Canada and the United States country" (p. 64). They were all subjects with rights, to be sure, most notably the right to protection. But where colonial charters existed, they needed revision, and Parliament's authority over stubborn assemblies needed assertion. Startlingly, Shannon argues that these imperial reformers viewed Native Americans as component peoples within the category of Britannia's American subjects. Shannon has few pieces of direct evidente (pp. 20-23) for this provocative but unconvincing argument. Never, moreover, did Indians' status as British subjects become explicit in the discussions at Albany. Shannon's third path is followed by such provincial reformers as Benjamin Franklin, whose vision was both egalitarian enough to give British subjects in the colonies an equal footing with those in the mother country and exclusive enough to reject blacks and Indians as true fellow subjects. Shannon sees Franklin's exclusions in contrast to the more inclusive vision of his imperial reformers. Again, the inclusiveness of British imperialists is overstated. Much more convincing is Shannon's treatment, with great sensitivity to the intellectual currents of the age, of Franklin's quest for colonial equality, a quest that the Philadelphia philosopher could stilt, in the 1750s, reconcile with parliamentary supremacy. Extremely well written and brimming with provocative ideas, Shannon's excellent narrative of the Albany Congress is clearly much more: it is an exploration of the conflicting futures that Indians, colonists, and imperialists imagined for the British North American Empire on the eve of the Seven Years War. GREGORY EVANS DOWD University of Notre Dame ALFRED F. YOUNG. The Shoemaker and the Tea Party: Memory and the American Revolution. Boston, Mass.: Beacon. 1999. Pp. xvii, 262. $24.00. George Robert Twelves Hewes was a man remarkable in his lifetime (1742-1840) for short stature, long life, and helping to destroy the East India Company's tea at Boston on the night of December 16, 1773. His stories of the Jatter episode made him a local celebrity in Otsego County, New York, where he was an honored guest at Fourth of July observances in the late 1820s. Eventually two writers, James Hawkes and Benjamin Bussey Thatcher, interviewed him and recounted his experiences in, respectively, A Retrospect of the Boston Tea-Party (1834), and Traits of the Tea Party (1835). Their accounts in turn furnish Alfred F. Young with the basis for an eloquent meditation on the dynamics of revolution and remembrance in American history. A poor cordwainer with a growing family, Hewes witnessed the Boston Massacre (March 5, 1770), an event that turned him into a militant participant in crowd actions, including the Tea Party. During the war, he volunteered both as a short-term soldier and as a crew member on two privateers. Those voyages did not fetch the prize money he had hoped for, and he AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW 163 ended the war as poor as ever. Thereafter his family grew larger, but not his fortune. Stil] searching for prosperity in his mid-seventies, he moved to Richfield Springs, New York, about 1815; there he continued to make shoes and reminisce. The richness of Hewes's revolutionary-era memories eventually distinguished him and ultimately made him a kind of hero. By analyzing and contextualizing these stories, Young infers what the Revolution meant to Hewes and to others in similar circumstances. Above all, the Revolution gave him a sense of self-esteem as a man and a citizen. Humble as he was, he found that members of the Whig elite—men like John Hancock and Samuel Adams—respected him for his patriotism and acknowledged his worth as a participant in the cause. Brought up to bow before his betters, the Revolution made Hewes a man who would doff his hat to no one. Of course, as leaders of a movement that depended on the voluntary support of ordinary people, Hancock and his ilk were compelled to court their favor, and never more so than on occasions like the Tea Party. Thus the social structure of late colonial British America bent rather than broke under the pressure of revolution and war, and the United States remained under elite leadership much as the colonies had. Yet this did not mean that class was an inconsequential element in the events of the 1770s and 1780s. "The American Revolution," Young writes, "was not a plebian revolution, but there was a powerful plebian current within it" (p. 206), a current that strongly affected its course and outcome even as it reshaped the lives and views of men like the little shoemaker who had helped heave chests of tea into Boston Harbor. The second half of the book, "When Did They Start Calling It the Boston Tea Party?" explores the ways in which later Americans understood the episode that Hewes and his contemporaries knew as "the destruction of the tea." As social and economie changes in the early nineteenth century altered popular understandings of republican ideology, class antagonisms began to influence polities in ways that bewildered the surviving revolutionaries. Competing groups contested the meaning of the Revolution in public forums and anniversary commemorations that grew increasingly strident. In this context, Hawkes's and Thatcher's "discovery" of Hewes becomes significant. Hoping to define the revolutionary heritage in a way that would not threaten their own position, Bostonian conservative leaders like Abbott Lawrence and Dr. Samuel Van Crowninshield Smith embraced the jocular term "Tea Party" in order to tame what had in fact been a deeply radical act, and at the Fourth of July ceremonies of 1835 they celebrated Hewes as a hero: not as the radicalized thirty-one-year-old artisan of 1773 but as a "safe, ninety-year-old codger" (p. 205) whose winsome charm perfectly suited their needs. We owe a considerable debt to Young for not allowing them to have the last word on Hewes and the meaning of his life story. This is a book that every early FEBRUARY 2001 164 Reviews of Books Americanist should read, and one from which any historian can profit. FRED ANDERSON University of Colorado, Boulder C. BRADLEY THOMPSON. John Adams and the Spirit of Liberty. (American Political Thought.) Lawrence: University Press of Kansas. 1998. Pp. xix, 340. $39.95. C. Bradley Thompson has written an important study of John Adams's political thought. In it, he seeks to disabuse readers of the standard interpretations of his subject, to explicate Adams's major political texts, to defend Adams's political consistency, and to establish Adams's place among the pantheon of America's greatest political thinkers. Thompson denies that Adams was a Jatter-day Puritan, that his political thought changed during the revolutionary era, or that Adams's Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States (published in 1787 and 1788) was incoherent and "irrelevant." Rather, Adams rejected Calvinism, embraced John Locke and the Enlightenment, and remained a consistent supporter of republican government. His Defence was a superb, original contribution to the study of political science. Thompson divides his study of Adams into two parts, both of which aim to show Adams's ambition to be a "lawgiver," his intellectual consistency, and his brilliance as a political and constitutional theorist. The first part examines the development of Adams's political thought up to the beginning of the Revolution; the second carefully dissects the Defence and the Discourses on Davila (1805). Largely missing until near the end of the book are Adams's acts of lawgiving: his influential 1776 pamphlet, Thoughts on Government, and the Massachusetts constitution of 1780. Yet by arguing convincingly for Adams's intellectual consistency, Thompson shows how Adams's frames of government flowed from his political science, no matter the chronological sequence. Adams was a careful political scientist. For him, the end of government was the promotion and preservation of the spirit of liberty. Using this goal as his measuring stick, he studied the historica) experience of different forms of government to determine which best preserved liberty. If, Adams believed, human nature was unchanging, then by locating and describing the best governments regardless of time or place, he would enable people (he believed strongly in popular sovereignty and the right of the people to resist oppression) to establish the best governments for themselves. Thus, the Defence analyzed past republics in order to test theory. His study of the past and his observations of the world around him taught Adams that people had a passion for distinction that needed to be channeled for the benefit of the public. Only by creating governments that separated power among its different branches and mixed the power of the one, the few, and the many in the legislature could people compel AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW government to act for the common good and protect liberty. Separation of powers prevented the concentration of power, and mixing power in the legislature ensured that the powers exercised would promote the public good. In Adams's framework, the most crucial official was the governor, who was responsible for protecting the common good, mediating between the few and the many, and identifying the people who deserved the honor of office. Adams aimed for full representation of the people and enlightened consent by propertied men (the broader the base of propertied men, the more broadly power would be distributed). Dismissing the idea of civic virtue as utopian, he relied on well-balanced governments to create virtuous citizens. Some readers may recoil at Thompson's unrelenting defense of, and praise for, Adams (at times, it risks becoming a panegyric) and wonder about his decision largely to isolate Adams's political ideas from his political life. Moreover, when the author explores Adams's relevance to modern American polities, it becomes difficult to distinguish Adams's views from Thompson's. Nevertheless, this is an excellent book. It effectively locates Adams within the broader currents of late eighteenth-century political thought and shows that the Defence initially was well regarded, influential, and compatible with the Federalist mainstream. It also illuminates the sources and importance of Adams's political theory and convincingly demonstrates that Adams earned a place among America's greatest political thinkers. MARC W. KRUMAN Wayne State University KARL-FRIEDRICH WALLING. Republican Empire: Alex ander Hamilton on War and Free Govenment. (American Political Thought.) Lawrence: University Press of Kansas. 1999. Pp. xii, 356. $40.00. This book stands at the convergence of two major enterprises of rediscovery. Recently, historians and political scientists fascinated by the problems of governing polities covering vast territories have begun to reexamine concepts of empire and imperial governance. At the same time, scholars and the public have begun to reacquaint themselves with Alexander Hamilton, as his great adversary Thomas Jefferson's reputation has begun a stately fall after decades of preeminence. Karl-Friedrich Walling focuses on Hamilton's concern with balancing liberty and power in governing a vast, fragile nation in a world of hostile great powers. Can a republic govern a large territory, preserve itself against foreign encroachments, and maintain liberty at home? Walling argues that Hamilton wrestled with these enduring questions more consistently and coherently, and gave answers more compelling, than those proffered by any other member of the revolutionary generation. For Hamilton, argues Walling, America was a republican empire; governing America required FEBRUARY 2001
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