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Communications 2017; 42(1): 47–66
Daniela Schlütz*, Katharina Emde-Lachmund,
Beate Schneider and Bettina Glanzner
Transnational media representations and
cultural convergence – An empirical study
of cultural deterritorialization
DOI 10.1515/commun-2017-0005
Abstract: This paper suggests a mediated model of cultural deterritorialization.
It conceptualizes the relation between intercultural capital, perceived cultural
proximity and exposure to transcultural media representations. Intercultural
capital refers to knowledge about, and familiarity with other cultures. Perceived
cultural proximity describes the individually varying perception of other (territorialized) cultures as close to one’s own culture. This perception of closeness
results from identification with this other culture. The concept is to be distinguished from Straubhaar’s notion of cultural proximity designating a culturally
bound individual’s tendency to prefer media content that is closer to his or her
own cultural identity (Straubhaar, 1991, 2003, 2007, 2008). To test the proposed
model we conducted an empirical study with 962 German respondents. We
found empirical support for a relation between intercultural capital and perceived cultural proximity that was mediated by exposure to transnational media representations.
Keywords: deterritorialization, cultural convergence, cultural proximity, cultural capital, transcultural media representations
*Corresponding author: Daniela Schlütz, Hanover University of Music, Drama and Media,
Department of Journalism and Communication Research,
E-mail: [email protected]
Katharina Emde-Lachmund, Hanover University of Music, Drama and Media, Department of
Journalism and Communication Research, E-mail: [email protected]
Beate Schneider, Hanover University of Music, Drama and Media, Department of Journalism
and Communication Research, E-mail: [email protected]
Bettina Glanzner, Hanover University of Music, Drama and Media, Department of Journalism
and Communication Research, E-mail: [email protected]
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1 Introduction
In a globalized world media messages shape our knowledge about, and our
understanding of foreign cultures. We learn from Al Jazeera about the Arab
Spring and blockbuster Hollywood movies give us an idea of downtown Manhattan: “The world has come to our front door”, as Norris and Inglehart put it
(2009, p. 4). Academic discourse about media globalization and cultural proximity has a long, fertile tradition (cf. Elasmar and Bennett, 2003; Norris and
Inglehart, 2009; La Pastina and Straubhaar, 2005; Straubhaar, 2008). In this
context, we focus on the process of cultural exchange on an individual level:
Does transcultural communication bring other cultures closer? Does it influence
our relation to foreign cultures? Does it make them ‘less foreign’? Thus, this
study addresses the question whether mediated communication plays a role in
the constitution of communities. It asks whether media content (representing
foreign countries) can reduce the gap between distant communities and lead
to a convergence of cultures (Fu, 2012).
Globalization can be understood as the intensification of social ties around
the world, as complex worldwide connectivity between the global and the local
(Giddens, 1990; Robertson, 1995; Tomlinson, 1999). Media foster this process
by broadcasting information (fictional and non-fictional) across borders: Global
news flow, international movie productions and social community networks are
but some examples. By doing so, media shape connectivity between formerly
separated audiences, overcoming space and time (cf. Giddens, 1990; Meyrowitz,
1986): “As far as the electronic media are concerned, we are increasingly dealing with a world without frontiers” (Roberts, 1990, p. 213). As communication
transcends social and physical space, it dissolves certain communities and establishes others. Here, we want to focus on the latter, that is, the constitution
of communities, by asking how transnational media content shapes our relation
to other cultures.
2 Theoretical background
We understand culture as a set of shared practices for the production and exchange of meaning (Hall, 1997). Cultures might be connected to specific territories (like national cultures) but they do not have to be. Geolinguistic regions,
for instance, are not defined by geographic proximity but by a shared language
and culture like Portugal and Brazil (cf. Sinclair, 2000). Within culture identity
is constructed: “Identities are produced, consumed and regulated within cul-
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ture – creating meanings through symbolic systems of representation about the
identity positions which we might adopt” (Woodward, 1997a, p. 2; cf. Roberts,
1990). Cultural identity is the feeling of belonging to a certain cultural group
(as opposed to an ‘other’ culture): “[I]dentification is constructed on the back
of a recognition of common origin or shared characteristics with another person
or group, or with an ideal, and with the natural closure of solidarity and allegiance established on this foundation” (Hall, 1996, p. 2). Cultural identity is not
fixed. Rather, it is a process that continuously varies between two positions at
the end of a continuum between ‘we’ and ‘they’ (Woodward, 1997b). Cultural
identities are fluid. They are repeatedly reconstructed under changing cultural
circumstances. Media globalization might be such a changing condition since
mass media are agents in the process of producing and exchanging meaning.
By permeating spatial borders they connect detached communities. Thus, globalized communication fosters worldwide cultural convergence (Fu, 2012)
which might lead to deterritorialization (Tomlinson, 1999). While media diffusion is globalized, its appropriation remains localized (Tomlinson, 2003): Mass
media represent alien cultures by displaying cultural cues from which the viewers derive meaning – everyone in his or her own way. These ways of appropriation are shaped, among other things, by local/regional cultures (cf. Straubhaar,
2002).
The ‘circuit of culture’ articulates several distinct cultural processes (du
Gay, Hall, Janes, Mackay, and Negus, 1997). It models the interaction between
representation, identity, production, consumption (appropriation), and regulation. Deterritorialization affects at least three of these processes (cf. Hepp,
2005): production, representation, and appropriation. Global media conglomerates produce what Hepp (2005) called “landscapes of translocal representations” (p. 147). They are glocal both in terms of availability and content. In
Germany, for instance, there is a big market for national productions. This landscape, however, is also shaped by foreign media content (cf. Hasebrink and
Herzog, 2009; Norris and Inglehart, 2009) – primarily of US-American origin
(Europäische Audiovisuelle Informationsstelle, 2010). In this study we focus
on representations (the depicted culture) by analyzing media content from an
audience point of view. Therefore, origin is not our primary concern. It is much
more likely, though, that US-American culture is depicted in US-American
movies or series than in productions of German origin. In terms of consumption, German productions are widely preferred over foreign ones (Zubayr and
Gerhard, 2013). At the same time, a fragmentation of the audience is observable: Younger, more highly educated viewers tend to prefer US-American fictional programs without suffering from cultural discount (cf. Hoskins and
Mirus, 1988; Schlütz and Schneider, 2014). Apparently, they are able to relate
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to the depicted (foreign) culture. Elasmar (2003) modeled the process of mediaaccelerated culture diffusion as a circuit. An empirical test of the resulting
Susceptibility of Imported Media (SIM) model showed that attitude toward the
country of origin and exposition to corresponding foreign media content correlate positively (Schlütz, 2012). According to this study, a positive attitude toward the content is another important factor: To appreciate foreign content it
must be meaningful – even in another cultural context.
Whether and how shared meanings are developed is influenced by access
to joint information (Meyrowitz, 1986). Media display meaningful information
about foreign countries. By doing this, transnational media representations
grant access to foreign cultures as systems of shared meanings. As viewers
witness these systems of meaning, they might adopt some of them: German
teenagers might like the way their American counterparts dress or speak in
‘Gossip Girl’ and copy it. Middle-aged women might cherish the female role
models in ‘Cougar Town’ and live up to them. In short: Electronic media may
also create cultures (Roberts, 1990, p. 214) or, rather, foster their convergence
(Fu, 2012). In the process of appropriation, certain meanings might become part
of one’s identity (more or less consciously). As a consequence, cultural identities change and cultural borders blur. New transnational identities might develop by either diminishing the distance between ‘we’ and ‘they’ or by adding an
additional layer of identity. This is not to say that the identification with one’s
own cultural/national identity is diluted. Rather, it is supplemented or altered
(cf. Schlütz and Schneider, 2014): „[C]ultural identity is not singular, not a zero
sum game, in which only one layer of cultural geography, like the nation state
need dominate” (Straubhaar, 2008, p. 15). On the other hand, access to foreign
cultures might well have the contrary effect: The more one learns about foreign
cultures, the more one might notice the segregating meanings (rather than the
shared ones). This, then, should lead to a consolidation of one’s own cultural
identity. Empirical research, though, tends to support the former hypothesis
(cf. Norris and Inglehart, 2009).
Access to information as well as knowledge about and intimacy with certain cultures is (to a certain degree at least) dependent on social status, foremost on education (cf. Hwang and Jeong, 2009). Hence, it is associated with
cultural capital. The notion of cultural capital comprising knowledge and education was originally brought forward by Bourdieu (1983). Straubhaar (2007)
conceived of cultural capital as influencing media choice: “Cultural capital focuses on the sources of knowledge that permit people to make choices among
media and other sources of information and culture” (pp. 202–203). Cultural
capital is also an important predisposition in the extended SIM model mentioned above (Schlütz, 2012, p. 193). It is crucial for making sense of and enjoy-
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ing transnational communication because familiarity with other cultures makes
the consumption of transnational media content more attractive (‘cultural proximity’; Straubhaar, 2008) and its selection more probable (for TV content see,
for instance, Lozano, 2011). As the notion of cultural capital has a much broader
scope we will use the term ‘intercultural capital’ to refer specifically to knowledge about and familiarity with other cultures. Following Straubhaar, we distinguish four dimensions of intercultural capital (cf. Straubhaar, 2003, 2007, 2008;
Straubhaar, LaRose, and Davenport, 2009):
– linguistic (i.e., language, humor),
– visual (i.e., ethnic appearance, clothing, style),
– factual (originally ‘cultural capital’; i.e., knowledge, references, issues),
– value-related (i.e., religion, gender roles, sexual imagery).
Intercultural capital is conceptualized as a prerequisite for selecting and enjoying foreign media content. At the same time, it is derived from watching programs that depict other cultures. Foreign languages, for instance, are easily
picked up when watching foreign films (Koolstra, Peeters, and Spinhof, 2002,
pp. 341–343). Hence, the accumulation of intercultural capital is a transactional
process (cf. Schlütz and Schneider, 2014).
We assume that intercultural capital is one prerequisite for feeling close to
foreign cultures. We argued above that transculturally shared meanings may
decrease the perceived distinction between one’s own culture and a foreign
one. As a consequence, the foreign culture might seem closer. We do not understand cultural proximity as a fixed or computable parameter that measures the
relation between two given countries (cf. Fu, 2012; Trepte, 2008). Rather, we
conceive of the concept in the Straubhaar’s sense, who states that cultural
proximities are dynamic and based on identifications with cultural offerings
(2008, p. 16; cf. Iwabuchi, 2002; de Sola Pool, 1977; La Pastina and Straubhaar,
2005). The notion of cultural proximity as developed by Straubhaar (1991, 2003,
2007, 2008), though, designates the tendency to prefer media content that is
closer to one’s own cultural identity. This paper draws on a somewhat different
understanding of the term. We conceive of cultural proximity as the individually varying perception of other (territorialized) cultures as close to one’s own
culture. This perception of closeness results from identification with this other
culture. For conceptual clarification we will therefore use the term ‘perceived
cultural proximity’ in the following. The term paraphrases perceived closeness
to another country or its culture (as opposed to cultural distance; Fu, 2012).
While cultural proximity designates the tendency to prefer culturally close media content to a distant one, perceived cultural proximity denotes the attitude
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toward a country. Both concepts should be associated with each other. Whether
they are cause or effect remains unclear at this point.
The perception of cultural proximity is associated with cultural identity
and therefore fluid as well. Its occurrence is fostered by the accumulation of
intercultural capital and specific media use (selection, consumption, enjoyment). We concluded from an empirical study on the German preference for
US-American TV series that the “repeated and long-lasting consumption of entertaining Hollywood products might a) change the expectations of television
content and b) foster change in the perception of cultural proximity ... Both
effects might lead to an altered perception and evaluation of these products in
the long run” (Schlütz and Schneider, 2014, p. 23). Straubhaar describes the
same process: „[S]enses of proximity are developed as they identify with the
things they are given to watch, or not. Part of that identification … can be
cultivated by people coming to enjoy what they are given” (2008, p. 16). If these
assumptions are true, then intercultural capital (linguistic, visual, factual and
value-related) is more important for perceived cultural proximity than geographical adjacency.
3 Empirical study
Our study scrutinizes the relation between the perception of intercultural capital,
perceived cultural proximity, and transcultural media use. We draw on research
by Straubhaar (2003, 2007) in Brazil that showed a relation between cultural capital and a feeling of cultural proximity to the USA. In a meta-analysis of several
studies, Elasmar and Hunter (2003) found positive (if small) associations between trans-border media use and knowledge and beliefs about foreign countries as well. Our study builds on the assumption that the accumulation of
intercultural capital with regard to a specific foreign culture has a positive
effect on the perception of cultural proximity concerning this culture. We presume a process of cultural deterritorialization, that is, we assume that a culture
is perceived as closer the more intercultural capital has been accumulated regarding this culture. Furthermore, we expect that this relation is mediated by
the repeated contact with media representations of the culture in question.
Thus, a mediated model of cultural deterritorialization is proposed (cf.
Figure 1). Our model permits us to phrase the following hypotheses:
[H1] The accumulation of intercultural capital regarding a specific country
(here: USA) is positively associated with the perception of cultural proximity regarding this country.
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[H2] The association postulated in H1 is mediated by the exposure to transnational media representations of the country in question.
Exposure to transnational
media representations (M)
a
b
Intercultural capital (X)
(linguistic, visual, factual and value-related)
Perception of
cultural proximity (Y)
c’
Figure 1: A mediated model of cultural deterritorialization.
Less clear from the theoretical discussion is which kind of media representations might influence the perception of cultural proximity. Norris and Inglehart’s (2009) data indicated an association between the use of information
media and the perception of other cultures. Fu (2012) showed an effect of entertainment media use (cinematic films) on cultural convergence. We want to ascertain whether fictional content or news foster a feeling of cultural proximity,
and add the following question:
[RQ1] Is there a difference between fictional and factual media representations
in the proposed model?
To address our hypotheses and the research question we conducted an online
survey in 2011. The questionnaire was distributed in Germany using a snowball
system resulting in a non-representative convenience sample. 962 respondents
completed the questionnaire and comprise the sample of this study.
4 Measures
4.1 Transnational media representations
To capture the exposure to transnational media representations, the respondents were asked to estimate their frequency of use of both entertainment and
news content using a five-point Likert-type scale (0 = never, 1 = rarely, 2 = oc-
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casionally, 3 = frequently, 4 = very frequently). For this paper we focus on
representations of the US-American culture because it is most common in German media (Europäische Audiovisuelle Informationsstelle, 2010). Hence, we
asked the respondents how often they watched movies or TV series (fictional
media content) that were set in the USA (television being the most popular
medium in Germany; Zubayr and Gerhard, 2011) and US-American news1 (factual content), respectively.
4.2 Intercultural capital
The measurement of this concept was based on self-assessment. The respondents were asked to rate their knowledge with regard to the four dimensions
of intercultural capital on a five-point Likert-type scale (cf. Appendix, Table 1).
After testing for reliability we computed a mean index over all items including
language. Although reliability suffered slightly (Cronbach’s Alpha = .858 instead of .866), we used the index including the linguistic dimension of intercultural capital for the sake of theoretical completeness.
4.3 Perceived cultural proximity
The perception of closeness to a foreign culture was measured via sliding scale
ranging from ‘very far apart’ (Code 1) to ‘very close’ (Code 100) with the question: ‘How close do you feel towards the culture of the USA?’. To validate the
measurement we used Papua New Guinea (presumably far away), Great Britain,
and France (presumably close) as reference countries for the USA.
5 Sample structure
From the 962 participants in our study, 54 % were female. On average they were
28 years old (M = 28.3, SD = 9.7). 78 % had higher education (“Abitur”2 or more).
There was only a small correlation between formal education and intercultural
capital in the sample (r = .118, p = .000) and none with gender. The frequency
of exposure to media representations from the USA is shown in Table 1. The
1 Foreign news was usually viewed on the internet.
2 Diploma from German secondary school qualifying for university admission or matriculation.
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Table 1: Exposure to US-American media representations (in %).
Code
Frequency
Fictional (movies
and TV series)
Factual (news)
0
1
2
3
4
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Frequently
Very frequently
0.8
2.2
6.2
15.0
75.8
25.9
27.8
27.4
13.9
5.0
Mean (SD)
3.6 (0.77)
1.4 (1.2)
(N = 962)
Question: How frequently do you watch movies or series that are set in the USA/watch or
read news about the USA?
respondents reported a very frequent use of fictional media content set in the
USA. Over 90 % stated that they watched fictional media content set in the USA
frequently or very frequently. Only 19 % reported (very) frequent use of news
coverage from the USA, though. There was a slight but significant difference
between male and female respondents regarding media use: Male participants
reported a more frequent use of US news than female (Mmale = 1.6, SD = 1.2 vs.
Mfemale = 1.3, SD = 1.1, p = .000). Therefore we will control for gender in all
following analyses.
In terms of intercultural capital the participants, male and female alike,
reported a more than medium familiarity with the USA (MIndex = 2.5, SD = 0.7,
cf. Appendix, Table 1). This result was also reflected in the measurement of the
perceived cultural proximity: The respondents felt significantly closer to the
USA (M = 69.9, SD = 25.0, p = .000) than to Great Britain (M = 69.3, SD = 22.1,
p = .000) or France (M = 55.8, SD = 26.3, p = .000). The reference country
Papua New Guinea was rated unsurprisingly low (M = 8.8, SD = 12.5, p = .000).
6 Results
To test our two hypotheses we conducted a simple mediation model with intercultural capital as the independent variable (X), perception of cultural proximity as dependent variable (Y), and the exposure to transnational media representations as mediator (M; cf. Figure 1). Additionally, we controlled for gender.
Following current approaches for mediation analysis, we used the PROCESS
macro for SPSS by Hayes (2012), calculating several OLS regressions to estimate
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Daniela Schlütz et al.
Exposure to transnational
media representations
7.08*
.55*
Intercultural
capital
11.39*
Perception of
cultural proximity
N = 962; * p < .05
Note: Depicted are unstandardized path coefficients; all correlations with gender controlled
for. Total effect = 15.27. Direct effect = 11.39. Indirect effect = 3.88.
Figure 2: A mediated model of cultural deterritorialization (H1 & H2).
the different path coefficients of the model. To determine significant direct and
indirect effects, we constructed 95 % bias-corrected confidence intervals based
on 10,000 bootstrap samples3. A significant indirect effect (a × b path) is detected if the confidence interval does not include zero.
Figure 2 shows the results of our two hypotheses. As suggested by several
scholars, we report unstandardized path coefficients rather than standardized
estimates (Hayes, 2009; Preacher and Kelley, 2011).
In accordance with H1, we found a significant positive direct effect of intercultural capital on the perception of cultural proximity (B = 11.39, p < .001):
The more intercultural capital a person has at his or her disposal, the closer he
or she feels towards the culture of the USA. Thus, H1 was supported. Regarding
H2, the mediation analysis yielded a significant indirect effect, as the biascorrected bootstrap interval did not include zero (LLCI = 2.66; ULCI = 5.21). As
can be seen in Figure 2 (see also Table II, Appendix), intercultural capital has
a positive influence on the exposure to transnational media representations
(B = .55, p < .001), which in turn increases the perception of cultural proximity
(B = 7.08, p < .001). Hence, the effect of intercultural capital on perceived cultural proximity is partly mediated by the reception of transnational media representations. H2 is supported as well. Nevertheless, it has to be noted that the
indirect effect is rather small compared to the direct effect.
3 We preferred the method of bootstrapping to alternatives such as the Sobel test, because it
does not require the assumption of a normal distribution of the indirect effect. As research
has shown, the sampling distribution of a × b tends to be asymmetric (Hayes, 2009).
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RQ1 asked for differences between fictional and factual media representations in the proposed model. To answer this research question, we included
exposure to fictional transnational media representations as well as to factual
transnational media representations as two independent mediators in a parallel
mediation model. Again, we calculated path coefficients, direct, and indirect
effects sizes. Because the specific indirect effects from X to Y are free of the
scale of measurement of the intervening variables (M), they can be compared
without standardization or any other form of transformation (Hayes, 2009). Figure 3 depicts the results of the parallel mediation model (see also Table 3 in
the Appendix).
For both fictional and factual media representations we found significant
indirect effects of small size. Comparing effect sizes, fictional media representations turned out to be the slightly stronger mediator (indirect effectfiction = 2.51,
indirect effectnews = 1.31). This is mostly due to a higher influence of fictional
(as opposed to factual media representations) on the perception of cultural
proximity (Fiction: B = 6.90, p < .001; News: B = 1.79, p < .001). Hence, while
the influence of intercultural capital is stronger for factual transnational media
representations, watching fictional transnational media representations results
in higher perception of cultural proximity than exposure to factual content.
Exposure to transnational
media representations (fiction)
.36*
Intercultural
capital
6.90*
Perception of
cultural proximity
11.46*
.73*
1.79*
Exposure to transnational
media representations (news)
N = 962; * p < .05
Note: Depicted are unstandardized path coefficients; all correlations with gender controlled
for. Total effect = 15.27. Direct effect = 11.46. Indirect effect = 3.81 (fiction = 2.51; news =
1.31).
Figure 3: A mediated model of cultural deterritorialization: Fictional vs. factual media
representations (RQ1).
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7 Discussion
In our paper we examined the concept of cultural conversion by focusing on
the relation between intercultural capital, perceived cultural proximity, and
transcultural media use. Drawing on work by Straubhaar and colleagues (cf.
Straubhaar, 2003, 2007, 2008; Straubhaar et al., 2009), we introduced the concepts of intercultural capital and perceived cultural proximity. Intercultural
capital refers to knowledge about and familiarity with other cultures and comprises linguistic, visual, factual and value-related dimensions. Perceived cultural proximity describes the individually varying perception of other (territorialized) cultures as close to one’s own culture. The perception of closeness results
from identification with this other culture. The concept is to be distinguished
from Straubhaar’s notion of cultural proximity designating a culturally bound
individual’s tendency to prefer media content that is closer to his or her own
cultural identity (Straubhaar, 1991, 2003, 2007, 2008). We assumed that exposure to transnational media representations plays a crucial role in the relation
of intercultural capital and the perception of cultural proximity. To test the
proposed model, we conducted an empirical study with 962 German respondents. Both hypotheses and the research question were supported by the data.
Hence, the results might be interpreted as supporting the theoretical concept
of cultural deterritorialization (Hepp, 2005; Meyrowitz, 1986; Tomlinson, 1999;
cf. Morley, 2010). First of all, we found a significant effect of intercultural capital on the perception of cultural proximity. Higher intercultural capital leads to
an increased perception of feeling close to another culture. This result strongly
supports the assumption of transculturally shared meanings being a prerequisite of perceived cultural proximity (cf. Straubhaar, 2003, 2007, 2008). When
people are more knowledgeable about and familiar with another culture, the
perceived distance to this culture seems to decrease. This effect is mediated by
exposure to transnational media representations – a finding that emphasizes
the important role of media consumption in the process of cultural deterritorialization. The more intercultural capital a person has accumulated, the more he
or she will select transnational media content. Hence, familiarity with other
cultures seems to make the consumption of transnational media more attractive, which in turn enhances the feeling of cultural proximity with another culture. Regarding the influence of transnational media representations on feeling
close to a culture, our findings are in line with another study of ours (Schlütz
and Schneider, 2014).
Moreover, our results showed an interesting difference between fictional
and factual media representations. Both kinds of content mediate the relationship between intercultural capital and the perception of cultural proximity. In
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comparison, however, intercultural capital is associated more strongly with exposure to news. This might be explicable because one dimension of intercultural capital is related to facts (the original concept of cultural capital). Thus, the
more a person knows in terms of facts, issues, etc. about a foreign country or
culture, the more he or she is presumably interested in the respective current
events. Perceived cultural proximity, on the other hand, is influenced more
strongly by fictional media content, resulting in an overall stronger indirect
effect of fictional content. We want to propose four possible explanations for
this effect. The first one is merely quantitative: Fictional content might foster
perceived cultural proximity because of prolonged exposure. Not only did our
respondents watch US-American movies and series more frequently than news,
the shows run much longer as well. This leads to a prolonged exposure time
and a stronger probability of encountering cultural cues. A second plausible
reason is the notion of narrative transparency (Olson, 1999): To be suitable
to worldwide distribution, US-American productions often display a cultural
familiarity so as to open themselves up to various interpretations and readings
in different cultural contexts. Thirdly, news content is predominantly negative.
This might emphasize the differences between cultures rather than the shared
meanings. Finally, research on narrative persuasion shows the persuasive impact of fictional media content (e.g., An et al., 2014; Moyer-Gusé and Nabi,
2010; Mutz and Nir, 2010; Shrum, 2004) in general and of US-American content
in particular (Hetsroni, 2008). Due to the narrative structure of movies and
series, an experience of becoming strongly involved with the storyline and the
characters is facilitated (Moyer-Gusé and Nabi, 2010). Especially involvement
with characters (i.e., identification; see Cohen, 2001; Cohen and Perse, 2003)
might be of central relevance for persuasive effects as the process of adopting
a character’s perspectives or empathizing with him or her might diminish the
perceived distance between one’s own and another culture. Particularly when
considering long-term effects, identification and related concepts could foster
perceived cultural proximity. In a similar vein, the ‘Low Attention Processing
Model’ from persuasion theory (Heath, 2000; Heath and Nairn, 2005) helps to
explain why entertaining media content has a stronger bearing on the perception of cultural proximity. The LAP model claims that implicit learning occurs
non-attentively. Attention to cultural cues is secondary when watching an entertainment program. Thus, cultural cues are processed without specific attention to them; they are learned implicitly. Implicit learning stores perceived cues
together with conceptual meanings and emotive values that are attached to
each other. By doing this, it builds and reinforces associations over time. These
associations are linked to the culture in question and are reinforced over time
by repetition (cf. Heath and Nairn, 2005, pp. 272–274). Thus, prolonged expo-
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sure to entertainment content might foster implicit learning of positive cultural
associations leading to a feeling of cultural proximity.
8 Limitations
Despite the cohesive findings of our study, we have to address some limitations.
First, the data we presented here were crafted with reference to US-American
media content. We focused on the USA because the lion’s share of foreign
programming on the German market stems from there. The Western capitalist
cultures of Germany and the USA, however, are comparable in many ways.
Hence, in future research we need to address the process of cultural deterritorialization with regard to other cultures in order to broaden the perspective.
Second, we have to point to the non-representativeness of our sample. The
participants’ recruitment via snowball system entails a self-selection bias. Thus,
the sample structure is not representative in terms of age, educational background, and other variables. Instead, the respondents are on average younger
and better educated, which is typical for an online sample. As the respondents
were highly engaged in the subject, we are confident, though, that our results
are accurate self-reports (cf. Chang and Krosnick, 2009).
Third, being cross-sectional, our study design did not account for causal
relationships. Hence, the direction of the effects remains unclear. There might
also be a reciprocal relationship between intercultural capital and the exposure
to transnational media representations where both factors influence each other
positively (“the more the more”). This assumption of a self-reinforcing process
should be tested in future research. To address this question a longitudinal
study would be necessary.
9 Conclusion
Globalization increases worldwide interconnectivity. Mass media contribute to
this process by representing foreign cultures of which we have no direct knowledge. As media transcend territories, they familiarize us with other, far-away
cultures reshaping cultural identities. Thus, transnational media representations play an important role in the relation between intercultural capital and
perceived cultural proximity, as they lead to enhanced feelings of closeness to
another culture – at least between the cultures of Germany and the USA. Thus,
transnational media representations function as a source of shared meanings
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fostering the transcendence of cultural borders. In this process, intercultural
capital is quite an important factor for the perceptions of cultural proximity.
Thus, education in general, and knowledge of foreign languages in particular,
are crucial in the process of globalization, and should be supported by educational efforts. If this is neglected, we might witness a cultural effect comparable
to the knowledge gap (Tichenor, Donohue, and Olien, 1970). Furthermore, our
study showed the importance of fictional media content in the process of cultural deterritorialization. Long running TV series in particular, might play a
role in the acquisition of intercultural capital and the decrease of perceived
cultural distance, as their narratives are based on an everyday culture full of
cultural cues, symbols, and shared meanings. Additionally, identification processes lower the perceived distance between one’s own and another culture.
They allow for a casual, implicit learning about the mundane aspects of foreign
cultures. This ‘banal globalism’ (Szerszynski and Urry, 2006, p. 122) maintained
by television images and narratives is not as banal as one would think. On the
contrary, it might help to bring the world closer together: Entertainment media
might contribute to the perception of cultural proximity; media communication
might inspire inclusion rather than exclusion.
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Appendix
Table 1: Measurement of intercultural capital with regard to the USA.
Intercultural capital
Visual dimension*
Celebrities from media, politics and society
Styles of clothing, architecture and furnishing
Landscapes, places and landmarks
Factual dimension*
History of the country
Current political issues and problems
Customs and traditions
Value-related dimension*
Values and ethics
Linguistic dimension**
English language skills
Index (excl. linguistic dimension)
Reliability (Cronbach’s Alpha)
Index (incl. linguistic dimension)
Reliability (Cronbach’s Alpha)
Mean
SD
3.1
2.2
2.7
0.8
1.1
0.9
2.5
2.5
2.2
1.0
1.0
1.0
2.4
1.0
2.5
2.5
.866
2.5
.858
0.6
0.7
0.7
(N = 962)
*Question: How familiar are you with the USA and their culture with regard to the following
aspects? Scale: from 0 = ‘not familiar at all’ to 4 = ‘familiar’
**Question: How well do you speak English? Scale: 0 = ‘not at all’, 1 = ‘basic knowledge’,
2 = ‘solid’, 3 = ‘fluent’, 4 = ‘mother tongue’
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Table 2: Transnational media representations as mediator (M) of intercultural capital (X) on
perception of perceived cultural proximity (Y) in a mediation model.
Unstandardized path estimated
and standard deviations
Mediator
Transnational
media represent.
a
.55*
(.03)
b
7.08*
(1.09)
c’
11.39*
(1.25)
c
15.27
(1.12)
a × b 95 %
Percentiles
a×b
3.88
(.65)
Lower
2.66
Upper
5.21
Unstandardized OLS regression coefficients with standard deviations (in brackets) and 95 %
bias-corrected bootstrap confidence intervals for the indirect effect (a × b).
N = 962; *p < .05; **p < .01,
Paths: a = from intercultural capital (X) on mediators (M), b = from mediators (M) on perception of cultural proximity (Y), c = total effect from X on Y, c’ = direct effect of intercultural
capital (X) on perception of cultural proximity (Y) after controlling for the mediators, a × b =
indirect effect of intercultural capital (X) on perception of cultural proximity (Y) (= c – c’).
Table 3: Transnational media representations of fiction and news as mediators (M) of
intercultural capital (X) on perception of cultural proximity (Y) in a parallel mediation model.
Unstandardized path estimated
and standard deviations
Mediator
Transnational media
represent.: fiction
Transnational media
represent.: news
a
.36*
(.04)
.73*
(.05)
b
6.90*
(.99)
1.79*
(.69)
c’
11.46*
(1.24)*
c
15.27
(1.12)
a × b 95 %
Percentiles
a×b
2.51
(.52)
1.31
(.48)
Lower
1.59
.40
Upper
3.63
2.27
Unstandardized OLS regression coefficients with standard deviations (in brackets) and 95 %
bias-corrected bootstrap confidence intervals for the indirect effect (a × b).
N = 962; *p < .05; **p < .01,
Paths: a = from intercultural capital (X) on mediators (M), b = from mediators (M) on perception of cultural proximity (Y), c = total effect from X on Y, c’ = direct effect of intercultural
capital (X) on perception of cultural proximity (Y) after controlling for the mediators, a × b =
indirect effect of intercultural capital (X) on perception of cultural proximity (Y) (= c – c’).
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