reunified Germany to third place in 2006.
“Bonus payments are not paid to players, but administrators cash the checks.
There is corruption. Then they eat each other up.”
Uruguay, which won the inaugural tournament and won again in 1950, has been
the smallest victorious country to date. Brazil, Italy and Germany have won two-
thirds of the titles. Brazil, Uruguay and Argentina, another two-time winner,
have faced some of the obstacles — namely corruption and poverty — that
hamper African squads.
Africa’s recent problems have been well documented.
Cameroon’s players holed up in a hotel in Paris for several days and declined to
leave for the 2002 World Cup in Japan until each player was paid a promised
bonus of about $41,500.
For this World Cup, Nigeria booked a hotel north of Durban that was later
determined to be too loud and mosquito infested. So its soccer federation paid a
reported fine of $125,000 to break its contract and find a more suitable hotel.
“Everything counts — hotels, food, travel, bonuses,” Samuel Eto’o, Cameroon’s
captain, recently told Agence France-Presse. “Some of our nations remain too
amateurish in their approach.”
On the eve of the 2006 World Cup, Otto Pfister, a German, quit as coach of Togo
because his players had not been paid promised bonuses of $200,000 each. He
returned to coach Togo’s opener against South Korea but did not gain any
popularity with the country’s soccer federation in a 2-1 defeat.
After the match, a reporter asked Assogbavi Komlan, secretary general of the
Togo federation, if Pfister would remain as coach. Komlan called him a “bad
man” and said Pfister drank too much. Pfister threatened to sue, saying he was a
teetotaler. Meanwhile, Togo scored only one goal while losing all three group
matches.
Odd occurrences happen regularly to African teams. Fawzi Chaouchi, an
Algerian goalkeeper, will be suspended for his team’s first two World Cup
matches after head-butting a referee in January at the African Nations Cup.
South Africa’s career leading scorer, Benni McCarthy, was cut last week after
being called overweight and out of shape. Lyrics of a song that once noted
“Benni’s in the 18 area” — lauding his scoring ability in the penalty area — were
amended to “Benni’s in the cafeteria.”
Related
*
Bradley Has U.S. Right Where He Planned (June 6, 2010)
*
United States 3, Australia 1: Buddle and U.S. Plant the Flag in South Africa (June
6, 2010)
*
Sports of The Times: Pelé Remains the Last Word in a Changed World (June 6,
2010)
*
Goal: World Cup 2010: The Young Guns (June 5, 2010)
Goal
The Times’s soccer blog has the 2010 World Cup covered from all angles, with
news, features and live analysis of every match.
Go to the Goal Blog
The African coaching carousel spins incessantly before each World Cup, with
Europeans favored over homegrown managers. Lars Lagerback and Sven-Goran
Eriksson, Swedes hired a few months ago to coach Nigeria and Ivory Coast, did
not meet their full teams until late May. Essentially for them, the World Cup will
be a blind date. This cannot be comforting, especially for Ivory Coast, which is in
the so-called Group of Death with Brazil, Portugal and North Korea.
“The talent of African players is at least as great as that of players from other
countries, including Brazil and the Americas,” Sepp Blatter, the president of
FIFA, said at a news conference in April. “What is missing is tactics. But how can
they have this if they change the coach just a few months before the start of the
biggest competition in the world?”
As elsewhere, soccer in Africa can summon consuming passion. Algeria’s team
bus was pelted with stones before a World Cup qualifying match against Egypt
in Cairo and several players had to be treated for cuts, apparently as part of a
soccer feud that has lasted 20 years.
In January, Togo’s team bus was attacked by gunmen on the way to the African
Nations Cup in Angola; two soccer officials and the driver were killed. Ten years
earlier, the Ivory Coast team was briefly detained at home by military officials
after failing to win the African Cup, reportedly to prevent reprisals from fans.
South Africa’s black players grew up under the poverty and brutal racial policies
of apartheid, only 16 years removed. The team captain, Aaron Mokoena, was
camouflaged in a dress by his worried mother to escape township violence.
Steven Pienaar, a slightly built star midfielder who plays for Everton in the
English Premier League, learned to watch television on the floor, never on the
couch, because a stray bullet might pierce the window.
“The ghost of apartheid will bug the Bafana at the World Cup,” Simon Kuper
and Stefan Szymanski wrote in “Soccernomics,” a book that applies economic
principles to the sport, referring to the South African team nickname. “One
reason South Africans are so bad at soccer is that most of them didn’t get enough
good food.”
Even Pienaar does not believe an African team will win the World Cup, telling
CNN: “I think if it was somewhere in West Africa, with the heat, you could have
said an African nation could win. But in South Africa it will be winter, so it will
be more in the favor of the Europeans.”
That reflects common wisdom. But no one is accustomed to playing a World Cup
in winter at altitude in a developing nation. Klinsmann predicts a tournament of
surprises.
“Anything can happen,” he said. “It’s going to come down to the nerves of the
players. Who can stay focused and patient? They will be dealing with real life.
They won’t always be in five-star hotels. Maybe the bus doesn’t come for three
hours.
“The African players don’t represent their own country, they represent a
continent. If they can keep their emotions under control, they have the strength
and quality to go all the way.”
!!GLOBAL EXCLUSIVE!! Noseweek’s pull-out-and-keep guide to the big
scorers at this month’s Fifa extravaganza !!GLOBAL EXCLUSIVE!!
The 2010 World Cup of Winners
by Andrew Jennings
Noseweek
http://www.transparencyinsport.org/World-Cup-Winners/PDFdocuments/The-2010-World-Cup-Winners.pdf
SEPP Having shagged his way through the female staff (as did his somethingofthe- night predecessor, nonogenarian Joao Havelange), and now abandoned by
his Polish girlfriend, Sepp Blatter will be on the make in Joburg, pilled up and
looking for doit- my-way partners, hoping Teazers has reopened under new
management, any management, who cares.
Herr Blatter’s special contribution to transparency at the world game (don’t ask
what he trousers in pay, bonuses, allowances and perks – he won’t say) is to be
the sole voice at FIFA press conferences. That saves time and risk of dissent. The
other 23 members of his Executive Committee (ExCo) disperse, leaving him to
give his selective version of decisions. The minutes are forever secret, so you
have to trust Sepp. And never call him “Herr”. He hates it and demands to be
addressed as “President Blatter” – so he can reply: “The FIFA President
thinks...”.
If things are going badly Herr Blatter will summon general secretary Jerome
Valcke to shoulder blame. How Jerome got the job is a mystery. Formerly
marketing chief, he was fired in late 2006 after FIFA were denounced as a bunch
of liars by a New York judge and had to pony up $90m to MasterCard for pissing
on their contract.
Herr Blatter soon brought Valcke back – and I have to wonder about that private
letter in my archive, which Blatter wrote a decade ago, accusing Valcke of
blackmail: did that help get him shortlisted for the top job? Occasionally Herr
Blatter brings in finance committee chief, turkey-wobble-chin Don Julio
Grondona, who entertains Argentine TV audiences with gems like “Jews? They
don’t like hard work – that’s why we have no Jewish referees in our Premier
League”. Nowadays Julio maintains he doesn’t understand English – so why he
attends press fests is a mystery.
Keeping football in their family is the tradition of Brazil’s ExCo member “Tricky”
Ricardo Teixeira, son-in-law of gimlet-eyed Joao Havelange. Sometime,
somewhere, the daughter/wife was mislaid – but hey, those guys are tight as
ever.
Silver-haired Tricky Ricky ignored the 2003 Brazilian Congressional investigation
of his Confederation of Brazilian Football with its verdict “a den of crime”. The
next World Cup, in 2014, is his to plunder – if he ever gets round to building the
venues.
Further round the ExCo boardroom table is Amos Adamu, the delegate from
Nigeria, who, after two decades controlling his country’s sports budgets, can
boast of being the richest civil servant in the land. You can’t think why?
President Yar’Adua figured it: After a letter from his sports minister about
Adamu’s career, laced with words like “corruption”, he sacked the bugger.
But hey, that Prezzie’s dead, and Amos in his new career is so beloved by Herr
Blatter, that his son Samson, purely on merit, has the Nigeria concession for
selling FIFA’s corporate hospitality packages to this year’s footie extravaganza in
South Africa.
Samson is a graduate of FIFA’s sport management college. Is that where budding
FIFA executives learn how to prise open a well-stuffed envelope? Samson and
his poppa share the same address: 61 Amos Adamu Close, Lagos. Really. Maybe
after this month’s footiefest Amos will make time to complete the overdue
accounts for the
2003 All-Africa Games in Abuja.
There’ll likely be a tepid welcome for African football supremo and ExCo
member Issa Hayatou who, concerned to save the Togo team from further
trauma after the Cabinda shooting, thoughtfully banned them from future
editions of the Nations Cup.
Indeed Issa is a compassionate fellow. Look on his African Confederation’s
website and you’ll see he’s given employment to otherwise unemployable JeanMarie Weber, aka The Bagman, named in a Swiss court two years ago for
laundering around $100m-worth of kickbacks in return for marketing contracts.
Yes; $100m. Gimlet-eyed Joao got a big bite of that. Joining Jean-Marie around
the table of the Confederation’s marketing committee are Amiable Amos and Leo
Mugabe, who learned how to get rich at the knee of his uncle. Another Mugabe
kinsman is Phillip “Tsivo” Chiyangwa, who has the Zimbabwe concession for
2010 hospitality packages. He should make a killing.
An old chum of Herr Weber is FIFA ExCo member Franz Beckenbauer. When he
gave up playing, Franz set up Rofa, an obscure little company in the secretive
Swiss town of Sarnen. It was used to warehouse the amazing marketing rights
being obtained from FIFA, the IOC and international athletics. In time the rights
moved elsewhere and Franz became an untouchable hero in Germany.
Herr Beckenbauer is a possible contender to replace Herr Blatter, should the cops
or a Zurich tram get him. Hopefully the crown will fall to Monsieur Michel
Platini, who has woven his wonderful career around the bags of swag available
to the less principled. Another acceptable candidate would be Qatar’s ExCo man
Mohamed Bin Hammam, so astonishingly wealthy that he can’t be bribed.
Never a contender is England’s FIFA vice-president Geoff Thompson, so silent
he never comes up on Google News Alerts. Geoff’s clean of course, but seems
unable to speak to the corruption around him. Nearly as quiet is Russia’s Vitaly
Mutko. He’s the one with the worried pallor, and he may yet seek political
asylum in South Africa at the close of play. Boss of Bosses Vladimir Putin has
told him not to come home unless he has the votes to get Russia World Cup
hosting rights in 2018.
Vitaly’s problem is that although there will be all the money needed to pay
bribes, some of these FIFA buggers will take the money - then vote for a rival. If
Russia is snubbed, watch out for some polonium poisonings between the
decision in early December and Christmas Day.
Completing this trip around FIFA’s boardroom table is the irredeemably corrupt
Jack Warner and his two-man backing band. Where to start with Warner? His
World Cup ticket rackets? He’s been running them since 1989, makes off with
millions of dollars, and Herr Blatter, always getting Jack’s regional 35 votes in
presidential elections, is content.
Those wonderful guys, Trinidad’s Soca Warriors, the smallest nation in 2006 ever
to qualify for the World Cup, are not. Jack and son Daryll set up a private
company to divert the income from TV rights, ticket sales, sponsors and grants
from FIFA and Government.
Four years later, the Warners still won’t pay it over. They owe the team more
than £1m. They’ve lost an arbitration hearing but ignore it. They ignore the
booing from fans back home. Let’s hope fans at the World Cup up the boo rate
every time they see Jack and sons Daryan and Darryl – who is now a FIFA
development officer, with power to do what he wants with bucketloads of FIFA
cash. Expect light-touch auditing.
Jack presides over the Caribbean, North and Central American confederation.
Carrying his bags is Chuck Blazer, general secretary and Treasurer. Think about
it. Chuck is also on the Exco, as is another silent bag-carrier, Rafael Salguero from
Guatemala. Jack helps them decide how to vote.
Enjoying vacations in South Africa is a legion of little-known FIFA functionaries
and freeloaders. Meet Michal Listkiewicz, formerly boss of Polish football. He
introduced Herr Blatter to his former girlfriend, rejects tabloid suggestions they
“shared” her, and is busy making sure that FIFA’s referees committee is seen to
be honest.
That may be a struggle; Listkiewicz was sacked last year and is currently
indicted back home for corruption. Meanwhile
300 Polish referees and players are indicted for match fixing. Perhaps Michal will
pick up some integrity tips from the man who sits next to him, Tricky Ricky.
Another key member of the FIFA Morality Police is Jamaica’s Horace Burrell. At
a FIFA congress a dozen years ago he slipped his girlfriend in to vote in place of
a missing delegate from Haiti. Absolute breach of FIFA rules, but Jack wanted it
and Herr Blatter agreed. This may explain why Horace qualifies to be on the
disciplinary committee, judging players’ behaviour during the World Cup. He
has also been gazetted as an “ambassador” for the tournament – and who knows
what that means?
Off the pitch there’s another tight team at FIFA’s internal audit committee. It’s
headed by Franco Carraro, handpicked in 1982 by deeply corrupt former
president Juan Antonio Samaranch to join the IOC. Franco used to head up
Italian football but resigned at the beginning of the current and seemingly neverending match-fixing scandals.
Keeping Franco company is Justino José Fernandes, head of Angola’s soccer
federation, a former governor of Luanda and given to locking up critical
reporters. Another fellow at Internal Audit with exhaustive knowledge of
football finances is Brazil’s José Carlos Salim, who cannot have enjoyed the
references to him in the Congressional report examining Tricky Ricky’s
embedded corruption. But they are doing it all for South Africa. You knew that,
didn’t you?
Constitutionally Speaking
This blog deals with political and social issues in South Africa, mostly from the
perspective of Constitutional Law. Written by Pierre de Vos
Fifa World Cup: Feel it, it is here (then shut up)
Jun 4th, 2010
by Pierre De Vos.
Great confusion reigns about directives issued by someone in the South African
Police Services (as the Constitution refers to it) or the Police Force (as the
militarists and other enemies of freedom refer to it) to a number of municipalities
not to allow marches for the duration of the 2010 World Cup. According to
Professor Jane Duncan:
A snap survey conducted at the end of last week of other municipalities hosting
World Cup matches revealed that a blanket ban on gatherings is in operation.
According to the Rustenberg municipality, ‘gatherings are closed for the World
Cup’. The Mbombela municipality was told by the SAPS that they were not
going to allow gatherings during the World Cup. The Cape Town City Council
claimed that it continues to accept applications for marches, but indicated that it
‘may be a problem’ during the World Cup period. According to the Nelson
Mandela Bay and Ethekwini municipalities, the police will not allow gatherings
over the World Cup period.
If this is true, it would mean that parts of South Africa are now effectively
functioning under a state of emergency in which the right to freedom of
assembly and protest have been suspended. This would be both illegal and
unconstitutional. Other reports have suggested that such orders were indeed
given, but that the police are now backtracking – probably because the police
have realised that they are breaking the law and that the order, in fact,
constitutes a grave breach of the law and the Constitution.
It is a sad day indeed when the police itself become a threat to our democracy
and our rights because Fifa and the government want us all to behave and shut
up for the next month and to forget about our democratic rights.
The starting point of the Regulation of Gatherings Act, which was passed in
1993, is that anyone who complies with the requirements set out in the Act is
entitled to assemble, to march and to hand over petitions. It is our democratic
right and a fundamental aspect of a democracy that we should be able to express
our views and grievances in this collective manner. If we want to protest the
manner in which Fifa has taken over our country and is stealing our money and
robbing us of our dignity, we have every right to do so.
The Act requires organisers of a gathering or march to give notice of the
gathering or march at least 7 days before it is to take place. A responsible officer
appointed by the Police Commissioner is then required to engage with the
organisers in good faith and to consult with them to ensure that a march or a
gathering is conducted in a peaceful and orderly fashion.
If the police officer cannot reach an agreement about the way in which the march
or gathering should take place, he or she may - if there are reasonable grounds
to do so – impose conditions with regard to the holding of the gathering to
ensure the free flow of traffic and to prevent any damage to property or harm to
anyone. The Act therefore makes it clear that in ordinary circumstances when
one wants to march, demonstrate or gather, permission for the event MUST be
given – although reasonable conditions could be imposed in order to protect the
interest of the public (the interests of the government of the day or of Fifa would
be utterly irrelevant).
There is no provision in the Regulation of Gatherings Act that allows the Police
Commissioner or anyone else to issue a blanket ban on the holding of gatherings.
There is no provision that states that gatherings can be banned because the police
are busy ferrying around Sepp Blatter in a blue light convoy and do not have
time to deal with marches and demonstrations. There is no provision in the Act
that states gatherings can be banned because the international media is looking
and the gathering will give our government or Fifa a bad name or embarrass
them.
I have re-read the Act and can confirm that it does not even allow our proxygovernment – also known as Fifa – the right to issue such a ban or to request the
Police to do so. There are good reasons for this. A blanket ban would constitute a
fundamental and unjustifiable infringement on the right guaranteed in section
17 of the Constitution. This section guarantees for everyone the right “peacefully
and unarmed to assemble, to demonstrate, to picket and present petitions”.
It will probably come as a surprise to Sepp Blatter and other leaders of Fifa (who,
I read to my utter surprise and shock, has been called a quasi-Mafia for the way
in which they run their “business” and take over host countries), that the South
African Constitution does not contain any exception for Fifa and hence does not
allows it or anyone acting on Fifa’s behalf to issue orders imposing a blanket ban
on gatherings and marches. This can only happen if the life of the nation is
threatened and Parliament enacts a State of Emergency and even then the
emergency can usually only last for 21 days.
It is true that section 5 of the Regulation of Gatherings Act does allow for the
prohibition of gatherings and marches but only in very limited circumstances. It
can only be done if “credible information on oath is brought to the attention” of
the responsible police officer that:
there is a threat that a proposed gathering will result in serious disruption of
vehicular or pedestrian traffic, injury to participants in the gathering or other
persons, or extensive damage to property, and that the Police and the traffic
officers in question will not be able to contain this threat, he shall forthwith meet
or, if time does not allow it, consult with the convener and the authorized
member, if possible, and any other person with whom, he believes, he should
meet or consult, including the representatives of any police community
consultative forum in order to consider the prohibition of the gathering.
But even then, the police officer must first consult with the organisers to find a
way of dealing with such concerns. Only where the police officer on reasonable
grounds is convinced that no amendment of the conditions for the march would
prevent any of the dangers set out above, can a march be banned.
The eyes of the world will be on South Africa over the next month and for those
citizens who feel aggrieved about any matter (whether it is about the shocking
harassment of Abahlali baseMjondolo members by police and ANC aligned
thugs, the destruction of fynbos by golf estate developers, the attack on the Peace
Flotilla by the Israeli navy, or the fact that Julius Malema allegedly has R53
million in the bank and allegedly often drinks tea with Minister Simphiwe
Nyanda) it is a golden opportunity to have their voices heard in the full glare of
the international media spotlight.
The police service – who is supposed to serve the interests of all South Africans –
has a duty to facilitate all such peaceful protests. It is thus the duty of police
officers to serve the interests of a democratic state – not the interests of the
government of the day (who may be led by either the ANC or by Fifa – we are
not sure at the moment which one). It may well be that limited policing resources
will allow the imposition of more restrictions on marches and demonstrations
during the world cup period, but it would not – I repeat NOT – allow any police
officer to ban any march that is going to be peaceful and is not going to present a
huge disruption to traffic.
So if you have a gripe and you want to demonstrate or march, get those
applications in as soon as possible. If the police refuse to grant permission for the
march, well, we can make sommer a very big stink.
http://constitutionallyspeaking.co.za/fifa-world-cup-feel-it-it-is-here-then-shutup/
Fifa’s great SA rip-off
Julian Rademeyer, Chandre Prince and Anna-Maria Lombard City Press
2010-06-06 13:00
For the next five weeks get used to Sepp Blatter being your president and Jacob
Zuma sitting on the bench as a bit-player whose government is legally bound to
perform the international football federation’s every bidding.
Fifa’s grip on South Africa was cemented with 17 key guarantees the government
had to agree to in order to host the world’s biggest sporting event.
A senior government official said: “Fifa are a bunch of thugs. Not even the UN
expects you to sign away your tax base. These mafiosos do.”
The South African Revenue Service (Sars) has been forced to accede to an
extraordinary “tax bubble” around “Fifa-designated sites” which exempts Fifa,
its subsidiaries and foreign football associations from paying income tax,
customs duties and value-added tax (VAT).
As a consequence South Africa, which has already spent R63 billion, will stand to
lose tens or possibly hundreds of millions of rand in potential revenue.
According to a document compiled by Sars, by the end of April R613 million
worth of goods had been imported into South Africa for the tournament. Rebates
of R118 million were paid out on those imports in line with special tax measures
for the World Cup.
The National Treasury says it is unable to provide estimates of the amount of
foreign currency brought into and taken out of SA, but said one of the guarantees
was “unrestricted import and export”.
Some of Fifa’s commercial affiliates, licensees, host broadcasters, broadcast rights
agencies, merchandise partners and service providers will not pay taxes on the
profits they make during the World Cup. But VAT will be paid on ticket sales
and foreign-based soccer players will be taxed on income they receive for
playing in the tournament.
Hospital beds, intensive care units and ambulances have been reserved for Fifa
and its foreign visitors.
More than R700 million has been spent readying emergency medical services and
numerous state-of-the-art medical centres, ambulances and rescue vehicles which
have been kept under lock and key for exclusive use during the 30-day
tournament.
Safa has also had to provide Fifa with two private jets, two limousines, 300 cars,
half a dozen buses and “chauffeurs who speak fluent English and are thoroughly
familiar with the area”.
Fifa has hit paydirt. The money is rolling into its Swiss bank accounts and Fifa
secretary-general Jerome Valcke boasted this week that “we have increased our
income by 50% since 2006 in Germany to 2010 in South Africa”.
Fifa – a registered “not-for-profit” organisation – has banked a record R25 billion
in media and marketing revenues. In March, the Swiss parliament upheld Fifa’s
tax-free status in Switzerland.
The World Cup is expected to contribute an additional 0.5% to the country’s
gross domestic product.
But Dr Udesh Pillay, the executive director of the Human Sciences Research
Council’s Centre for Service Delivery, was recently quoted as saying that the
country’s expenditure on the World Cup accounts for 6.4% of the 2010/11 GDP.
Sars spokesperson Adrian Lackay said: “From the perspective of what we spent
as a country and from what the country stands to make in terms of revenue and
profits it is almost negligible.
“Our approach to the World Cup has been that it was never going to be a
revenue-raising exercise.
“Certainly it would be wrong to view the World Cup as a significant contributor
in itself.
“The concessions we had to give to Fifa are simply too demanding and
overwhelming for us to have material monetary benefits.”
Fifa, the real master of the universe, gets its claws into SA justice system
Daily Maverick
7 June 2010
On Thursday the South African government handed over more power to Fifa,
this time 56 special courts that will operate for the duration of the World Cup
(and just happen to have cost taxpayers R45 million). What master wants, master
gets, and be warned: Fifa is relishing having the police and justice system at its
disposal, all in aid of making the tournament successful, of course.
The British tabloids announced recently that anyone who breaks the law in South
Africa during the World Cup will receive a complimentary Hannibal Lecter
straightjacket and free train ride to the Karoo.
In announcing 56 special World Cup courts on Thursday, the South African
government said it didn’t get that particular memo – but will be sure to extradite
convicts in a polite and swift fashion, and without any Stalin-era gulags. And
yet, listening to Fifa’s general secretary Jérôme Valcke, one kind of got the feeling
that if they could… they probably would.
A bit of background: When Fifa and South Africa were planning the World Cup
all those years ago, crime must have popped up on the agenda.
FIFA: You guys better do something about that
DANNY: Yes master.
And so, Jeff Radebe and his Ministry of Justice pulled R45 million out of the kitty
and began setting up special courts around the country. Hundreds of
magistrates, prosecutors, legal aid lawyers, court orderlies (those snoozing police
officers) and translators were chosen and placed on stand-by.
The 56 courts will run late into the night, seven days a week, and – all going
according to plan – will finalise cases in a matter of days. This will save visitors
the pain of coming back to South Africa to testify and – knowing our system –
watching in horror as their case is postponed yet again. The courts mean good
overtime pay for those involved – so, in theory, they should function well. They
opened for business on May 28 and will remain in operation until July 25.
The launch of these courts took place yesterday at the Randburg Magistrate’s
Court in northern Johannesburg. (No, we don’t know why it was held a week
after the courts opened.) The function turned out to be a World Cup special: the
tent, the big speakers, the vuvuzelas, the diski dancers and a handful of
dignitaries. Radebe was obviously there, as was the National Prosecuting
Authority’s resident DIY expert Menzi Simelane, Danny Jordaan, Fifa man
Valcke and former soccer legend turned guest speaker Lucas Radebe.
The speeches went off okay – despite the MC assuming the chief magistrate at
the court was a man, when she is very much a woman. That awkward moment
aside, the speakers took turns to tell us (just in case we didn’t know it yet) that
South Africa is ready for the World Cup.
An interesting bit came from Simelane, who revealed the special courts have
already dealt with four cases. These aren’t exactly terrorists caught moments
before blowing up a stadium – but they are rather interesting. One involves a
Frenchman drinking and driving in Durban. The courts are waiting for blood
tests (everybody take a long breath), after which the trial will resume. Another is
the theft of a laptop from a Peruvian, but the case was dropped due to lack of
evidence. The third saw a visiting businessman steal a camera from another, but
was also dropped after the company decided to deal with the matter internally.
And then, of course, there is the case of the two hotel cleaners who allegedly
cleaned out the Colombian soccer team at their fancy hotel in Hyde Park. That
one is dragging out and was postponed again yesterday.
Simelane says the system is ready. We’ll wait and see before making that
judgment.
The coup de grâce came from Valcke, who spoke about our police officers and
courts as a tool at his disposal. He began by admitting (and it makes sense in a
French accent): “Very often people are saying, but why Fifa wants this, Fifa
wants that, and Fifa is a bad company or institution, that Fifa is taking over
South Africa…”
He then reminded the room that “football is hope” and hope equals world peace.
Or something like that.
And then the darkness descended (at least it would have in a movie): “We will
protect our World Cup whatever we have to do – that’s very clear. Even if we
again are looking as bad guys… or me personally as a bad guy… but that’s my
role… is to protect the world cup… and to protect Fifa… and that’s what I will
do. And to do this I need the police, I need the justice… Because the World Cup
has to be a success.”
Yes master.
By Alex Eliseev
We can afford it
KEVIN DAVIE: COMMENT | JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH AFRICA - Jun 04
2010 14:20
One of the most touching things I have seen in Jo’burg in a long time was, a few
days back, a ragamuffin man pulling a cart of scraps of old metal, making his
way to the recycling depot. On the top of the cart he flew a South African flag.
Our cars fly the flag in an unprecedented outpouring of national pride. More and
more people wear Bafana Bafana colours.
But a legitimate question is: How does the World Cup, with its multibillion-rand
cost, benefit poor South Africans such as this rag-and-bone man?
There are already voices in the twittersphere and elsewhere bemoaning the cost
of the event.
Author Rian Malan is one, writing in an otherwise beautiful piece, published by
the Guardian in the United Kingdom, that it will take generations to pay off the
billions of debt incurred to host the World Cup.
This is a common refrain about these events. They are seen as a waste of money
that should rather be put into water, housing, education and hospitals.
The World Cup is probably a once-in-a-generation event for South Africa. It is a
massive one-off celebration when we get to host one of the world’s great parties.
The nearest equivalent for a household would be a wedding. I have asked
colleagues what they think households spend on a wedding.
The consensus seems to be between 10% and 15% of annual income -- between
R60 000 and R90 000, all things considered, for a family earning R50 000 a month.
How much is South Africa spending on the World Cup? We are pumping money
into our transport infrastructure but since this is in use every day, it can hardly
be put on this tab.
The stadiums cost R33-billion, just 1,6% of our GDP of R2-trillion. No one is
suggesting that we should spend 10% of our GDP on this party, but this does
give some perspective.
Of the R33-billion national government has stumped up R11-billion, finding this
money not through debt but through the normal budgetary process.
This is like a family financing the wedding out of its monthly cash flows rather
than taking out an extra mortgage on the house to pay for the big bash.
But we are still running a budget deficit. Until recently this was projected to be
8% of GDP, but the latest projection is that it will fall to 4,1% in the next three
years; relatively modest in a world where deficit financing is suddenly seriously
out of fashion.
But can the municipalities afford it? A ratings anaylst tells me that the increased
expenditure for infrastructure, both World Cup and unrelated, has ramped up
the country’s largest municipality, Joburg’s debt to income levels.
The analyst said that the current situation was sustainable from a ratings point of
view and that he expected the ratio to improve as the present infrastructure cycle
came to an end.
The stadiums are owned by the municipalities. Their running costs range from
R2.4million a year (Ellis Park) to R18-million (Soccer City), according to the
Financial Mail in a detailed report.
How well the municipalities do with the stadiums will vary on a range of factors
such as whether they will host a major rugby or soccer team and entertainment
events.
But if we have a spare R33-billion, should we rather put the money into a greater
public good than a soccer spectacle?
We already spend big on social services and infrastructure, running, for instance,
what has been called the largest social welfare system in the world. But sadly, we
underperform in the bang we get from each buck spent because government
often does notoriously badly in delivery.
A lesson from the World Cup is that with sufficient political and private can-do,
we can work wonders. On time.
Surely, what we have done with football we can do with water and other
pressing imperatives?
Anger about the financing of the stadiums is misplaced. This is not to say that
hosting the World Cup is all happiness and sunlight. For one thing, Fifa treats its
host countries as lackeys rather than as true joint-venture partners.
For another, the jury is still out on who has profited and how from the building
of the stadiums. There has been so much corruption in the corridors of power of
late that you have to suspect that this has reached the stadium contracts too.
But this rage can come later. For now I will join the man with the scrap cart and
fly the flag.
www.mg.co.za
Africa’s reputation at stake with World Cup
Reuters 8 June 2010
Event could overturn or entrench stereotypes about the continent
JOHANNESBURG (Reuters) - The World Cup will have the globe’s largest
audience glued to their tv screens for a month from Friday but soccer’s greatest
trophy means much more than that for South Africa and an entire continent.
Racial reconciliation, the affirmation of an often troubled post-apartheid nation,
future investment and tourism are just a few of the issues at stake in Africa’s
largest economy.
African leaders believe that this tournament, a massive logistical undertaking,
will enable the continent to overturn stereotypes of tragedy, disaster and failure
and prove that it is a vibrant can-do region with a positive future.
President Jacob Zuma said the World Cup is “the single greatest opportunity we
have ever had to showcase our diversity and potential to the world. We must rise
and tell the story of a continent which is alive with possibilities.”
Of course, the opposite could also be true. If the tournament fails, and
particularly if it is marred by major violence or organisational chaos, it could do
significant damage to the continent’s image.
Although most signs are good for a joyful and uniquely African spectacular,
there are plenty of areas of concern to keep organisers awake at night,
particularly security and the country’s frighteningly high crime rate, and
transport, always a possible Achilles heel.
At least 15 people were injured on Sunday when fans tried to force their way into
a township stadium to watch a warmup between Nigeria and North Korea,
while FIFA’s media transport shuttles have been a chaotic mess so far.
NEGATIVE REPORTING
Ever since Pretoria won the right six years go to stage the World Cup for the first
time in Africa, the pessimists have never been quiet and the organisers have had
to endure a sea of negative reporting ranging from serious to absurd.
Prize for the latter goes to Britain’s tabloid press which has variously reported
that the streets are full of machete wielding gangs or that England’s team,
camped near the sleepy town of Rustenburg, are in danger from an army of
deadly snakes including one that could kill two whole World Cup teams.
Most of the negative reporting, including suggestions FIFA would need to move
the tournament at the last minute, have been discredited, although together with
the global recession it is blamed for cutting foreign fan numbers from an
estimated 450,000 to 370,000 or less.
The 10 stadiums were ready early, unlike in many other host nations in the past,
and six of them -- five built from scratch and one extensively expanded and
rebuilt -- are magnificent arenas standing comparison with any in the world.
These stadiums, like the rest of the World Cup, affirm the confidence and ability
of an often troubled nation 16 years after the end of apartheid.
After months of scepticism and apathy South Africans seem finally to believe
that this tournament can have an impact comparable to victory in the 1995 Rugby
World Cup final where Nelson Mandela forged a more united nation a year after
the end of apartheid, when civil war still seemed possible.
“The enthusiasm, joy and excitement that has engulfed the entire nation in recent
weeks has not been witnessed since President Nelson Mandela was released
from prison (in 1990). This explosion of national pride is a priceless benefit of the
World Cup tournament,” Zuma said on Sunday.
Jordaan has said the tournament is comparable to the 1994 polls ending
apartheid, right down to the huge queues that voted then and have tried to get
tickets in recent weeks.
“This World Cup will be the pinnacle of the strides we have made over the last
16 years and will chart a new course in our country’s history, characterised by a
growth in tourism, a strong investment climate and an elevated global image.
“For the first time in history, Africa really will be the centre of the world’s
attention -- for all the right reasons -- and we are looking forward to showing our
continent in its most positive light,” he told Reuters.
Many domestic critics, including township dwellers in violent protests against
lack of services, to poor people forced off the street in a World Cup clean-up,
have said it was wrong to spend more than $5 billion on the tournament in a
country with an army of poor and some of the globe’s biggest wealth disparities.
But as patriotic fervour and excitement grew over the last few weeks many of the
most vocal critics have gone quiet, caught up in the national euphoria.
The many supporters now say this is an opportunity that will not return to
Africa in this generation and the tournament will not only boost foreign
investment but leave a lasting legacy of roads and major infrastructure.
A special study last month said the total gross economic impact would be $12
billion, although much of this comes from government spending.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LUf_ct7tD2k
Stampede a wake up call - Blatter
Reuters 08 June 2010
But FIFA President says organisation will be much better in official matches
JOHANNESBURG (Reuters) - FIFA President Sepp Blatter described the fans’
stampede during a Nigeria-North Korea friendly as a “wake-up call” but
promised there would be no repeat at the World Cup which kicks off on Friday.
“I’m sure that this is a wake-up call and this will not happen in any match, you
can be assured,” the head of soccer’s governing body told a news conference on
Monday following Sunday’s incidents in which at least 15 were injured.
General-secretary Jerome Valcke said that the disruption which interrupted play
in the second half had illustrated the danger of selling tickets on match days
which FIFA has refused to do for the month long finals (June 11-July 11).
“We have been criticised very often for not distributing tickets on the match day
at the stadium and it’s what happened there,” said Valcke.
“It’s good for us because it proved we are right to say that you should never
distribute tickets at the stadium on the match day.
“That’s why we will keep this principle during the World Cup.
“The level or organisation we have when we organise a game is definitely higher
than the one we have seen there,” he added.
“We have to make sure the police working around the World Cup stadiums will
do better than what we saw yesterday.”
LESSONS LEARNED
Valcke refuted suggestions that FIFA, which has said it had nothing to do with
the organisation of the fixture at the Makhulong Stadium in Johannesburg, had
prevented the game from being played at a venue.
“We control the 10 World Cup stadiums which cannot be used (for friendlies),”
he said. “But there are other stadiums, including rugby stadiums, where they
could have played.”
Blatter, meanwhile, said that Brazil were right to play a friendly in Zimbabwe
last week, which was seen by some as a publicity coup for President Robert
Mugabe after he was photographed on the pitch with the players including
Kaka.
“You have seen the enthusiasm of the people and I say connect people through
football. I think it was a good idea to go there,” Blatter said.
FIFA also confirmed that there was no problem with joint bids for the 2018 and
2022 World Cup tournaments for which Belgium-Netherlands and SpainPortugal are candidates.
“When we went through the bid documents, it was clear that there was one joint
organising committee in each case, which is a big difference from 2002 when you
had a World Cup with two different local organising committees,” said Valcke.
“That is why the principle was accepted.”
Valcke said that the number of tickets sold for the World Cup had passed three
million.
What if the World Cup fails?
Sduduzo Ka-Mbili 7 June 2010
Sduduzo Ka-Mbili on the possible consequences of a criminal or terrorist attack
Disturbing World Cup 2010, Death of Peace in South Africa
FIFA World Cup 2010 is looming, and the people are both delighted and worried
about the first biggest event in South Africa (Africa). They are wondering if it is
crime or terrorism that will disrupt the World Cup Final in South Africa.
So much has happened from the time South Africa first campaigned to host this
event on the African soil and succeeded. Countries across Europe i.e., Germany,
France, and Britain incessantly wrote terrible articles about South Africans being
incapable and unable to host the event of such magnitude. Many other countries
asked for Plan B, in case South Africa failed. Australia was also the mouth piece
of such pessimism; they said they were ready to take over if South Africa failed
to deliver.
They wrote all kinds of terrible articles about the country and her people. Crime,
Infrastructural Inadequacy, Lack of Skill in hosting such an event, Terrorism and
many more spats were but a few of the attack tools they used against South
Africa. Yet, they did not complain when International Rugby and Cricket World
Cup events were to be hosted in South Africa, in fact many Europeans and
Australians travelled there in greater numbers. Why? Find the answer to the
question yourself.
Fast forward to June 01, 2010, it turns out South Africa has completed the
building of stadiums ahead of time, she has put in place many mechanisms that
will ensure the protection of her guests from around the world. Over 96% of the
tickets have been sold, and with only a few days to go, the world is ready to
enjoy South Africa’s beauty and smile.
What now, and who is in the way of the success of the World Cup Final? Internal
Terrorism by a White Supremacist terrorist group (AWB) that is bent on racial
slurs and threats of war against the Black Government, as well as a Criminal
Activity by black and white heartless criminals who have enjoyed a great deal of
immunity, due to stricter laws in place to protect Human Rights (including
criminals) in the country.
The AWB’s radical members have threatened to disrupt the World Cup event in
revenge for their state of affairs in South Africa. Now, what will this mean to
South Africans of all hues who believe time for sanguinary confrontations is
over, as peaceful negotiations are now a way to go? It will simply mean a
Challenge to War, and an Internal Scuffle that may never be reversed. This event
is the pride of Black and White South Africans who campaigned hard for it to
happen, in the same way that the current government and minority Whites
campaigned for Rugby and Cricket finals to be a resounding success. FIFA
World Cup 2010 is a showcase to the world that Blacks and Whites in South
Africa can work together on an equal footing and succeed. It will mean that
Blacks are also capable of managing their affairs with the same precision as
Whites.
Disrupting the World Cup event will indeed have a horrific effect on racial
relations in the country, a total Declaration of War by either the White Minority
(AWB) group or Criminal Elements. It will also be a challenge to arms to ignore
Human Rights and crush criminals like mosquitoes in the bin, as they will bear a
heavier than normal brunt for disturbing a once in a lifetime chance for Africa to
shine.
What will or might happen if the terror attacks do take place during the
Tournament? It seems an all out disturbance between racial groups in the
country will be the result, which will cause damage to both the excellent physical
infrastructure and psychology of the people in the country, especially the Youth.
The two people will never forgive one another for such acts, and things will
simply deteriorate from there on, and no one will be able to stop it, not Zuma,
Mandela, or even Julius Malema.
Other outcomes might be continuous disturbances of white sports, or even a total
ban of Cricket and Rugby, or worse, the beginning of a forceful take over of
farms by Blacks from Whites, which might mean the breaking apart of both Black
and White families as destruction ensues.
The Government now has a chance to be stoic in letting both the Criminal Actors
and the minority AWB to join the party and celebrate sixteen years of peace, in a
country whose first president Nelson Mandela might just as well have postponed
a war of the two worlds. Only time will tell.
Sduduzo Ka-Mbili is a South African residing in New York City. He is a radio
personality and producer (wbai 99.5 FM).
Tuesday, June 8, 2010
World Cup Soccer 2010: Shame on the Beautiful Game
<http://mothersspeakaboutwarandterror.blogspot.com/2010/06/world-cupsoccer-2010-shame-on.html>
Soccer fever rises. A billboard on the East Bay side of the California’s
Oakland/San Francisco Bay Bridge displays an animated advertisement with the
FIFA logo announcing “RSA vs. Mexico, Friday 6:30am.” The growing
excitement makes even someone who elects to live /sans/ a television cast around
for a place to watch the sport referred to as the “beautiful game.”
At ground zero, South Africa’s liberal /Mail and Guardian/ quotes President Jacob
Zuma: the World Cup is “the single greatest opportunity we have ever had to
showcase our diversity and potential to the world. We must rise and tell the
story of a continent which is alive with possibilities.”
Indeed, Zuma’s post-World Cup future promises magical transformations: racial
reconciliation; the end of post-apartheid troubles, disasters and tragedies; a
plethora of international investors; and horizons chock-a-block with spendhappy tourists who, drawn to South Africa’s charm and beauty, will return again
and again. This, despite glowing estimates (450,000 international and 100,000
African soccer fans) falling woefully short and despite the growing disincentives
of future carbon taxes on air and other travel, the country’s failing infrastructure
and social services, and its hard-to-beat reputation as the “rape capital” of the
world.
The word on Main Street has it a veritable honor to any country granted the
opportunity to host FIFA’s World Cup. But, back in the ‘hood where the host
country’s majority live, the downside is very real to the people whose
government contracted /with/ FIFA to spend lavishly /for/ FIFA. The effects
persist long after the last soccer fan departs a brand new stadium built for a
handful of games.
*Show no poverty!*
In Cape Town, FIFA officials took one look at the location of the existing –
functional – Athlone stadium and refused to play soccer in it, explaining that “A
billion television viewers don’t want to see shacks and poverty on this scale.”
Here’s an idea. Instead of infantalizing a billion viewers at the cost of the new
stadium in Green Point spend the money on the improving civil infrastructure.
Yes, Table Mountain is beautiful behind the new stadium that is also the most
expensive ever built anywhere – so far! But, imagine what that budget of R4.5
billion/ US $580 million – with cost overruns and escalations in 2006 rising from
R1.8 billion/US $225 million to R3.1 billion – could do if it went toward creating
durable jobs that built sustainable neighborhoods with schools, clinics, and parks
for the next generation to learn soccer?
Then a billion finicky television viewers could see their largess manifested in
Athlone and feel the adult joy of constructive participation in real South Africa.
More importantly, a few thousand of the currently 4.18 million unemployed
South Africans would have jobs, pay taxes, consume local goods, and offer
security to their families.
Instead, “Statistics South Africa” reports that numbers of unemployed rose from
last year’s 3.87 million. In their updated article, “South Africa’s Unemployment
Rate Increases to 23.5%”, Nasreen Seria and Mike Cohen report that the jobless
rate rose to 23.5 percent from 21.9 percent in three months. South Africa’s
unemployment is the highest of 62 countries Bloomberg tracks.
*An overblown corporatized event?*
In a recent interview, Professor Patrick Bond of the University of Kwa Zulu
Natal’s School of Development Studies, also director of the Center for Civil
Society there, said, “The World Cup is an example of an overblown corporatized
event of corporate athletics that involves nationalism and police hysteria about
potential threat.”
He highlights facts-on-the-ground for ordinary South Africans. “We had no idea,
back in 2004 when FIFA granted South Africa the Cup, that this would entail
actually surrendering any democratic control of our cities where the big stadia
are [located]...[South Africa’s] police – essentially given to FIFA for free – now
patrol 10 kilometers around a stadium to discourage protest.”
Police warned the public that any kind of protest is disallowed for the duration
of the Cup. This means coordinated protests by organized activists...and
spontaneous bursts of frustration by residents with the initiative to leave their
‘hood day after depressing day to fish for a few coins in the tsunami of
unemployment.
So much for laissez-faire capitalism and the self-regulating marketplace!
*Can South Africa’s multi-billion investment pay off?*
South Africa’s current account deficit has soared. According to The Economist in
February 2009, imports for construction and other goods plus profit outflows put
South Africa at the top of the risk list amongst emerging markets.
In the 26 May 2010 article in Engineering News, “World Cup return on
investment not guaranteed”, ACE Insurance senior underwriter Trevor Kerst
states that South Africa spent about R33 billion/ US $4.1 billion on preparations
for the sporting event.
“… the return on that investment is by no means assured; add to that the reality
that FIFA pays no taxes and institutes exclusion zones around the stadiums
where matches take place, and tax income is curtailed. Within these exclusion
zones, only FIFA and its partners may sell any goods; nothing from these sales
accrues to the government.”
Such massive debt, Kerst warns, would lead to a marked slowdown in public
sector spending, especially on large capital projects, and that the insurance
industry might face lean times ahead.
While South Africa incurs this staggering debt, a huge import bill, and a
dramatic rise in foreign debt FIFA’s profit is estimated at R24 billion/ US $3
billion; television rights alone run to approximately US $2.8 billion.
Even other large corporations are issuing warnings. MasterCard stated recently:
“Any company should have grave concerns about doing business with FIFA:
lying, deception, and bad faith are standard operating procedure.”
*Where there’s a will, there’s a way *
A wonderful thing about human beings is their generous creativity in the face of
injustice. For, of course, there will be protests. Indeed, a small cadre of
extraordinary talents has already begun protesting. Hip hop musicians Creamy
Ewok Baggend are sponsored by the Khulumani Support group, currently taking
on five major corporations who, they charge, are complicit in supporting the
South African Government during apartheid and are also investors in FIFA
World Cup.
“Upside Down World Cup”: Raj Patel on How South Africa Has Cracked
Down on the Poor and the Shack Dwellers’ Movement Ahead of the World
Cup
Democracy Now June 11, 2010
As the 2010 World Cup opens in South Africa, Raj Patel looks at one of the most
overlooked aspects of this year’s tournament: the ongoing struggle of tens of
thousands of shack dwellers across the country. Over the past year, shack
settlement leaders in Durban, Johannesburg and Cape Town have been chased
from their homes by gangs, arrested, detained without hearing, and assaulted.
As the World Cup begins, a shack dwellers’ movement known as Abahlali
baseMjondolo is mounting what they call an “Upside Down World Cup”
campaign to draw attention to their plight. [includes rush transcript]
Guest:
Raj Patel, visiting scholar at the Center for African Studies at UC Berkeley, an
honorary research fellow at the University of KwaZulu-Natal in Durban. He
administers the website of the Abahlali baseMjondolo shack dwellers
organization at www.abahlali.org. He is also the author of The Value of Nothing:
How to Reshape Market Society and Reclaim Democracy.
* Raj Patel: “Off-Side at the World Cup”
AMY GOODMAN: Angelique Kidjo, performing before tens of thousands of
people at the World Cup concert in Soweto’s Orlando Stadium in South Africa
Thursday. And you can go to our website to see a full interview with Angelique
that we did in Copenhagen at the climate change summit. That’s right, today is
the opening day of the 2010 World Cup, the most-watched sporting event on the
planet. I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan Gonzalez.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Yes, once every four years, the world comes to a standstill as
an estimated one billion people across the globe tune in to watch countries
compete in what is known as “The Beautiful Game,” football, or soccer, as it’s
called here in the United States. For four weeks, thirty-two countries compete in
sixty-four matches to vie for the World Cup trophy, perhaps the most coveted
prize in all of sports.
This year, the World Cup is being held in South Africa. It’s the first time in
history the tournament is held on the African continent. An estimated 350,000
people are expected to visit South Africa for the competition.
AMY GOODMAN: Last night, tens of thousands of people gathered in Soweto’s
Orlando Stadium for a celebration concert that featured African stars Angelique
Kidjo, Amadou & Mariam, Hugh Masekela, as well as stars from around the
world, including Shakira and John Legend and Black Eyed Peas. One of the
keynote speakers of the night was South African archbishop and Nobel Peace
Prize winner, Desmond Tutu.
DESMOND TUTU: Welcome you all! For Africa is the cradle of humanity! So we
welcome you home, all of you! All of you—Germans, French—every single one
of you. We are all Africans! We’re all Africans! Oh! Hoo-hoo, hoo-hoo-hoo! And
we want to say to the world, thank you for helping this ugly, ugly, ugly worm—
caterpillar, which we were, to become—to become a beautiful, beautiful
butterfly. We are a beautiful, beautiful butterfly!
JUAN GONZALEZ: At the time of this broadcast, the opening ceremony of the
World Cup is underway in Johannesburg. One person that is notably absent from
the event is Nelson Mandela. South Africa’s iconic anti-apartheid leader and first
black president is mourning the death of his thirteen-year-old great
granddaughter, Zenani, who was killed in a car crash as she returned from last
night’s concert.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, one of the most overlooked aspects of this year’s World
Cup is the ongoing struggle of tens of thousands of shack dwellers across the
country. Over the past year, shack settlement leaders in Durban, Johannesburg
and Cape Town have been chased from their homes by gangs, arrested, detained
without hearing, and assaulted. As the World Cup begins, a shack dwellers’
movement is mounting what they’re calling “Upside Down World Cup”
campaign, to draw attention to their plight.
Raj Patel is a visiting scholar at the Center for African Studies at UC Berkeley, an
honorary research fellow at the University of KwaZulu-Natal in Durban. He
administers the website—well, you’re going to have to say the name of the
website, Raj. Tell us the website and what is happening in South Africa.
RAJ PATEL: OK, so the website is Abahlali—A-B-A-H-L-A-L-I.org. And the
organization is called the Abahlali baseMjondolo, which is Zulu for “people who
live in shacks.” Now, the reason this is an interesting organization is because
when we’re seeing all the joy around the World Cup, it’s important to remember,
of course, that the World Cup is not an unalloyed good. Not everyone in South
Africa is benefiting from the World Cup. And in fact, you know, FIFA, the
organization that organizes the World Cup, the Federation of—sorry, the
International Federation of Football Associations, is an incredibly powerful
organization that in many ways has sort of commandeered the willing South
African government to be able to rearrange the country to make it more footballand corporation-friendly.
And so, around all the stadiums, for example, the stadia, are exclusion zones,
where street traders have been moved away—informal traders, in some circles as
they’re known—and in which a beautification campaign has been carried out. Of
course, I mean, this isn’t a terribly new idea. I mean, the sporting events around
the world, when they happen in the Global South, have usually been alibis for a
few corporations and a few people to profit massively and for governments to
engage in what they seem to—what they call beautification, or what more rightly
is called gentrification and privatization.
Now, what’s happening in South Africa is very interesting. We’ve seen billions of
dollars of subsidy given by the South African government to FIFA. But we’re
seeing in the mainstream media stories coming up about how, while a few
people, you know, tourists, are enjoying the World Cup, and the World Cup is
being broadcast around the world, and while FIFA clearly has the power to get
someone like K’naan to rewrite his song, we’re also seeing that poor people are
excluded from the World Cup. And that’s an important narrative for us to have.
It’s important to see that, for example, informal traders are being moved away.
Or, for example, in Durban, artisanal fisherpeople, people who were normally
allowed to fish from the piers in Durban, a struggle for which they fought very
hard—it was one of the sort of key demands for certain people in the antiapartheid struggle, is the freedom to be able to fish wherever you like—well,
those rights have been rolled back for the duration of the World Cup.
And civil rights have been suspended in some places. I mean, today, for example,
there was meant to be a protest in Johannesburg demanding education rights for
everyone. But the government has denied the rights—denied the protest
permission to march, because the police are otherwise occupied guarding the
tourists and making sure that FIFA’s property and intellectual property is being
safely guarded.
Now, what the shack dwellers have been saying—and shack dwellers
throughout South Africa number in over a million households—shack dwellers
are saying that, “Well, actually, we know—and this is a verbatim quote from
S’bu Zikode, who is the head of Abahlali baseMjondolo, the president of the
organization. He said, “We know that our names are being used to”—we know
that—sorry, “We know that we’re going to be excluded, but our names are being
used to justify the goodness of our country in the world. But the country is
divided. There are certain people who are benefiting, and we are excluded. We
want to tell the other side of the story.”
And so, the way that they’re trying going to tell the story is by making
themselves visible. Some shack dwellers in Cape Town, for example, will be
breaking the exclusion zone to set up shacks to show people how they live. And
this is an important counter-narrative, because when the media sort of comes in
and tells stories about poor people, what often gets left out is the fact that poor
people are not just sitting there twiddling their thumbs. They are organizing, and
they are using the World Cup, just as the World Cup is using them. And so,
they’re using the World Cup as an opportunity to show the rest of the world how
they live and the conditions in which they have been left to wait for development
to come. So, in Cape Town, for example, there will be shack dwellers outside the
exclusion zone—or sorry, within the exclusion zone, and there is a danger that
they will be arrested.
And within Durban, shack dwellers who were chased from their homes last year
will be trying to get back into their communities. They’ve been asked back by the
communities that—where the violence that excluded them happened. And
they’ve been asked back, in large part, by women. Now, the organizing that
shack dweller organizations like Abahlali do are the kind of organizing that are
actually very gender-sensitive. They provide childcare, they provide HIV/AIDS
drop-in centers, all the things that are desperately needed in communities of
poor people. And, of course, when we hear the World Cup, when we hear stories
about the World Cup, gender is the one thing that gets dropped out. And so,
what we’re seeing is a demand from women in shacks for their leadership and
for organizations to come back and to provide support. And so, in this moment
of World Cup celebration, what organizations of poor people are hoping is that
the world media will pay a little bit of attention to what they’re doing and to
provide some cover for the organizing that will happen long after the World Cup
ends and the final whistle blows.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And Raj, I’d like to ask you, about $6 billion was spent in
the building of these various stadiums. How did the government finance all of
this, given the huge problems and disparities, income disparities, that still exist
in the country?
RAJ PATEL: Well, I mean, debt is the main way. I mean, the government has
siphoned resources away from other projects, and there’s been a huge
opportunity cost. This is money that shack dwellers and other people have been
saying could have been going to housing, could have been going to education,
could have been going to healthcare. But it’s been diverted to provide these
white elephant stadiums, as Desmond Tutu called them, stadiums that will be
scaled back or, in some cases, left to rot after the final whistle blows.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, Raj Patel, we want to thank you very much for being
with us. Among everything else, he is the author of The Value of Nothing: How
to Reshape Market Society and Reclaim Democracy.
The World Cup: Who To Support? A Marxist Position
My general rule is 1) For anyone (but England) against the United States 2) For
any country ever a colony 2) Against any country who ever had a colony 3) In
case of matches between imperialist powers; whoever has the most militant and
conscious working class 4) In the case of a contest between two former colonies
the same applies 5) a socialist state trumps all (we do not include in this category
the team fielded by the DRPK). However you choose to define Cuba’s present
reality, Cuba is unfortunately not in the tournament, so 1 or 2 or 4 or 5 cannot be
applied to that dauntless, defiant island. Would that it could. For 5 to be
realized first we need to make a socialist state…and have it play good
soccer…err, football.
Betraying a certain prejudice, I am hoping the first
genuinely socialist state first and foremost plays good baseball (and if certain
trends elaborate themselves I may get my wish), but I’ll take what I can get. That
being the case, in the current contest, even though it is hopeless; given the
‘debate’ in the US over immigration and my natural sympathies and inclinations,
with heart and soul, I will be cheering the Mexican squad…though I may not
grow hoarse from cheering too long.
First and foremost, most importantly and most vehemently, I and you should be
supporting the South African working class as it confronts the world during the
festivals and/of obscuration that is also the World Cup with the realities of the
ANC’s neo-liberal rule.
http://rustbeltradical.wordpress.com/2010/06/11/the-world-cup-who-tosupport-a-marxist-position/
Fahrenheit 2010 review
Jun 09 2010
African World Cup
Where the Money Goes
Posted at 06:00 PM
In Section: I Hate Hollywood Posted By: David Luhrssen
South Africans, and all Africans, can be proud of hosting the 2010 World Cup
soccer championship. The eyes of the world will be turned to sports and
fellowship on a continent usually associated in the popular imagination with
dictators and blood diamonds, grinding poverty and heinous civil wars. But as
suggested by the subtitle of a new documentary, World Cup Soccer in Africa:
Who Really Wins? (out on DVD), a troubling undercurrent runs beneath the
whooping and flag waving of the fans.
Many of the problems underlined in Who Really Wins are shared by the host
cities or countries of Olympic games; there are even parallels with the
extortionate practices of major league teams in the U.S., forcing states and cities
to foot the bill for new stadiums. FIFA, the international soccer federation, will
devour the lion’s share of World Cup profit from television rights and corporate
sponsors. Local elites with ties to the ruling African National Congress will
pocket some of the proceeds. The crumbs will fall into the hands of the poor
through temporary construction jobs and tourist revenue.
Added to the financial disparity in a country where the chasm between rich and
poor has only widened since the racist apartheid regime gave way to a multiracial democracy is the problem of resources diverted from health, housing and
education into the construction of Olympic-scale facilities that will seldom be
used after the games are over. Schools were actually torn down to make way for
stadium construction. The white minority government has been replaced by a
rainbow regime eager to erect white elephants.
None of this should dampen the enthusiasm of soccer fans watching the worldclass athletic prowess of World Cup. But it’s worth remembering that just
beyond reach of television cameras are vast slums of shacks lacking running
water and electricity.
World Cup: Cheer on South African slum dwellers fighting eviction
Friday, 11 June 2010 03:10
Written by Brendan Montague
Whilst multinational corporations prepare to cash in on the World Cup, echoes
of apartheid resonate as communal slum dwellers face eviction in the name of
“gentrification”.
Prince Csibalda, 60, from central Johannasburg will not be attending the opening
ceremony of the World Cup today - nor can he watch any of the games from his
home.
Prince Csibalda, 60, sweet seller and father of two, faces evictionThe 60-year-old
sweet seller and father of two teenage children (pictured above) has been evicted
from a communal squat yards away from the South African city’s banking
quarter as part of the Government’s drive to gentrify the area.
Prince, who mends televisions for a living, moved to South Africa from
Zimbabwe in 1986 and was an active member of the ANC when the party was
proscribed as a terrorist organisation.
The softly spoken former soldier was among the first to move into the seven
storey block and is an elected member of the commune’s committee. The
building was abandoned as part of the “white flight” from the city when
Apartheid fell.
There is no water or electricity but the residents were left unmolested by
government officials until 18 months before the World Cup. The government set
up a special task force to identify the owners of abandoned city centre buildings
to encourage them to sell or reinvest.
In Britain, squatters who have lived in the same building uninterupted for 12
years become the legal owners. The squatters, despite having no money and few
political supporters, have managed to take their case all the way to South
Africa’s supreme court.
The legal delay has in many regards prevented the developers from achieving
their slum clearances in time for the World Cup. Prince said: “I have been living
here since 1996 and I just want peace to do my business as a technician doing
television repairs. I have no place to go. I have a family - my granddaughter is
three years old.
Musa Oreal”To evict us now, it is not humanitarian. We have been deprived of
water and electricity which for a small child, it is torture. We had a committtee
and we lived as a commune but this is no longer working because the cooperation is not there.
“Musa Oreal, 29, lives in the same squatted hotel building. He survives on 90
Rand a day selling sweets to sustain a diet of Milimeal and boiled chicken heads.
He said: “They are throwing us out onto the street at the same time thousands of
tourists are coming to the city. Other people, if they have to survive, will turn to
crime and to drugs if they do not have this place to stay. This is a disaster.”
A few miles across town Francina Molothlanyi, 42, an unemployed domestic
worker, stands under a collapsed ceiling in room 413 which is shared with her
husband Edward, 43, and two teenage children.
They are just one of the families forcefully evicted from the San Jose building in
the Berea district of Johannasburg.
The building housed 600 people and was run as a commune with an elected
committee - many former ANC activists. Committee member Isaiah Mahlobo
said there was a thriving community living in the building “where people would
help you with your shopping, we all knew each other as friends.”
He told The Sauce: “This is about slum clearances. They desperately wanted to
move us out of the city. But most people here would not be able to afford the bus
back to work. They would be homeless, without work.” Everyone paid a
pepercorn rent to the committee who provided services, including electricity,
and security - essential on downtown Johanasburg.
Francina MolothlanyiThe city tried to turn the ownership of the property over to
developer Brian Miller and used the “Red Ants” security firm to forcefully evict
the residents. Challenged by the committee in the constitutional court, this failed
and the tower block has now been taken into city ownership.
The building has been utterly destroyed, vandalised and pillaged since the
residents left. Even the metal walls have been stripped away. Francina said:
“There is water constantly leaking into the room where my family lives. There is
no electricity. The toilets barely work. I cannot go to work because if it rains the
room is flooded and I have to mop the water.
“We left San Jose to come here because we were promised it would be better. It is
much worse. They make it worse because they want to force us out of the city.
“Squatters in Johannasburg have successfully turned to the courts to prevent
evictions and also demand better conditions if they are ‘repatriated’. A total of
10,000 people were facing eviction from the Joe Slovo shack settlement along the
road from the Cape Town airport to make way for World Cup hotels.
A campaign from the Anti-Eviction Campaign has prevented the “slum
clearance”. Rehad Desai, a highly acclaimed filmmaker in Johannasburg, has
been documenting the eviction of San Jose and the plight of the residents in their
new inner-city slum building.
Cheering on the the slum dwellers he said: “Properties in central Johannasburg
were abandoned by their Aparthied owners. They were taken over by the
destitute, by political activists who had fought for freedom.
The San Jose building, which has been destroyed after the commune was
evicted”For more than a decade they have built homes and communities. But
now that the World Cup promises to elevate the value of these buildings, the
white owners are back, the city is sending in security and the residents are left
with nothing.
“The charity War on Want has published a report about the forced evictions
taking place in South Africa ahead of today’s start of the World Cup - including
those around stadiums where England will play its matches.
The report states: “Viewed by many as a crucial source of income for the country,
the 2010 football World Cup has only exacerbated the plight of South Africa’s
poor.
“Since South Africa was named tournament host, the rate of evictions has
increased, particularly in areas around stadiums, practice facilities and other sites
designed to cater to tourists.”
The report adds: “Drawing on the legacy of the anti-apartheid movement, over
the past decade a vibrant resistance to evictions and economic discrimination has
emerged in South Africa.”
Led by groups like War on Want’s partners the Anti-Eviction Campaign, the
Anti-Privatisation Forum and Abahlali base Mjondolo KwaZulu- Natal and
Western Cape, thousands of poor people across the country have banded
together to claim their rights and fight injustice.
“Using methods ranging from street protests to litigation, our partners have won
several hard fought victories benefitting shack-dweller communities in Cape
Town, Durban and Johannesburg.”
The World Cup in South Africa has seen the interests of big business
aggressively dominate the needs of the local poor. Coca Cola will make millions
while Musa is banned from selling sweets from within 5km of the stadium. But
the resistance of the squatters has been inspirational.
The Olympics in Britain in 2012 will see exactly the same dominance of
multinationals over the interests of local residents and workers. During the
World Cup matches, whether we have team allegiances or not, let’s make sure
we are cheering on the the slum dwellers.
www.counterfire.org
The opening match: South Africa-Mexico
June 11th, 2010 by Pontus Westerberg
Historically, home nations always do well in the World Cup. Six out of the seven
World Cup winners have won on home soil and the host country has never
failed to progress to the second round. South Africa, however, is the lowest
ranking country to ever host a World Cup and at 83 is even behind New
Zealand, generally seen as having no chance at all in the tournament.
It’s going to be very interesting to see how South Africa, cheered on by the
fearsome vuvuzela, perform in this tough group A where Mexico and France
must be seen as favourites. Despite their low ranking – Bafana Bafana (the Boys),
as they’re called by the home crowd – have done very well in the run up to the
World Cup, including beating Guatemala 5-0 and Denmark 1-0.
Mexico struggled in the early stages of the qualifications and Sven-Göran
Ericsson was sacked as manager after a disappointing loss to Honduras. His
replacement, Javier Aguirre, revived the team and they won four out of the five
last matches to grab a World Cup place. An offensive team, Mexico recently beat
Italy 2-1 and should really win this match.
In the Who Should I Cheer For rankings, Mexico is also clear favourite, being the
15th most supportable team, compared to South Africa in 28th place. Fairly
evenly matched in terms of GDP per person, Mexico is far ahead in terms of low
carbon emissions and maternal mortality rates and has the tournaments’s lowest
military spending, at just 0.4% of GDP. South Africa, on the other hand, is
particularly strong when it comes to women in Government, with over 40%.
Only Spain (with recent legislation stipulating a 50-50 split between men and
women) does better in this area.
South Africa, despite succesfully defeating apartheid 20 years ago, has struggled
with increasing levels of inequality and poverty, to the extent that it is now one
of the world’s most unequal countries. According to War on Want, South
Africa’s constitution, adopted in 1996 and based on the ANC’s Freedom Charter,
is one of the most progressive in the world and states that everyone has equal
right to adequate housing, healthcare, food and water and a clean environment.
Yet, despite these promises the legacy of apartheid remains – in Africa’s richest
country 30% of South Africans don’t have access to electricity and 39% to water,
for example.
How did this happen? Well, according to Naomi Klein in The Shock Doctrine,
the years between Mandela’s release from prison in 1990 and the 1994 election
ANC landslide victory saw long negotiations between the outgoing apartheid
National Party and the ANC. The focus of these talks were the high-profile
political summits between Mandela and de Klerk, in which the ANC won on
almost every count being discussed. But there were also parallel, lower-key
economic negotiations taking place, which the ANC (and the world) took a much
smaller interest in.
As the political talks progressed and it was clear that parliament would fall into
the hands of the ANC, South Africa’s elites started pouring their energy into the
economic talks instead. According to Klein, South Africa’s whites had lost the
political battle, but they would not give up so easily when it came to protecting
their wealth and economic power.
Using a range of policy tools – international trade agreements and structural
adjustment programmes, for example – the de Klerk government were able to
hand control to ‘impartial experts’ – economists and experts from the IMF, the
World Bank, GATT and the National Party. As Klein writes:
The plan was successfully executed under the noses of the ANC leaders, who
were naturally preoccupied with winning the battle to control Parliament. In the
process, the ANC failed to protect itself against a far more insidous strategy – in
essence, an elaborate insurance plan aganst the economic clauses in the Freedom
Charter ever becoming law in South Africa.
During the horse-trading that went on in these economic negotiations, the ANC
negotiators also gave up things that would make the economic transformation of
South Africa a possibility – often without knowing it. One such example was
making the central bank independent – a fringe idea, even among right-wing US
academics in 1994. And not only that, the newly independent bank wold be run
by the man who ran it during apartheid, Chris Stals. The apartheid finance
minister, Derek Keyes, would also remain in post.
One of the ANC’s economic advisors, Vishnu Padayachee, was asked by Klein if
he thought that the negotiators had realised how much they had given up, he
said: “Frankly, no. In the negotiations, something had to be given, and our side
gave those things – I’ll give you this, you give me that”.
The ANC were simply outmanouvered on a number of economic issues that
seemed less crucial at the time, but made the economic transformation outlined
in the Freedom Charter impossible. Klein sums up the problems:
“Want to redistribute land? Impossible – at the last minute, the negotiators
agreed to add a clause to the new constitution that protects all private property,
making land reform virtually impossible. Want to create jobs for millions of
unemployed workers? Can’t – hundreds of factories were actually about to close
because the ANC had signed on to the GATT, the precursor to the World Trade
Organisation, which made it illegal to subsidize the auto plants and textile
factories. Want to get free AIDS drugs to the townships, where the disease is
spreading with terrifying speed? That violates an intellectual property rights
commitment under the WTO, which the ANC joined with no public debate as a
continuation of the GATT. Need money to build more and larger houses for the
poor and to bring free electricity to the townships? Sorry, the budget is being
eaten up servicing the massive debt, passed on quietly by the apartheid
government. Print more money? Tell that to the apartheid-era head of the central
bank. Free water for all? Not likely. The World Bank…is making private sector
partnerships the service norm. Want to impose currency controls to guard
against wild speculation? That would violate the $850 million IMF deal, signed,
conveniently enough, right before the elections. Raise the minimum wage to
close the apartheid income gap? Nope. The IMF deal promises ‘wage restraint’.
And don’t even think about ignoring these commitments – any change will be
evidence of dangerous national untrustworthiness, a lack of commitment to
‘reform’, an absence of a ‘rules-based system’. All of which will lead to currency
crashes, aid cuts and capital flight. “
Patrick Bond, who worked as economic adviser in Mandela’s office during the
early years of ANC’s rule (and wrote a recent blog post for WDM) recalls that the
in-house quip in those years ‘Hey, we got the state, now where is the power’.
In this match, I hope that South Africa keeps it current form and beats Mexico. It
would be great for the World Cup, great for South Africa and great for Africa
generally. I’m cheering for South Africa.
Pontus Westerberg is web officer at WDM. Terribly disappointed that his native
Sweden has not qualified for the World Cup, he is putting all his effort into Who
Should I Cheer For instead. He is cheering for Nigeria.
What we’ve learned from the World Cup phoney war
Mick Hume Wednesday 9 June 2010
The ‘phoney war’ was the name given to the period between Nazi Germany’s
attack on Poland in September 1939, and its invasion of France in May 1940.
During those months Britain, France and Germany were formally at war, though
not a shot was fired in anger. Instead all was propaganda and politics.
In recent weeks we have been going through the World Cup equivalent of a
phoney war, with the PR and spin and bullshit flying on all sides long before a
competitive ball has been kicked in South Africa. Much of this will quickly be
forgotten once the action gets underway on Friday, and England kick off their
campaign the next day. But there are things we have already learned from the
phoney war that might be worth remembering.
That we’re not racist, but… there is more than one way to patronise black
Africans. The endless news coverage, commentary and documentaries about the
‘new’ South Africa hosting the competition have strained every politically correct
sinew to avoid using the old contemptuous stereotypes. Yet the media have
largely broadcast modern right-on prejudices that are just as patronising as the
imperial notions of yesteryear. Either we are lectured by worthy Western
journalists about how Africans need money to be spent on bread and houses, not
football competitions, thus imposing their own fashionably miserabilist outlook
on the masses of the continent. Or else we are invited to clap along with the
‘vibrant’ colours and culture of black South Africans, as they supposedly dance
for the tourists like the tame natives of old. Where Rudyard Kipling’s ‘The White
Man’s Burden’ branded colonial peoples ‘half devil and half child’, now they are
depicted as ‘half helpless victim and half grinning idiot’. Enough with the Afrononsense, time to treat them as equals off the pitch in the way other teams now
have to do on it.
That ‘soccerism’ is now the universal language of politics – and the scourge of
the game. Football arguably touches people all over the world like nothing else
today – it is a ‘universal language’, as even President Bill Clinton acknowledged
at the 1994 World Cup in the US. This quality has been seized upon by isolated
and unpopular elites who have sought to use football as a sort of substitute for
politics, a vehicle to promote their own fantasy agendas. The phenomenon, first
dubbed ‘soccerism’ on spiked around the Euro 2004 finals, has been in evidence
again in the run-up to the World Cup.
On one hand, experts and authorities have lined up to blame the tournament for
an imagined boom in social problems ranging from domestic violence and sex
trafficking to binge drinking and heart attacks. On the other, an alternative team
has praised football as a potential solution to everything from racism and global
inequality to obesity and national identity crises. Like the game of fantasy
football, such fantasy politics bears little relation to the real thing on either side.
Soccerism cannot save the world – but it can mar our enjoyment of the World
Cup. Let’s defend football for football’s sake.
Why Wayne Rooney unites and divides the nation. The debate about ‘the Rooney
question’, which has arisen again over him telling a referee to fuck himself,
captures the ambiguity of contemporary attitudes to football in British society.
Many alleged converts who now profess their love for ‘the beautiful game’ really
hate the ‘ugly’ working-class people who play or watch it. In a soccer-centric age
when even posh boys such as David Cameron feel obliged to pretend they like
‘the footie’, everybody has to acknowledge Rooney as our hero in waiting and
England’s great white hope in the World Cup. However, many also see Rooney
the Scouse scally as a symbol of uppity overpaid scum footballers – and of the
vulgar offensive drunken mass of football fans. The hypocrisy of respectable
attitudes towards Rooney reminds me of another Kipling poem, about how
British society viewed the roughhouse working-class soldier or ‘Tommy Atkins’:
‘For it’s Tommy this, an’ Tommy that, an’ “Chuck him out, the brute!” / But it’s
“Saviour of ‘is country” when the guns begin to shoot…’ The same two-faced
attitude is evident in the way the authorities are celebrating the Shared National
Experience of supporting England, while laying special policing plans to keep
overexcited proles in order. Football is still a game of two halves – us and them.
How easy it is to forget that form is temporary but history is forever (perhaps).
On the subject of the football itself, there has been much excited chatter during
the phoney war about the emergence of new powers, with Spain the favourites to
win their first World Cup and the perennial talk about a breakthrough by the
African nations. But while the balance of power in the real world is undoubtedly
shifting, things have long been slightly different on Planet Football, where the
top table is even more resistant to change than the old powers that control the
United Nations Security Council. For all the advances by developing football
nations, and the forced egalitarianism of holding the World Cup on every
continent, the tournament remains dominated by a handful of teams from Latin
America and Europe.
In its 80-year history, only seven countries have won the World Cup. One of the
dual winners, Uruguay, did so as far back as 1930 and 1950, while two other
champions, England and France, have won it just once each, on home soil, in
1966 and 1998 respectively. Four countries have won all of the other World Cups
between them: Brazil on five occasions (1958, 1962, 1970, 1994 and 2002), Italy on
four (1934, 1938, 1982, 2006), (West) Germany three times (1954, 1974 and 1990),
and Argentina twice (1978, 1986). Sure, since 1978 several other countries have
broken through to the semi-final stages – such as South Korea, Croatia, Bulgaria,
Belgium and even England – yet a mere six countries contested the 10 World
Cup finals before 2010: West Germany/Germany (five), Brazil (four), Italy (four),
Argentina (three), France (two) and Holland (two).
Throw in some geography with your history, such as the fact that no European
nation has ever won a World Cup played outside their own continent, or that
both of the previous tournaments played on ‘new’ continents – the US in 1994
and Japan/South Korea in 2002 – were won by Brazil, and the odds against
Spain, let alone England, start to look a bit longer. And while host nations have a
fine World Cup record, winning it would take more than an appearance by
Nelson Mandela for South Africa this time.
Then again, as we Marxist football fans say, players make their own history,
though not necessarily on pitches of their own choosing…
That England are ordinary. Already in the phoney war we have seen the mood
about England swing from wild over-optimism to exaggerated doom and gloom.
One thing we English always seem guaranteed to lose where football is
concerned is any sense of perspective. In reality we should learn that England are
neither favourites nor no-hopers. They are a fairly ordinary, slightly ageing,
international team which, as I heard the editor of the Racing Post reasonably
explain to outraged patriotic radio pundits, should be around 20-1 shots rather
than the 7-1 generally available with the bookies. But to look on the bright side
for a moment, as even we cynical fans surely must sometimes, ordinary-looking
teams have won the World Cup before, not least the Argentina side of 1986
carried to glory by the magic of Diego Maradona. And while the little Argentine
genius has no equal, I have often thought of Rooney less as ‘the white Pele’ than
the Scouse Maradona…
That the real thing cannot kick-off soon enough. Enough infuriating phoney war
journalistic guff about the politics and culture and how it won’t be so much ‘fun’
without the England team WAGS around. Let us leave all this otherworldly
wittering behind and head for World Cup 2010 on Planet Football, where
anything remains possible, for 90 minutes at least.
Mick Hume is spiked’s editor-at-large. He will be writing on the World Cup for
the next four weeks.
Read on: spiked-issue Sport.
reprinted from: http://www.spiked-online.com/index.php/site/article/8977/
Is The World Cup About To Destroy The Global Economy?
Damien Hoffman | Jun. 11, 2010, 3:36 PM | 1,671 | comment 4
Europe is hanging by hinges. Emerging markets lie in the balance. If all these
fragile economies grind to a halt during the World Cup, will the celebration
harm markets?
Our friends at Bespoke Investment Group are out with a cool study analyzing
the historical performance of the SP 500 (NYSE: SPY) and MSCI World Index
during and after World Cups. BIG notes, “The S&P 500 has averaged a decline of
1.65% during all 18 prior World Cups, and a decline of 0.37% in the three months
following. The MSCI World Index, which we only have back to the 1970 World
Cup, has averaged a decline of 1.25% during and 4.34% over the following three
months.”
World Cup Indices
Read more: http://www.businessinsider.com/world-cup-economy-20106# ixzz0qbuY9bYp
http://www.businessinsider.com/world-cup-economy-2010-6
“At least under Apartheid…..” South Africa on the Eve of the World Cup
By Dave Zirin
Print this article
At long last, soccer fans, the moment is here. On Friday, when South Africa takes
the field against Mexico, the World Cup will officially be underway. Nothing
attracts the global gaze quite like it. Nothing creates such an undeniably electric
atmosphere with enough energy to put British Petroleum, Exxon/Mobil and
Chevron out of business for good.
And finally, after 80 years, the World Cup has come to Africa.
We should take a moment to celebrate that this most global of sports has finally
made its way to the African continent, nesting in the bucolic country of South
Africa. And yet as we celebrate the Cup’s long awaited arrival in the cradle of
civilization, there are realities on the ground that would be insane to ignore. To
paraphrase an old African saying, “When the elephants party, the grass will
suffer.” In the hands of FIFA and the ruling African National Congress, the
World Cup has been a neoliberal Trojan Horse, enacting a series of policies that
the citizens of this proud nation would never have accepted if not wrapped in
the honor of hosting the cup. This includes $9.5 billion in state deficit spending
($4.3 billion in direct subsidies and another $5.2 billion in luxury transport
infrastructure). This works out to about $200 per citizen.
As the Anti-Privatization Forum of South Africa has written, “Our government
has managed, in a fairly short period of time, to deliver ‘world class’ facilities
and infrastructure that the majority of South Africans will never benefit from or
be able to enjoy. The APF feels that those who have been so denied, need to show
all South Africans as well as the rest of the world who will be tuning into the
World Cup, that all is not well in this country, that a month long sporting event
cannot and will not be the panacea for our problems. This World Cup is not for
the poor – it is the soccer elites of FIFA, the elites of domestic and international
corporate capital and the political elites who are making billions and who will be
benefiting at the expense of the poor.”
In South Africa, the ANC government has a word for those who would dare
raise these concerns. They call it “Afropessimism.” If you dissent from being an
uncritical World Cup booster, you are only feeding the idea that Africa is not up
to the task of hosting such an event. Danny Jordaan the portentously titled Chief
Executive Officer of the 2010 FIFA World Cup South Africa lamented to Reuters,
“For the first time in history, Africa really will be the centre of the world’s
attention -- for all the right reasons -- and we are looking forward to showing our
continent in its most positive light.”
To ensure that the “positive light” is the only light on the proceedings, the
government has suspended the right to protest for a series of planned
demonstrations. When the APF marches to present their concerns, they will be
risking arrest or even state violence.
Against expectations, they have been granted the right to march, but only if they
stay at least 1.5 km from FIFA headquarters in Soccer City. If they stray a step
closer, it’s known that the results could be brutal.
You could choke on the irony. The right to protest was one of the major victories
after the overthrow of apartheid. The idea that these rights are now being
suspended in the name of “showing South Africa…in a positive light” is reality
writ by Orwell.
Yet state efforts to squelch dissent have been met with resistance. Last month,
there was a three-week transport strike that won serious wage increases for
workers. The trade union federation, COSATU, has threatened to break with the
ANC and strike during the World Cup if double digit electricity increases aren’t
lowered. The National Health and Allied Workers Union have also threatened to
strike later this month if they don’t receive pay increases 2% over the rate of
inflation.
In addition, June 16th, is the anniversary of the Soweto uprising, which saw 1,000
school children murdered by the apartheid state in 1976. It is a traditional day of
celebration and protest. This could be a conflict waiting to happen, and how
terrible it would be if it’s the ANC wields the clubs this time around.
The anger flows from a sentiment repeated to me time and again when I walked
the streets of this remarkable, resilient, country. Racial apartheid is over, but it’s
been replaced by a class apartheid that governs people’s lives. Since the fall of
the apartheid regime, white income has risen by 24% while black wealth has
actually dropped by 1%. But even that doesn’t tell the whole story since there has
been the attendant development of a new Black political elite and middle class.
Therefore, for the mass of people, economic conditions – unemployment, access
to goods and services – has dramatically worsened. This is so utterly obvious
even the Wall Street Journal published piece titled, As World Cup Opens, South
Africa’s Poor Complain of Neglect. The article quotes Maureen Mnisi, a
spokeswoman for the Landless People’s Movement in Soweto saying, “At least
under apartheid, there was employment—people knew where to go for jobs
Officials were accountable.” Anytime someone has to start a sentence with “At
least under apartheid…” that in and of itself is a searing indictment of an ANC
regime best described as isolated, sclerotic, and utterly alienated from its original
mission of a South Africa of shared prosperity. A major party is coming to South
Africa. But it’s the ANC that will have to deal with the hangover.
[Dave Zirin is the author of the forthcoming “Bad Sports: How Owners are
Ruining the Games we Love” (Scribner) Receive his column every week by
emailing [email protected]. Contact him at [email protected].]
http://www.edgeofsports.com/2010-06-10-541/index.html
***
Business Report
Workers ‘still in shacks’ after World Cup
Terry Bell June 11, 2010
The World Cup has done no favours for the labour movement or for South
African workers. While euphoria exists about about the opening game this
afternoon and support for Bafana Bafana seems almost universal, the excitement
is tinged with cynicism and anger.
The “beautiful game” and the national team get a solid thumbs up, while Fifa
boss Sepp Blatter and his “Fifa family” get an equally emphatic thumbs down.
They are widely condemned as a “money-making mafia” who have ridden
roughshod over constitutional provisions covering everything from freedom of
movement and expression to freedom of trade.
Guarantees that Fifa demanded - and was given - ensure the maximisation of
Fifa income while absolving the world body from any responsibility as a result of
the use of stadiums and their operation during the World Cup. Fifa also
zealously prosecutes any perceived infringement of its trademarks or claimed
rights and several legal cases are still under way in Germany as a result of the
2006 World Cup.
Established hawkers near the new stadiums are already complaining. “And jobs
that have been created have been temporary and informal,” says SA Commercial
Catering and Allied Workers’ Union spokesman Mike Abrahams.
Abrahams also accuses employers of using the tournament period as an excuse
to try to push through harsh conditions in annual negotiations.
Eskom unions, currently in dispute with the electricity utility over pay and
housing allowances, are in full agreement. They remain deadlocked and meet
today in a last-ditch attempt to reach a settlement.
“We wanted to meet earlier, but it seems management is using the World Cup to
try to make us settle; if we strike, it will affect homes, fan parks and traffic, but
not the stadiums, where they have emergency generators. The public would be
put against us,” says National Union of Mineworkers media officer Lesiba
Seshoka.
However, he warns: “We cannot postpone hunger for our children.” With the
lowest paid Eskom workers earning as little as R3 000 a month, there is anger
that management has refused to budge from a 5.5 percent pay increase offer and
has yet to deal with the housing allowance issue.
The three unions involved are demanding wage increases of 18 percent and
indications are that they will not settle for less than a double digit increase and a
housing allowance agreement. Frustration has already boiled over at the Kusile
power station in Witbank, where the 3 000 workers downed tools last week.
They were ordered back by means of a court interdict, and when they returned
on Monday management presented them with formal letters of warning. As a
result, they again walked out - and the matter is still not resolved.
Tension also escalated following Eskom’s statement that the utility made a profit
of R7.1 billion on the back of its near 25 percent tariff increase. “That’s not profit,
that is money stolen from the poor,” says Seshoka.
He puts it in the same category as the reported R25bn in tax-free income that Fifa
is said to have already taken offshore. Among the guarantees given to Fifa was
the fact that the “family” would be able to freely move money and that all
customs duties and taxes would be waived.
This has led to demands from Cosatu president S’dumo Dlamini that Fifa
“plough back” some of this income into development projects in South Africa.
Several unionists have pointed out that the R25bn already pocketed by the world
body could have provided jobs at R3 000 a month for 10 years for nearly 70 000
workers. “It’s daylight robbery in the name of sport and development,” says
National Council of Trade Unions general secretary Manene Samela, who is
currently attending an International Labour Organisation conference in Geneva.
As he sees it, resources necessary for domestic social and economic upliftment
are “being taken away in front of our eyes”. He fumes: “This world soccer
leadership chases only money.”
What particularly irked Samela and many other trade unionists this week was
the statement by the Home Affairs Department that Fifa had demanded - and got
- 3 500 work permits for members of the “Fifa family”. While a core group of Fifa
officials from Zurich is known to handle some essential internal work, the
number hardly extends to four figures.
Andrew Jennings, the journalist and author who has exposed the seamy side of
Fifa over the past decade, explains: “They’re the various officials along for a jolly
- a paid-for holiday.”
Interviewed from his home in Cumbria, England, he points out that Fifa
president Sepp Blatter has for years kept football officials around the world on
side by means of these “jollies” that include daily allowances of $200 (R1 550)
upwards. Bribes are part and parcel of the Fifa story.
In one court case in 2008 in Zug, Switzerland, a judge revealed that Fifa’s nowfailed marketing and promotions arm, ISL, had paid nearly R700m in bribes
between 1991 and 1999.
But allegations - and examples - of bribery and corruption within Fifa continue to
be published and, on at least two occasions, have been upheld by courts in
Switzerland and the US.
“They are mafiosos, crooks,” says a National Union of Metalworkers of SA
(Numsa) shop steward, who expressed anger that Blatter had been presented
with the OR Tambo award. “It brought the Tambo name into disrepute; Blatter
should have got an RO - rip off - award,” he adds.
In fact, this latest award is the second South African honour given to Blatter: he
already has the Good Hope medal that he lists among his 45 international
honours. Significantly, in the current list, he omits the “Humane Order of African
Redemption” presented to him in 1999 by the murderous Liberian warlord,
Charles Taylor.
“It’s very scary,” says Seshoka. “Big clubs of the rich make billions while many
of our members still live in shacks; and when the soccer games are over, the rich
will be richer and our members will still be in shacks.
“That’s what is here - and we feel it.”
United by vuvuzelas, torn apart by disparity
Donwald Pressly Business Report 11 June 2010
The Parliamentary press gallery offices have a bird’s eye view of the goings-on in
Plein Street, which runs in front of Parliament.
Monday was the first working day marking the month-long recess, but it turned
out to be the first time I can recall that the premises were invaded by a gunman turning an expected quiet day into one of much drama.
The parliamentary press have been in the old Barclays Bank building at the
tradesmen’s entrance since late 2005, just in time to see a mini-revolution from
our windows in May of the following year.
A Cosatu march had been joined by thousands of lumpen proletarians (what
Marxists would call out-of-work workers). They were not in a happy mood and
the Parliament’s security staff swung the huge wrought-iron gates firmly shut on
that day.
After smashing their way through a number of shop windows in Adderley Street
and then in Plein Street and looting what was in sight, Western Cape Cosatu
general secretary Tony Ehrenreich managed to persuade the crowd, including
the hangers-on, to behave.
But the situation could have turned very ugly. It could have made Soweto of
June 16, 1976 look like a picnic.
The anger of the crowds - who were overwhelmingly black rather than coloured
- against authority, and, I suppose, any display of wealth and possession, was
palpable. I remember armed police in combat gear - and plastic mask guards lining up at the bottom of the street.
The atmosphere was different on Monday as hundreds of onlookers herded to
see what all the commotion was about.
The gunman, part of a three person team, had robbed a store off St George’s
Mall. One was chased by police all the way to Plein Street where he entered the
basement of 90 Plein Street, once the SA Revenue Service building, but now the
parliamentary administrative offices. He was caught by police on the fire escape.
Onlookers were heard to shout: “Skiet hom, skiet hom!” (shoot him) to the
police. This time the crowd sided - perhaps a little too enthusiastically - with the
police.
These events indicate that there is a reservoir of resentment against authority in
this city - particularly from the black section of the population who live mainly in
poverty on the city’s fringes.
On Wednesday Plein Street rose up again, this time positively, in an orchestra of
vuvuzelas and honking car horns marking the start of the World Cup festivities.
But as these mistily happy street activities begin, a protest group, Abahlali
baseMjondolo, yesterday pledged to set up informal housing around the Cape
Town Stadium. The DA-controlled council has been given a run for its money in
the “open loo revolt” at Makhaza, Khayelitsha.
The council provided toilets but, arguing that it had an agreement with the
citizenry, left individual households to provide the enclosures. The ANC Youth
League smashed down enclosures that were put up by the council on two
occasions.
One can feel that the resentment continues to simmer.
South Africa, time for change
Moeletsi Mbeki and Johann Rossouw Le Monde Diplomatique 11 June
As the World Cup kicked off, South Africa has been preparing to show its best
face to the world. But the country is tense, and at a crossroads. Will it seize this
occasion to emerge at last from more than a century of divisive nationalisms?
This has been a tumultuous year for South Africa so far, even by its own
standards. Protests at municipal level against poor services and corruption are at
an all-time, post-apartheid high. And the tone of public debate is increasingly
tense. The April murder of the far-right politician Eugene Terre’Blanche at his
farm by two black farm labourers (one only 15) raised the spectre of racial
conflict once again. Julius Malema, 29, president of the African National
Congress (ANC) Youth League, has become the country’s most prominent
politician, mixing brazen populism with racist incitement (this includes singing
an old anti-apartheid protest song which goes “Kill the Boers, they are rapists”).
South Africa is at a key juncture, and has been since the end of apartheid.
Today’s state, economy and social order are largely the outcome of European
colonisation and internal resistance to it. There are lasting colonial characteristics.
Two are the legacy of the Dutch: the strategic value of the Cape Sea Route, and so
of South Africa as a country, between the declining West and the rising East; and
the practice of meeting the country’s labour needs by importing black slaves,
which later laid the groundwork for cheap, mostly black labour.
The British developed harbours, first in Durban then Richard’s Bay (then of one
of the biggest ports in the world). But it was the British use of cheap black labour
on the back of a strategy of divide and rule that really marked South Africa
economically. The discovery of gold and diamonds in the 1860-70s set off the first
wave of industrialisation. Cheap black labour coupled with British capital and
technology (military, engineering etc) ensured the near total and permanent
exclusion of blacks from ownership of modern productive economic assets. The
British oversaw the expatriation of most of the country’s wealth to Britain. And
four of the country’s oldest universities were set up as elite institutions for the
Anglo-Saxon white minority, ensuring its cultural and linguistic domination.
The use of the state as a tool of minority domination and wealth expatriation was
backed up by Britain’s development of transport and communication. The
transport network had two goals: to ensure the mobility of the white middle and
upper classes, and of cheap black labour, minerals and industrial goods between
the major centres of white settlement and industrial production. White mobility
was chosen, but black mobility was enforced, especially through migrant labour
and ongoing urbanisation (at the expense of the rural areas).
With the growth of the media (the press from the 1820s, radio in the 1920s and
television in the 1970s), a white middle-class view prevailed through most of the
20th century. And the media is still dominated by big conglomerates and the
state, limiting its ability to act as a vehicle for genuine democratic expression,
even if it does play a critical watchdog role thanks to a number of brave
journalists.
Roots of resistance
The roots of the two most important indigenous resistance movements, for
Afrikaner and African nationalism, coincide with South Africa’s first Britishguided steps towards “exported” European modernity between 1850 and 1900.
The first proto-nationalist African intellectuals and leaders were (ironically)
products of British missionary schools in the Eastern Cape (home to most of the
important ANC leaders). For them, English was a language of progress, and
dealt a fatal blow to cultural transmission in African mother tongues.
The combined effects of black exclusion from economic ownership and the loss
of cultural memory since the end of 19th century, in the face of the attraction of a
European lifestyle, perhaps best explain why the ANC and its cronies in black
business excelled in conspicuous consumption and failed abysmally in increasing
black economic production after the transition to democracy in 1994.
British colonial policies had major consequences on late 19th century forerunners
of Afrikaner nationalism. The imposition of English in schools and especially
churches in the Cape Colony led to fears of cultural assimilation amongst
Afrikaner intelligentsia, mostly clergymen. Against this background, the main
Afrikaner church, the Dutch Reformed Church, established the forerunner of the
University of Stellenbosch and the first “Christian-National” schools in the 1860s
and 1870s. These institutions produced the first generation of Afrikanernationalist intellectuals, and ensured the maintenance of Afrikaner cultural
memory.
After the Anglo-Boer war, which was essentially over British control over the
mineral wealth of the Boer Republic of the ZAR (now the provinces of Gauteng,
Mpumalanga, Limpopo and North-West), the British realised that it was in their
interest to co-opt the Afrikaners, to ensure the stability of British state and
economic control of the country. Afrikaners were never excluded from economic
ownership, and since 1994 the combination of excellent Afrikaans universities
and schools and a fierce attachment to the Afrikaans language has meant that
Afrikaners countered their political emasculation with growing economic power.
This is despite the reappearance of poor Afrikaners after 1994 (now as many as
300,000 out of 2.5 million Afrikaners).
When Nelson Mandela became South Africa’s first democratically elected
president, three factors presented a genuine chance for the state, economy and
social structure to become more reflective of the country’s needs: Mandela’s
inspiring leadership, unprecedented national goodwill and relatively strong
public services.
But there were not enough educated blacks (a legacy of apartheid) or productive
experience and racial attitudes hardened. As a result a pattern of state patronage,
an increasing gap between rich and poor, and weak service delivery became
entrenched. It didn’t help that the ANC government got rid of more than 120,000
white civil servants from 1995 by offering them early retirement.
Patience ran out
For nearly ten years the ANC failed to maintain or invest in infrastructure,
leading to a chronic shortage of electricity, negligible public transport, collapsing
public hospitals and, perhaps most disastrously, collapsing black schools. Due to
its historic association with English, the ANC elite ensured its domination over
the state at the expense of the black majority, and failed to invest in mothertongue education in primary schools.
By late 2009 it seemed clear that two key groups’ patience with the ANC had run
out: big business and the black youth of the townships and rural areas. The
achievements of South Africa’s large companies reached its high point from the
mid-1970s to the mid-1990s. These companies played a pivotal role in the
transition from Afrikaner nationalist rule to African nationalist rule. During
these two decades, leaders of these companies patiently persuaded – and
pressured – National Party politicians to abandon their white supremacist
policies. They also persuaded leaders of the black resistance movement –
especially the United Democratic Front, the Congress of South African Trade
Unions (Cosatu), the ANC and the Communist Party – to accept the preservation
of South Africa’s capitalist system which had been created by the companies in
partnership with the British at the beginning of the 20th century.
The success of big business’s strategy was embodied in the ANC’s summary
adoption of the neo-liberal Growth, Employment and Redistribution strategy
(GEAR) in 1996. Ironically this was also the moment when large companies
started shifting their head offices to London and disinvesting from South Africa.
This was mainly because the African nationalists had no proven ability that they
could control their followers. Second, the African nationalists’ long term survival
strategy – consumerism for the elite and state welfare for the masses – did not
convince several of the large companies that it would bring long term stability to
the country.
By late 2009, when Julius Malema emerged as the nearly untouchable voice of
angry young black South Africa (jobless and with even worse education than
under apartheid according to prominent black intellectuals and businessmen),
big business’s fears had proved well founded.
Ironically, the large companies that have emigrated have helped destabilise the
South African economy by sending a message to politicians that they are no
longer interested in protecting their South African assets. At the same time, some
of these companies have not fared that well on the global economic stage. By
December 2009 Bobby Godsell, chairman of Business Leadership South Africa,
announced that they would henceforth combine their long-standing discrete
contact with the government with more outspoken public criticism on areas such
as education, health and energy. This is a clear sign that big business in SA has
realised that neither de facto expatriation, nor “quiet diplomacy” will suit their
long-term interests.
Civil discontent
Among white South Africans, especially Afrikaners, there are growing signs of
civil disobedience and a refusal to quietly remain part of the country’s 5.6 million
taxpayers while corruption increases. The Afrikaner trade union Solidarity has
grown to more than 120,000 members and is excelling in trade negotiations,
technical education and poverty alleviation schemes. Over the past two year, in
more than 280 rural localities, Afrikaners have organised themselves in the
National Ratepayers Union, effectively paying their municipal taxes into trusts
and setting up parallel structures of municipal service delivery. These localities
have apparently experienced far fewer violent, black municipal protests than
elsewhere. This confronts the ANC with the spectre of a growing Afrikaner “tax
boycott”, a real nightmare for its schemes of patronage and its system of social
grants, paid out to 14 million poor recipients and a vital aspect of neutralising
black protest.
The official opposition party, the Democratic Alliance and other opposition
parties are working on an agreement for cooperation in the municipal elections
of 2011.
Early in June it emerged that an ANC faction led by Julius Malema made a failed
attempt to undertake “disciplinary” steps against Zwelinzima Vavi, leader of the
ANC’s alliance partner Cosatu and a relentless critic of ANC corruption,
especially in regard to the awarding of state tenders. (This stance is likely to be
the real reason for the move against him.) The move might hasten the moment at
which Cosatu finally decides to quit the ANC alliance and form a workers’ party.
Past opinion polls have claimed that such a party would win up to 25% of the
votes. Meanwhile Cosatu has provided the ANC with organisational backbone in
the past two elections.
With clear signs that the Malema faction is planning a full-scale assault on the
top six leadership positions in the ANC at its next general conference at the end
of 2012, the time for Cosatu to form a party is ripe. It will certainly present the
ANC with its biggest electoral challenge yet, and take the country towards a
genuine post-racial multi-party democracy.
The combined power of South African business, civil society and political parties
could – just as it led to the end of apartheid – bring the country’s century-long
experiments with divisive nationalisms to a close. But for that, a genuine longterm vision of socio-economic development, cultural and linguistic diversity and
state reform has to take hold before the patience of the country’s long-suffering
poor black majority or the deepening frustrations of its minorities boil over.
http://mondediplo.com/blogs/south-africa-time-for-change
Poignant words from a schoolgirl
Sue Blaine Business Day blog
I see that that the poignant words of Johannesburg schoolgirl Gcinomthethu
Mthunzi, who I quoted in my news story on the 1Goal campaign march
yesterday, have been cut out because of newspapers’ space constraints. They
really touched my heart, so here they are (and I apologise for the dampening
effect they will have on World Cup Kick-off Day):
“(Politicians) are you blind? … Do you really enjoy your independence when
thousands of children are homeless and out of school, when they spend most of
their days playing in classrooms and unattended to. Do you really feel that you
have conquered apartheid when thousands of children live in (the) uttermost
poverty?
No further words needed.
** And, many thanks to my colleague, photographer Martin Rhodes, for the
lovely pic of Quinton Fortune campaigning for 1Goal, which I posted yesterday.
In my mad rush I forgot to credit him.
Has the silence before the storm ended?
June 10th, 2010
I am not sure Basic Education Minister Angie Motshekga knows how mealymouthed her response today to the 1000-odd kids and campaigners who handed
over SA’s 1Goal memorandum sounded.
(1Goal is a Global Campaign for Education campaign using the World Cup to
highlight the plight of the 72million kids across the globe who are still not in
school.)
South African soccer great Quinton Fortune campaigns for 1Goal.
South African soccer great Quinton Fortune campaigns for 1Goal.
It went sort of like this, we are committed to education, there is no basis to
doubting this, education is a priority but we can’t pretend we don’t face
challenges and … um … there’s the legacy of apartheid that gets in our way all
the time.
Now, while many baulk at this, apartheid has left a legacy, and I think that the
government is committed to education. I mean, who wouldn’t be?
The thing is, this is a hackneyed argument. We’ve heard the apartheid thing for
since 1994 and if a day is a long time in politics, then 1994 is a loooooooong time
ago. We’ve heard the education is our number one priority thing since
Polokwane, and even that is a long time ago now. It’s 2010. Ke nako and all that.
Like the service delivery protests and riots before them, the marches to highlight
the crisis in South African public education are an indication that people are
beginning to question the depth of government’s commitment, in many things. It
is no coincidence that activists who spoke at the Johannesburg march – which
ended on Constitution Hill, with obvious symbolism – mentioned the “R60bn”
World Cup, the “R25bn Gautrain” and, more damingly, the “R60bn” the
government has spent on the arms trade. They questioned why these amounts
have been spent on these things when there are children learning under trees and
schools without libraries, maths and science teachers, laboratories and playing
fields.
Methinks the silence before the storm may just be coming to an end.
***