Efurosibina Adegbija
Greeting norms in Nigeria and Germany: their place in intercultural
understanding and misunderstanding
Series B: Applied and Interdisciplinary Paper
ISSN 1435-6473
Essen: LAUD 1993 (2nd ed. with divergent page numbering 2011)
Paper No. 241
Universität Duisburg-Essen
Efurosibina Adegbija
Greeting norms in Nigeria and Germany: their place in intercultural understanding
and misunderstanding
Copyright by the author
1993 (2nd ed. with divergent page numbering 2011)
Series B
Applied and Interdisciplinary Papers
Paper No. 241
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ii
Efurosibina Adegbija
Greeting norms in Nigeria and Germany: their place in intercultural
understanding and misunderstanding
Introduction
Greeting is a powerful communication strategy in most human communities. The weight
given to greetings and their functions varies among different cultures. So also do the
cultural paraphernalia and non-verbal accompaniment of greetings. While the common
grounds in greeting norms could serve as a basis for promoting understanding in
intercultural communication, ignorance of fine nuances of differences in the nature of
greetings, their patterns and functions from culture to culture can occasionally create a
context that promotes sourness in intercultural communication, make negative prejudices to
grow, and thus result in misunderstanding in intercultural communication.
Based largely on a participant observation of Nigerian and German societies, this
paper investigates greeting norms from a sociolinguistic perspective. Particular attention is
focused on the potential of greeting norms for creating understanding and misunderstanding
in intercultural relations. Since there are well over four hundred language groups in Nigeria,
the Yoruba and ókó languages have been selected for the Nigerian illustrations. While they
share many common grounds with greeting norms in most other societies in Nigeria,
differences in details are also to be expected.
First, I shall attempt to highlight the nature and functions of greetings in Nigeria and
Germany. The varieties of greetings will then be examined. Finally, issues relating to their
potential for contributing to understanding and misunderstanding in intercultural
communication will then be explored.
The nature and functions of greetings in Nigeria and Germany
Several scholars have been interested in the role of greetings in human communities. Firth
(1972), for instance, identifies three major themes of greetings and farewells: the production
of attention, the identification of the interlocutor, and the reduction of anxiety in social
contract. Goody (1972) recognizes the following basic functions for greetings: to begin a
series of communicative acts, to define and affirm identity and rank, and to manipulate a
particular relationship for achieving particular ends. These ideas agree somewhat with
Brown and Levinson's (1978) views that greetings constitute politeness strategy. They
identify two broad types of politeness strategies: positive and negative. While positive
politeness satisfies a speaker's needs for approval and belonging, negative politeness serves
to minimize the imposition of a face-threatening act.
1
Greetings seem to be able to function both as positive and negative politeness strategies. For
many Nigerians, greetings serve both negative and positive politeness functions.
Sometimes, one and the same greeting could even serve both functions simultaneously. This
point should become clearer as we consider example (1) below. A Nigerian meets a German
lady for the first time at a bus station and the following interaction ensures:
(1) Nigerian:
(smile) Guten Tag. (looks at the German lady).
German Lady:
(looks at the Nigerian square in the face but does not
respond)
For the Nigerian, it is a face-threatening act to be very close to, and alone with another
human being at a bus stop and not be able to say "how are you?" (negative politeness). This
is because communal existence generally has supremacy aver individual existence. Thus,
every other human being close by is part and parcel of a common human bond and
brotherhood. This explains why even strange people are often greeted. This disposition is
transferred to interactions with people from other cultures; hence, the greeting "Guten Tag"
to the strange German lady. This greeting functions as a recognition of a common humanity
and a need for recognition, approval and belonging to this common humanity (positive
politeness). In other words, the greeting is both a negative and positive politeness strategy.
To the particular German lady in question, however, a greeting from a stranger appears to
function as an unwanted intrusion on her interpersonal territorial space. This is probably
attributable to the predominance in the German community, at least in comparison with
Nigeria, of an individual type of existence in which people keep to themselves and do not
want to intrude into the affairs of others. Germans generally seem to get involved in the
affairs of others only when invited to, or when a prior bond has been initiated.
Precisely because he is accustomed to the recognition a common human and
communal bond in all human beings in the neighborhood, the Nigerian feels free to greet
even strangers, especially when there is body contact in a bus, eye contact in small by-ways
and streets, togetherness in an elevator, etc.
Writing specifically in relation to the use of greetings in Nigeria to show politeness,
Adegbija (1989: 61-62) makes some observations that are pertinent to the purpose of this
study. First, he observes that greeting is an almost mandatory politeness strategy used not
only for attracting the attention of a hearer, as Firth rightly notes, but also, is a salute to a
common humanity, a strategy for perpetuating a communal bond, and an oil for lubricating
the channels of communication. Second, the age factor plays a dynamic role in the exchange
of greetings. Thus, when a youth meets an elder, the youth is normally expected to initiate
greetings. This partly relates to Goody's point, noted above, that greeting is intended to
mark and affirm identity and rank. The Nigerian society is one in which, generally, and
normally age commands greater respect and esteem than higher social status. Western
impact has, however, changed this picture somewhat, although such a change is more
noticeable in urban and industrial centers than in rural areas. In urban contexts, the social
2
status could sometimes exert a greater impact on greeting norms, especially when the age
difference between a subordinate and superordinate staff is not too wide. Depending on the
extent of the age differences, a youth normally bows, curtsies, or prostrates when greeting
an elder. In a context involving equals in age and social status, either could initiate
greetings. Thirdly, most greetings, especially during a first meeting in a day or after a long
period of absence, tend to be protracted in nature. They could include enquiries about the
addressee's wife, children, etc. In effect, the propositional content of greetings in Nigeria is,
as a common norm, extended beyond the person being greeted to relations, children and
wife.
The German context of greetings, while it may share some of the points above with the
Nigerian, is generally different. First, greeting does not seem to be as mandatory a
politeness strategy as it is in Nigeria. That is, smooth interaction between interlocutors,
though it could be smoothed by greetings, is not necessarily expected to be hindered by its
absence. I have, for instance, frequently taken aback when some German colleagues that I
have not seen for some days simply walk to my office and begin asking me questions
without first exchanging greetings with Me. In such interactions, I would normally greet
first before responding to the enquiries. Consider example (2), (similar instances of which
occurred several times). A Nigerian member of staff in a German University is sitting by a
computer and a German student briskly knacks at the door, opens, and the following
interaction occurs:
(2)
German:
Ich suche Frau X.
Nigerian:
Sie ist nicht hier. Raum 506.
German:
Danke (and he shuts the door and goes away).
The absence of prior greeting by the German before the interaction in example 2
would most likely in the Nigerian context have constituted a barrier to smooth
interaction. In fact, most Nigerians would first greet those they wish to interact with as
a necessary strategy for lubricating the channels of whatever interaction is to follow.
Absence of the exchange of greeting could, in Nigeria occasionally be challenged,
particularly in interpersonal encounters between an older person and a younger person,
or a social subordinate and a superior as in example 3 in which a student (S) goes into
the office of a lecturer (L) to make enquiries:
(3)
S: (Knocks at the door and opens) e joo sir, ojo wo ni ki a mu ise wa wa
(please sir, when are we expected to submit our assignments?
L: Se wo o mo enia ki ni? (Don't you know how to greet somebody?)
S: Sorry sir, e ma binu sir (I'm very sorry, please don't be angry)
In example (3) the student in question has erred culturally by refusing to greet the lecturer.
First, from the point of view of social status, the lecturer has superiority. Also, from the
cultural perspective of age, he has an edge over the student. Then there is the factor that a
favor - the answering of a question - is being sought. On all these counts, a greeting before
3
the enquiry is almost culturally mandatory. The age difference dynamics seems to
particularly play a significant role in the exchange of greetings from the cultural
perspective.
A few general observations may also be made about greetings in Germany. Most
German greetings tend to be much briefer than Nigerian greetings. This may partly relate to
attitude to time, and perhaps, also to the differences in weather. While the German society
seems to be almost obsessively concerned with time and appointments, the Nigerian society
is somewhat more relaxed in the use of time. Life is not governed by the clock and the stress
it tends to create in day to day interpersonal interactions between Germans and between
Germans and foreigners. Also, while people in Nigeria can afford to stay outside for long
almost all the year round, the terribly cold German weather during the winter places
restrictions on how much time people can spend, for instance, outside a heated room. It is,
of course, also true that the relationships obtaining between interlocutors plays a big role in
determining how much time they spend together in exchanging greetings and accompanying
pleasantries, whether in Germany or Nigeria. While these may sound as far-fetched
explanations, the fact remains that more time is spent on greetings in Nigeria than in
Germany.
Also, age difference does not appear to be a major factor in the exchange of greetings
in Germany, at least not to the extent it is in Nigeria. A young person feels no cultural
obligation initiate greetings with an elder simply because of the difference in age.
A final difference observed between greetings in Nigeria and Germany is that the
propositional content of greetings in the latter is normally more addressee-specific than it is
in Nigeria. That is, while greetings tend to be extended to enquiries about one's wife,
children, relations, etc. in Nigeria, this does not seem to be the usual case in Germany.
However, even in Germany, the propositional content of greetings could occasionally go
beyond the addressee as well, especially in interactions between close associates.
Example (4), a sample exchange of greetings between a messenger/cleaner (Subordinate-S)
and a Head of Department in Nigerian university (Boss-B) is illustrative of the kind of
propositional content that greetings in Nigeria often contain:
(4)
S: Good morning, sir.
D: Good morning. How are you?
S: Fine, sir. How are the children?
B: They're fine.
S: How about madam, sir? ("madam" is typically used in Nigerian English
in reference to a man's wife)
B: She's fine, thank you. (cf. Adegbija 1989: 62).
Example (5), which occurs in Germany in a somewhat similar role relationship to example
(4), is between a boss (B) and his secretary (S):
4
(5)
S: Guten Morgen, Herr X. (Good morning Mr. x)
B: Guten Morgen, und wie geht es Ihnen? (Good morning, and how are you?)
S: Danke, alles ist gut... (Thanks, all is fine) ...
In comparison with the Nigerian setting, interesting role relationships which affect greetings
have been observed. In a Departmental office in Germany observed, virtually everyone is
called by their first names in greetings, except the overall boss in the office, often addressed
as "Der Chef' (The Boss) or sometimes ironically as "Herr Chef' (Mr. Boss). By contrast, in
the exchange of greetings in Nigeria, first names are mainly used by co-equals or
colleagues.
Greeting is pervasive in interpersonal interactions in both Nigeria and Germany, but
obviously more so, and more conspicuous in the former. A greeting normally has both a
verbal and non-verbal component and each society has unwritten norms that govern their
use. Several occasions of life, social events, time of day, interpersonal encounters also have
their appropriate commensurate greetings. The use of a greeting intended for one time at
another time is easily seen as a violation or a societal norm. But members or society are all
so used to the different types and contexts of greetings that it is only the flouting of an
expected norm that sometimes attracts any significant attention. Thus, when one greets
"Gute Nacht" (Good night) in the morning, the addressee easily infers either that something
more is implied, or that the greeting is not sincere or earnest. Refusal to greet when one is
expected to is often interpreted in both communities as a violation of a cultural norm. But
such violation seems to imply graver interpersonal sanctions in Nigeria than in Germany.
Varieties of greetings In Germany and Nigeria
A variety of greetings, some shared, some different, were observed to pervade day-to-day
situations and interactions in both Nigeria and Germany. Table 1 is a sample of common
and shared greetings in both communities (there are often many types of greetings for each
occasion in both Germany and Nigeria. So, the examples given here are merely samples of a
variety of greetings. In Nigeria, as noted earlier, age sometimes dictates a difference also in
the appropriacy of types of greetings, e.g. when someone dies).
OCCASION
morning
night
welcome
bye bye
Death
high
achievement
YORUBA
e ku aro
o d' aro
e k' abo
o d' abo
e ku suru
óKó
ewe
tigure
ooru
soba
a ni suru
GERMAN
Guten Morgen
Gute Nacht
Willkommen
Auf Wiedersehen
Herzliches Beileid
a barika
o diororo
Glückwunsch
5
a sneeze
all purpose
greeting
e pele
epele
en en
esi
Gesundheit
Hallo
Guten Tag
Table 1.
There are, of course, many other occasions of life such as marriages, when involved in an
on-going work, when just entering a room that one left a few minutes ago, etc. in which
people will greet in one community and no greeting is expected in another. For instance, a
Nigerian shared an office with a German professor and sometimes, the German would go to
the library for an hour or two and return to the office to meet the Nigerian. Many times a
similar interaction to that in example (6) occurred:
(6)
German:
(opens the door and enters). Sooooo.....
Nigerian:
welcome
German:
(No response, probably not aware of being greeted. Simply walks to his
table and seats)
In a similar circumstance in most Nigerian languages and cultures a greeting would be
expected and would most likely occur, and could be initiated either by the person just
arriving (e .g. e ku ile in Yoruba or an neru in ókó) or by the person met in the room e k'abo
in Yoruba and ooru in ókó. To simply walk into the room and sit down without any
exchange of greetings would, in the Nigerian context, be violating a cultural expectation
relating to greetings and could create some temporary interpersonal tension. This is
indicative of the importance placed on greetings in interpersonal exchanges and interactions.
But the German professor, who normally speaks English with his Nigerian colleague, has
always muttered a prolonged “Soooo...” which could probably be interpreted "So, I've gone
away and now I'm back." Perhaps this takes the place of greetings, which would be
expected in the Nigerian context.
A set of types of greetings could be said to be idiosyncratic to the Nigerian context,
and even in the Nigerian context, is particularly typical of the Yoruba culture. Thus, a
greeting is imaginable for virtually every occasion, many of which, in the German context,
greeting would be superfluous, plainly unnecessary, or even considered intrusive. Thus,
when two people are met sitting down and a third person comes to meet them, he would
most likely greet "e ku ijoko" (a recognition for sitting); when eating "mo ba yin ni ire" (I
have met you well); when just married "e o bi ako e obi abo" (you will give birth to male
and female) or "eyin iyawo o ni mo eni o" (literally-may the back of the wife not get used to
the mat-implying may the wife get pregnant on time, indicative of the cultural premium
placed on a wife promptly getting pregnant after a marriage); when a past favor is
recognized "e see ana" or “e see ojo" (thanks for what you did yesterday or the other day);
when beaten by the rain "e pele" or "e ku ojo".
6
While it may be true that some members of the Yoruba society may sometimes not express
greetings on some of these occasions, their refusal to is often noticed. Also, those who
commonly express greetings on such occasions when fellow human beings are confronted
with an issue in life are easily interpreted as loving, considerate, concerned and caring.
Those who do not, by converse, tend to be given the opposite attributes. Yorubas interacting
with other cultures thus generally tend to tolerate, accommodate, and in fact, expect a
greater show of concern in, or intrusion in their affairs and tend to express a greater concern
for the personal affairs of others than especially with regard to the propositional contents of
the above idiosyncratic greetings their German counterparts who could interpret such
greetings as intrusion in their private affairs, invasion of their privacy, or outright
disturbance. Many Germans seem, for instance, to be very concerned that unsolicited,
culturally unexpected words can easily be interpreted as intrusion or disturbance. The
disposition of not being interpreted as disturbing others tends to result in an attitude which
generally tends to restrict the frequency of interpersonal interactions, especially with
strangers, as compared with the situation in Nigeria. Thus, Ferguson's (1976: 14) comments
below on politeness formulas, while true also of Germany, seem to be more applicable to
interpersonal interactions in Nigeria as far as polite expressions of greetings as they relate to
common events in life and societal expectations about participation in the plight, joys and
sorrows of fellow human beings are concerned. He says:
The importance or our trivial, muttered, more or less automatic polite phrases
becomes clear when they are omitted or not acknowledged ... the peeling -good
morning" is an excellent uncomplicated example or a politeness formula. It is
highly stereotyped and can be altered only with the definite recognition on the
part or the speaker and bearer that it is being altered for some specific effect.
Greetings and understanding and misunderstanding in intercultural
communication
Norms of Greetings in both Nigeria and Germany could, of course, sometimes be more
complicated and varied in nature than has become apparent from the discussion above,
which should be sufficient for making same inferences on the place of greetings in
intercultural understanding and misunderstanding. Fortunately, most day-to-day greetings in
many cultures are basically uncomplicated. Their presence or absence at appropriate
occasions could contribute to making interpersonal interactions, both intercultural and
intracultural, pleasant or unpleasant.
Very often, intercultural communication, e.g. between Nigerians and Germans, tends
to be approached from the background of what people are accustomed to in their own
particular cultures. While aspects of other people's cultures similar to ours seem to be
generally most welcome, and contribute to the creation of understanding, differences
potentially hold the seeds of conflict in intercultural relations. There could, of course, also
be occasions in which apparent similarities make fine differences unrecognizable and so
7
conflict is generated, or differences arouse inquisitiveness between people of different
cultures that could promote a greater togetherness and understanding between people from
different cultural backgrounds.
Writing on factors that could contribute towards harmony in intercultural
communication, Adegbija (1992) observes that intercultural differences should be
recognized but should not be allowed to becloud the similarities, that participants in
intercultural interactions should adopt a benefit-of-the-doubt stance towards each other and
that mutual compromise, adjustments and readjustments should be made as deliberate
strategies for promoting harmonious interactions in intercultural communication. These
observations are pertinent to our discussion and could be applied to the earlier discussion on
the nature and types of greetings as a way of further highlighting and making inferences on
the important role of greetings in intercultural understanding and misunderstanding in
Nigeria and Germany.
First, there are similarities in greeting patterns and functions in both communities that
could be capitalized on for promoting intercultural harmony. As we have seen, many
occasions requiring greetings are shared, even though the particular types of greetings and
their import may vary. Prudence seems to be required, therefore, to determine with whom
greetings are to be exchanged. A Nigerian in Germany would have to recognize that
strangers are not normally greeted. Other sociolinguistic factors such as skin color
differences, sex differences, etc. could sometimes introduce occasional complications into
how greetings from a stranger may be interpreted. A German lady who is alone at a bus stop
at night could, for instance, easily interpret a greeting by a black stranger as a potential
strategy for getting acquainted for sinister ends. When this factor is placed side by side with
the general individualistic stance of the German society, refusal to respond to a stranger’s
greetings, as in example (1) may be partly excusable or at least understandable.
Giving each other a benefit of the doubt in intercultural communication is another
strategy that could promote understanding. Hence, in example (6), the German does not
respond to the Nigerian's greeting "welcome". But this is not because he wants to be rude or
offensive. Normally, however, refusal to respond to one's greetings in and of itself could be
considered offensive and enough to sour or create the seeds of tension in both intercultural
and intracultural relations. Such feelings could be aggravated in the former type of
relationship because of the different cultural framework from which the participants in
interaction come and differences in mutual knowledge or contextual beliefs (cf. Smith 1982)
accessed in the interpretation of utterances. The refusal of the German to respond, however,
could be because he does not expect to be greeted on such an occasion. For this reason, the
contextual meaning or social import of the greeting "welcome" on such an occasion could
escape him because such a type of greeting is absent in his culture. Such intercultural
rationalization as the context warrants will prevent interlocutors from easily interpreting
8
apparent non-cooperation in intercultural interactions as ill-intentioned. This could reduce
the chances of the growth of seeds of discontent.
Mutual adjustment, readjustment and questions to clarify apparently strange behavior
observed in intercultural exchanges of greetings could also be a strategy for promoting
understanding. Because of the importance of the age factor in the exchange of greetings in
Nigeria, it is common for Nigerians interacting abroad with, for instance, Germans, to
curtsey or bow when greeting an elderly person. A German colleague has once confronted
me and directly asked why I normally bowed my head when greeting another colleague
about twenty years older. I explained that it was because of the great degree of difference in
our ages, and that I would do the same in my country to a person much older than me.
Although this particular example is innocuous, there could be other incidences in which
differences in cross-cultural pragmatics accompanying greetings could create intercultural
misunderstanding. For instance, while Germans and most Europeans would normally stretch
forth their hands in greeting, in Nigeria, they would be considered rude if they did so first to
an elderly person. This is because in exchanges of greetings between a youth and an elder in
Nigeria, the elder would normally first stretch forth his hand to a younger person, who
would be expected to curtsey and take it reverently. However, a young person from
Germany visiting Nigeria would probably be easily forgiven for such apparent rudeness in
the exchange of greetings because it would be apparent that he comes from an entirely
different cultural background. On the other hand, a Nigerian youth would most likely be
called to order for first stretching forth his hand to shake an elder during the exchange of
greetings. The greater the age difference between the interlocutors, the greater the gravity of
offence would normally be considered to be.
Among the factors that could contribute to the fuelling of misunderstanding in
intercultural interactions identified by several scholars (e.g. Adegbija 1992; Argente and
Payrato 1991; Bynes 1986; Cardbaugh 1990; Eisenstein 1986; Gunthner 1991; Hall 1959;
Hewstone and Giles 1986; Jenny 1983; Meeuwis 1991; Onuigbo 1991; Saville-Troike 1987)
are varying interpretations of the interactive potential and communicative functions of
speech acts encountered, confrontation in the assigning of social meaning to utterances, the
using of words to build walls and perpetuate prejudices, conflicting cross-cultural
pragmatics and different strategies adopted in the meaning negotiation and inferencing
processes. Some of these factors are relevant as well to an examination of potential
misunderstanding in intercultural exchanges of greetings.
Thus, the particular German lady who refused to respond to the greeting of a Nigerian
stranger (example 1) most likely interpreted the interactive potential of "Guten Tag" in the
context differently. For her, one should not greet a stranger. In this case also, the stranger
also has a different skin color. The time of day, a winter evening, when it is already dark, is
also probably a contributory factor to her strange reaction; it could have been interpreted as
inauspicious as far as interactions between strange males and females are concerned to
9
respond to a stranger's greetings in the dark. Although a similar silence has frequently been
observed even when there are other people around, the fact that other human beings are
actually not in the immediate vicinity at the point in time when the greeting occurred could
probably have led her to interpret a response to the it as even more inadvisable. Refusal to
respond to the greeting of the stranger is intended, most likely as a signal of unwillingness
to cooperate (see Grice 1975). Unwillingness to cooperate is most unlikely to generate the
kind of closeness in interpersonal interactions that could result in the possible dangers
which the lady probably feared or harbored in her heart with regard to interaction with
strangers or responding to their greetings. Non-response is therefore a potent signal that a
closer bond with the stranger is not valued, at least on this particular occasion and time.
Naturally, however, and given his background knowledge of greetings in his own
society, the Nigerian interprets the non-response to his greetings as coolness or
unfriendliness. In essence, because of varying sociocultural background, (cf. Gumperz
1977, 1979) both the German and the Nigerian involved in the interaction appeared to have
made different inferences with regard to the social meanings of a simple act of greeting and
this not only created tension but also blocked subsequent interaction. This is how seeds of
intercultural tension could be sown by apparently minor, ordinary, and apparently
innocuous everyday utterances such as a simple act of greeting.
The cross-cultural pragmatics that accompany greetings, or are part of them, could
also sometimes create a background or context for misunderstanding or potential conflict.
For instance, contortions on an addressee's face when being greeted, if interpreted as a
frown or coldness by the speaker, could immediately sour relationships and block any
further chances of harmonious interaction. As earlier noted, in the Nigerian context, many
pragmatics relating to greetings have a lot to do with the age of the interlocutors. For
instance, while greeting, as well as in other social interactions, younger people are not
expected to address older people by their names. This is true in many Nigerian cultures, but
especially of the Yoruba and ókó cultures being used as illustration. In occupational settings
as earlier noted, social status constitutes an additional factor that could sometimes place a
constraint on how people are addressed in greetings. Thus, consider the following exchange
of greetings between a subordinate (S) and a head of department (H). The subordinate is a
few years older than his head of Department:
(7)
S:
H:
S:
H:
S:
H:
S:
ek' aro, oga (Good morning, boss)
o, k' aro. se alafia lowa. (good morning, how are you?)
Mo dupe (I'm thankful that I'm fine)
Awon omo nko? (and the children?)
Alafia ni won wa. (they're fine)
Ati iyawo? (and your wife)
Alafia lo wa, oga (she's, fine, boss)
10
The honorific pronoun of power and respect, "e" in Yoruba, is used in the above greeting by
the subordinate to mark respect for his boss while “o” is used by the boss to mark his higher
social status. In a traditional Yoruba setting, age would have been supreme. But because the
age difference between the Head of Department and his messenger is not very great, social
status takes precedence in their interactions and is thus indicated in the selection of
pronouns. And the messenger most often uses a similar pronoun of respect when greeting
most people whose social rank is above his. While a similar pronoun of respect and
distance, "Sie", is typically used also in the German context to address an overall boss,
many other members of staff seem to interact with each other on a first name basis, the
social rank notwithstanding. In the German context, familiarity or distance with the
interlocutor seems to be more crucial in determining how people are addressed in greetings.
A young German visiting Nigeria could step on many toes if he selects to address most
people by their first names while greeting them.
Furthermore, the propositional content of greetings could be a potential source of
tension, misgivings or misunderstanding. While in Nigeria, the inference is made that
someone who asks about one's children, wife, and relations in a greeting is concerned and
caring, the inclusion of the same propositional content in greetings in Germany could result
in the inference that the speaker is intruding in the addressee's private affairs. While the
Nigerian society places a high premium on the family, children, relations, and
belongingness to a community, the German society, even though it also values a stable
home relationship and children, is somewhat more individualistic in orientation and so
enquiries about the welfare of one's wife and children in day to day greetings are not as
commonplace as in Nigeria. For this reason, such enquiries in ordinary greetings, especially
by people not considered too familiar, could easily result in intercultural misunderstanding.
Misunderstanding is also possible when a particular greeting expected is not uttered.
This is possible also in intercultural communication but its negative impact tends to be
magnified in intercultural relations. A personal experience of mine illustrates this very
clearly. My German landlady once felt offended with me, her Nigerian tenant, for leaving
her without saying a bye bye after a discussion over a disagreement relating to my tenancy.
Ferguson (1976), similarly, narrates his experience with an experiment in which he refused
to answer people's greetings for a few days. Serious tension was created suddenly between
him and his colleagues so that he urgently had to abandon the experiment. But the
experiment did show the importance of greeting norms in our day-to-day interactions and
the fact that their absence could create tension and unfavorable consequences in
interpersonal relations.
Conclusion
This study has attempted to show that although greetings are ordinary day-to-day events,
they often carry a lot of weight as far as harmonious interpersonal relations, both
11
intercultural and intracultural are concerned. They serve to cement existing bonds between
people, to create new bonds, to lubricate the channels of communication and as a
recognition and acceptance of the worth of addressees. However, in view that greetings
often encapsulate a lot of cultural values, care has to be taken in intercultural
communication in particular to ensure that greeting norms that are meat to one culture are
not interpreted as poison by another, for it is when a group's culture becomes another's anticulture that the intercultural communication process is severely impaired.
Acknowledgement
I am grateful to Dr. Marlin Pütz of the University of Duisburg for very useful comments on
an earlier draft of this paper.
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