Growth and Change Vol. 30 (Spring 1999), pp. 184-212 Spatial Industrial Dynamics in Sweden: Urban Growth Industries CHARLIE KARLSSON ABSTRACT In this paper two basic theories within spatial industrial dynamics— the filtering-down theory and the spatial product cycle theory—are used to explain processes of spatial decentralization and centralization of economic activities. In particular, a case is made for the idea that employment decentralization should be expected not only for growing and maturing manufacturing industries but also for growing and maturing service industries. Based upon this theoretical framework the empirical part of the paper analysis the spatial behavior during the period 1980 to 1993 of the employment in a group of 19 industries in Sweden—the so-called urban growth industries—with an expected high potential for employment decentralization. Most of the industries exhibited the expected pattern of employment decentralization with the larger medium-sized regions as the main winners. A shift-share analysis shows that the overall magnitudes of the competitive shift components are rather small and that, hence, Sweden during the period 1980-1993 did not experience a drastic change in the spatial distribution of its urban growth industries. Introduction uring the last 40 years, much has been written within the field of spatial industrial dynamics about the relationship between the economic milieu offered by different functional regions and the location behavior of firms and industries. Among the main theoretical contributions are the “filtering-down” theory (Hall 1959, Lichtenburg 1960; Vernon 1960; Thompson 1965) and the spatial product life cycle theory (Hirsch 1965, 1967; Vernon 1966). A number of empirical studies have also been carried out during the years dealing both with the regional shift of U.S. manufacturing industry from the Northeast to the sunbelt (Norton and Rees 1979) as well as with the concentration of high-tech industries and associated service functions in South East England (Oakey et al. 1980). D Charlie Karlsson is associate dean/acting professor of economics at Jönköping International Business School, Jönköping University, Jönköping, Sweden. The second revised version of this paper was presented at the Southern Regional Science Association 37th Annual Meeting April 2 – 4 1998, Savannah GA. An earlier version of this paper was presented Forskarforum –97, Folkets Hus, Östersund, Sweden, November 18-19 1997. Submitted April 1998, revised Sept. 1998, Jan. 1999. © 1999 Gatton College of Business and Economics, University of Kentucky. Published by Blackwell Publishers, 350 Main Street, Malden MA 02148 US, and 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK. SPATIAL INDUSTRIAL DYNAMICS 185 However, despite a substantial number of theoretical as well as empirical studies, many of the central questions of spatial industrial dynamics still remain unanswered. Many of the theoretical but, in particular, empirical studies have suffered from the weakness that they have only dealt with the spatial industrial dynamics of manufacturing industry and have not considered the steadily increasing importance of the service industries. In regions with a rapidly declining employment base of mature industries, major questions are of course raised concerning which are the new growth industries with a potential to create new employment opportunities and which are the location requirements of these new growth industries? The conventional answer that has been given is that leading regions with a “rich” economic milieu create the new products and the new growth industries by intense research and development (R&D) efforts and rich import flows of new knowledge, etc. from other leading regions. The follower regions, on the other hand, with a less “rich” economic milieu, wait for the production of the new products as well as the new products themselves to become standardized and then gradually the production is relocated to the follower regions and new employment opportunities were created there. Hence, one gets the impression of a smooth process where leading regions establish new growth industries that decentralize to the follower regions during their standardization phase. However, in reality these kinds of processes are seldom that smooth. Regions that for decades have been able to provide plenty of job opportunities might suddenly find that job losses in old established industries are no longer matched by job gains in newer industries. This of course means that these regions over time will dispose fewer resources to invest in infrastructure and to improve the general economic milieu that might start to deteriorate. But even regions whose investments in infrastructure, etc., are not limited by the access to resources might find that newer expanding and relocating industries might prefer other regions and, hence, leave the actual regions with no other realistic alternative than a decline in employment and population to a new equilibrium situation. It is also important to moderate the standard picture of gradually decentralizing industries. In practice, some industries or activities do not decentralize for various reasons. One reason might be that they demand close contact with customers and that the customers are mainly located in the leading regions. Another reason might be that they are so dependent upon the very special economic milieu offered by the leading regions that it, at least for extended periods of time, is unprofitable to relocate. Some industries that in earlier periods have gone through a decentralization process might start to centralize due to, e.g., technological changes or changes in the competitive situation. The purpose of the current paper is twofold. The first purpose, given the above background, is to present a theoretical framework capable of explaining 186 GROWTH AND CHANGE, SPRING 1999 processes of spatial decentralization and centralization of economic activities, manufacturing activities as well as service activities. In particular, a case is made for the idea that employment decentralization should be expected not only for growing and maturing manufacturing industries but also for growing and maturing service industries. The second purpose, based upon this theoretical framework, is to analyze empirically the spatial behavior of the employment in a group of industries in Sweden with an expected high potential for employment decentralization from leader to follower regions (Forslund and Johansson 1995; Forslund 1997). These industries that are termed urban growth industries are characterized by a strong over-representation in the leading urban region in Sweden—the Stockholm labor market region—in terms of employment and by employment growth in the rest of Sweden, i.e., outside the Stockholm region. The empirical analysis should, in particular, clarify whether employment decentralization is a general characteristic of these industries, which type of regions are gaining in the decentralization process, and what factors might explain the spatial behavior of these industries. The rest of the paper is organized as follows: The second section develops the conceptual basis. It gives a definition of the concept of spatial industrial dynamics; it presents the theoretical framework in terms of the filtering-down theory and the spatial product life cycle theory with a special emphasis on the role of the regional economic milieu for industrial location; and, in particular, it presents the theoretical arguments for one of the main claims of this paper, namely, that growing and maturing service industries exhibit patterns of employment decentralization similar to those of manufacturing industries. The empirical results of this study are presented in the third section as well as the data and the empirical methods used. Conclusions and suggestions for future research are presented in the last section. Spatial Industrial Dynamics Spatial industrial dynamics have been suggested in Karlsson (1997) as a general concept to characterize the research area within regional science that focuses on processes such as the evolution of technologies, firms and industries within functional regions and within the system of functional regions and on the causes and consequences of these processes.1 In particular, spatial industrial dynamics emphasize the dynamic relationships between market accessibility, internal economies of scale, the regional economic milieu in terms of regionally trapped location attributes and external economies of scale, and the location behavior of firms, and, hence, industries. Decisions by firms to initiate, expand, contract, lay down, and/or relocate activities are assumed to be influenced by the attributes of the economic milieu in the functional regions of a multi-regional system. Hence, firms select and retain their location based on many factors which have a specific composition in each individual case. SPATIAL INDUSTRIAL DYNAMICS 187 A functional region is fundamentally characterized by its density of economic activities, social opportunities, and interaction options, and by a high frequency of spatial interaction between the actors within the region, usually an urban region (Johansson 1997).2 Density is a positive factor to the extent that it creates accessibility to households, firms, and other economic actors. Accessibility is obtained by an appropriate combination of density and infrastructure, and it is the dynamic interaction between these three factors that forms the core of urban regional policy. If density increases and the infrastructure remains unchanged, congestion and other tension phenomena may follow. As a consequence, accessibility is reduced and the value of density declines. Infrastructure without matching density, on the other hand, represents only idle opportunities. Economic density can be interpreted as intra-regional accessibility within a functional region, i.e. accessibility to resources and between economic actors. The importance of density can be further illuminated by relating it to the concept of economic milieu. Milieu advantages of urban regions were described by Hägerstrand (1970), who emphasized that a well-developed economic milieu considerably facilitates the contacts between decision-makers, between experts and between sellers and buyers. This argument is accentuated when it is combined with observations of an emerging knowledge economy made during recent decades (Malecki 1980; Noyelle 1983; Andersson 1985). This development implies that the average firm gradually uses an increasing share of knowledge-intensive labor for both current operations and for R&D activities. Another related characteristic of the ongoing transformation is that a growing share of the value added is allocated to R&D investments (Andersson et al. 1989; Anderstig and Hårsman 1986). In this type of economy, nearby personal interaction becomes an inherent element of development, production, and transaction processes. Under these circumstances, firms will benefit from urban density with proximity and a multitude of contact possibilities. It is an important purpose of the theory of spatial industrial dynamics to try to explain why the economic milieu of a functional region can be advantageous for certain sets of economic activities and less advantageous for others. In the regional science literature two basic types of models have been employed to explain location patterns. Both of them can be extended to include dynamic change processes. The first type of models consists of central place system (CPS) models. CPS-models focus on demand-based specialization in the sense that regions that are large and dense can host a richer variety of output than smaller and less dense regions (Beckmann 1958; Tinbergen 1967). Within a CPS-model, it is the size of the set-up costs for each given product that determines the necessary size of a region’s market area. When the market area is too small, the region will not host the activity in question. At a given point in 188 GROWTH AND CHANGE, SPRING 1999 time, it is possible to identify certain high-rank products that are produced only in those urban regions, where the accessible demand is large enough. The second class of models consists of location advantage (LA) models. In LA-models the specialization pattern of regions is primarily supply-based in the sense that the resource profile of each region determines its location advantages in a multi-regional system (Johansson 1997). Certain economic activities are based upon natural resources, which have to be extracted or harvested in the region where they are located. A standard LA-model will predict where among available regions such resources will be harvested (Moroney and Walker 1966; Smith 1975). The filtering-down (FD) theory and spatial product life cycle (SPC) theory both offer dynamic explanations for the location behavior of firms within a CPSand a LA-framework, respectively. One major difference between the two theories is the following: the filtering-down theory stresses the hypothesis that industries filter down through the system of urban places in a hierarchical manner from locations of greater to locations of lesser industrial sophistication (Thompson 1969). The spatial product life cycle theory, on the other hand, does not present any similar strict hypothesis concerning the spatial relocation pattern as products age. In a dynamic CPS-model, such as the filtering-down theory, technical change and/or demand change will influence commodities (or product groups) to shift position over time and thereby reshape the specialization pattern (Camagni et al. 1986). Standardization of products and routinization of production may lower the set-up costs as well as variable production costs. Market demand may also increase due to improvements in real income, changes in taste, and outsourcing of activities from firms. As a consequence, activities may gradually filter down (or diffuse down) the hierarchy of functional urban regions over time. In this way the filtering-down model refers to commodities which spread from one level of an urban hierarchy to all functional regions at the next level. The spatial product life cycle theory that belongs to the family of dynamic LA-models assumes that a high proportion of new products are initiated or imitated (at an early stage) in a leading region with an opportunity-rich economic milieu. As production expands, products are standardized and techniques routinized, and then relocation takes place. However, the number of followers is expected to be limited, since growing economies of scale prevent full decentralization to many regions. According to this approach changes in location is assumed to be supply dependent also at the later stages of the product cycle (Vernon 1960; Hirsch 1967; Norton and Rees 1979; Erickson and Leinbach 1979; Andersson and Johansson 1984; Johansson and Karlsson 1986). Hence, this theory stresses the importance of external economies for the location behavior during the life of a product. When relocation takes place, production may be concentrated in a small set of very specialized regions. At this stage SPATIAL INDUSTRIAL DYNAMICS 189 localization economies which are very strong and which provide individual regions with a location advantage may be identified (cf. Marshall 1920; Krugman 1991). Both SPC- and FD-theories assume that the development of a product or an industry follows a sequence with an introduction phase, a growth phase, and a maturing phase that takes the shape of an S-shaped growth curve.4 The life cycle perspective makes it possible to see patterns in the continuously adjusting spatial structure as regards intra-urban as well as interregional development. As the life cycle concept is a dynamic concept it is very useful for the analysis of a number of locational changes, because in reality firms are dealing with a dynamic market environment in the competitive struggle, i.e. competition is a dynamic process (Clark 1940). In particular, the life cycle concept seems to be a useful device to explain locational dynamics, especially in the case of interregional relocation processes for new sectors (Aydalot 1984). This section starts with specifying those attributes of the regional economic milieu that have locational implications. As a next step location behavior during different phases of a product’s life cycle is discussed. The discussion is extended to cover not only location behavior within manufacturing but also within service production. Regional economic milieu and industrial location. Regional economic milieu is used here as a collect term for the location attributes of a region, i.e. for those localized factors which affect the location of economic activities in the form of birth, growth, decline, and disappearance. Variations in these location attributes give regions individual opportunities to specialize in accordance with their comparative advantages as stated by the Heckscher-Ohlin model which refers back to Ricardo. This model defines an equilibrium in which every region has a relative advantage, given its supply of located (trapped) resources, which constitute the invariant economic milieu of each particular region. Hence, the location attributes of a region comprise those location attributes which are regionally trapped and which influence the transaction, production, and innovation possibilities in a region and, thus, the costs for carrying through these activities. In addition, the economic milieu also embraces agglomeration economies which implies that it partly evolves in a self-organizing and selfreinforcing way. Some of the attributes that constitute the economic milieu are given by nature. Other attributes are created by learning-by-doing, accumulation and investment processes and, hence, include the experiences, the skills, the knowledge, the education, and the competencies held by the labor force in the region (to the degree that the households display a low propensity to move out of the region). Infrastructure and other built environment constitute another set of investment-based attributes making up the economic milieu of a region. The economic milieu of a region determine its comparative advantages. The above definition of economic milieu shows that location attributes can be self- 190 GROWTH AND CHANGE, SPRING 1999 reinforcing and that they can be influenced in both the medium and the long term. Given the idea that location attributes can be influenced over time, a more dynamic principle has been formulated—a theory of dynamic regional comparative advantage. When regions specialize according to their comparative advantages three types of specialization phenomena occur: (i) agglomeration economies, (ii) localization economies, and (iii) other specific resource advantages including internal economies of scale. Localization economies may be described as specialized external economies of scale and can be associated with small as well as large functional regions. Agglomeration economies, that primarily are found in metropolitan regions, are based upon an abundance of positive supply externalities (Vernon 1960). In this context one can observe that Marshall (1920) already identified three specific conditions which explained why firms in a certain sector tend to be localized, i.e. why they could function more efficiently and improve the regional economic milieu, when located near each other. First, an industrial center, and, in particular, a diversified urban region that is a center for several industries allows a pooled (and robust) market for workers with specialized skills and varied competence profiles. Such a robust labor market benefits both workers and firms. Second, the same urban region can provide non-traded (public) inputs specific to each of its localized industries at lower costs, which affect the productivity and/or the cost level of firms in the region. Third, new and subtle information about new production techniques, new products, and available suppliers and customers can spread more easily and accurately within a local environment and its intra-regional information networks than in distant networks, and this generates market and technology spillovers (cf. Johansson and Wigren 1996). The same three conditions can also be applied to explain why the multiplicity and richness of a specific economic milieu (agglomeration diversity) simultaneously bring benefits to firms in many sectors. Agglomeration economies are reinforced by the comparatively large and differentiated supply of producer services in metropolitan regions. The Marshall inspired argument above means that a specialized industrial center can self-reinforce its location advantages for a specific industry. It also means that a vital and multifaceted urban region can do even better. It can provide (i) a creative milieu (Andersson 1985), (ii) a diversified supply of various producer services, (iii) an intra-regional network for information flows about new production techniques, products, customers, and suppliers (Johansson et al. 1991), and (iv) a large and differentiated supply of labor categories. This enumeration of location attributes tends to emphasize intra-regional accessibility and the associated infrastructure. It also implies that the firms in a region may mutually constitute each other’s production milieu characteristics. However, one SPATIAL INDUSTRIAL DYNAMICS 191 should also add the importance of inter-regional interaction links and pertinent accessibility properties (Johansson 1996). The developments during the last decades seem to show that accessibility to innovations and knowledge creation has become the most decisive production factor. The production factor labor is splitting up into physical labor and knowledge labor. The location behavior of firms and the inter-regional and international division of labor are related to this change in the composition of production factors. In order to be able to understand the relationship between technological change, knowledge, production, and location, it is useful to follow Andersson and Johansson (1984b, 35f) with their concepts: 1. Information or data: elemental units with a very limited structure; 2. Knowledge: which is structurally ordered; 3. Competence: which can be seen as knowledge embodied in instruments, social interaction patterns, and other social and physical objects; 4. Creativity: which is the concept of the highest order. Creativity presumes a capacity to order and re-order information with the aid of a knowledge system. Andersson and Johansson (aa, 35f) stress that “We assume that the creative process is synergetic and this implies that information, knowledge, and competence are brought into an intensive interaction with each other in order to shape new knowledge, i.e. new products, new processes, and even new scientific fields”. They continue by saying that “it would be argued that the further down in this hierarchy of concepts, the less important has telecommunication turned out to be. The social dimension of knowledge and competence communication seems to be extremely strong and gives a very large relative efficiency of face to face communication”. And “... the transportation and telecommunication revolution has primarily had a decentralization effect for those occupations involved in producing and transporting goods and information in the sense defined above. According to this hypothesis, we should expect that persons involved in knowledge, and competence transfers, and in creative activities, should have a very strong tendency to cluster in the metropolitan areas and other centers of extremely good accessibility, while information handling (especially when it is used to control goods processing and transportation activities), should be squeezed out of those areas to regions of lower density and lower short-distance accessibility.”. The alteration of the composition of human productive activities demands a strong emphasis on the conditions for creativity as well as for the diffusion of the results of creative processes, i.e. spatial effects of technological development (widely defined) deserve an increased interest. The decentralization of manufacturing industries and products. Industrial decentralization represents the spatial manifestation of changes which occur in production and industrial organization along the product life cycle. For 192 GROWTH AND CHANGE, SPRING 1999 manufacturing products three phases of growth through which many products typically pass have been identified (Hirsch 1965, 1967; Vernon 1966; Karlsson 1988). In the gestation, or new product phase, a firm starts its production of a new innovation-based product. This creates an initial advantage on the market place in the form of a temporary monopolistic market position. This phase is characterized by labor-intensive production techniques and a substantial dependency on engineering and technical inputs as well as on more general external economies. It is also dependent upon close contacts with a number of advanced customers. These dependencies generally restrict the product development phase to larger urban areas. During the growth phase, the volume of product output increases due to rapidly increasing market demand. Now imitation generally increases competition and the initial advantage now tends to decrease. The initiator’s ability to keep its position depends on its ability to buy out new successful competitors and/or to compete successfully by means of price and quality policies. Managerial ability and investment capital for expansion are critical production factors during this intermediate phase of the product cycle. Especially in later stages of the growth phase, the skill requirements tend to begin to decline as production processes become standardized and mechanized. Increasing market demand stimulates the opening up of production at other locations. The “mature” phase is characterized by its slow rate of growth or even absolute decline in product output. The transfer from growth to maturity tends to be characterized by a strong rivalry, mergers and acquisitions, and relocations. The availability of a pool of cheap unskilled labor and low location costs (i.e. costs of real estate, transportation costs, institutional costs, and environmental costs) permits firms after relocation to produce efficiently and competitively in a tightening market. Firms may profit from taking the opportunity to relocate since products that reach the late growth or the mature phase are no longer dependent upon the economic milieu offered by the large urban regions. The main reason for this is, of course, that the rate of both product and process innovation decline rapidly in late product cycle stages. Hence, the general assumption is that the life cycle phase of a product, a firm, or an industry is an important factor explaining its spatial behavior. It should be observed that in addition to an actual relocation of firms and jobs from the larger urban regions to smaller regions, a substantial part of the employment increase in the latter regions also occurs as a result of an expansion in existing enterprises that take up new product lines and start-ups of new firms within the expanding and/or relocating industries (Erickson 1976). The decentralization of service products and industries. Most theoretical and empirical studies of the spatial product life cycle theory and the filteringdown theory have chosen manufacturing products, firms, or industries as their SPATIAL INDUSTRIAL DYNAMICS 193 study object. However, the growing prominence of service activities poses a substantial challenge for studies of urban and regional development which, until recently, have been dominated by models of change that are based on the manufacturing sector as the major engine of growth (Marshall and Wood 1992). Hence, there seem to be good reasons to also include service products, firms, and industries in the research on spatial industrial dynamics. Service activities are those activities which do not (directly) produce or modify physical goods (Illeris 1996).1 Normally the service sector is assumed to be comprised of trade, transportation, communication, business services, and private services. One should note that service products in many cases are not homogeneous. Instead they are often quite heterogeneous and, hence, customers are not indifferent to which service provider they choose. In what has been considered the typical service relation, the producer and the user both are more or less involved in the production of the service, and, hence, have to be present at the same time and place, face-to-face. The obvious conclusion to be drawn from this all too simplified view of service production concerning the spatial distribution of service activities is that this distribution should mirror the spatial distribution of other production activities (services to businesses) and of the population (services to households). However, as with all other kinds of production, service production has set-up costs that vary with the type of service production. Hence, due to the existence of varying set-up costs, the availability of various services in different regions will vary with the market size of the region. The larger the market size the larger the number of different kinds of services supplied. Thus, one should expect services that are used more seldom to be concentrated in the larger urban regions with varying arrangements for service provision. In some cases the user will travel to the region where the service is produced, but in other cases the service provider will travel to the location of the customer. These arrangements can be expected to vary with the characteristics of the service provided. However, one should not forget that some services might be provided at a distance without any face-to-face contact at one spot between the producer and the user, by means of, for example, contacts using telecommunication equipment. One example might be helpdesks for computer users. In this case the location of the provider becomes irrelevant to the user and is often even unknown. It is also of vital importance to note that it is possible to use an increasing number of services without any personal contact between the user and the provider. Computer programs are one example. Another example is all those services that today are available via the Internet. Also, in this case, the location of the provider becomes irrelevant to the user. Thus, one might draw the conclusion that services that are produced without any face-to-face contact between the provider and the producer, in principle, can be located without any regard to the location of the users, and, hence, the location 194 GROWTH AND CHANGE, SPRING 1999 of this kind of service activities should be expected to be governed by the location advantages offered by different regions. Having established a theoretical understanding of those factors determining the location of service activities the next question concerns the spatial behavior of service activities over time. A basic hypothesis of this paper is that service activities in many cases tend to follow spatio-temporal patterns in their development that have strong similarities with the patterns discovered for manufacturing activities, although the driving forces in some cases may be different. It seems quite natural to assume that new service products, or what might be called service innovations, are developed and first put out on the market in the larger urban regions—the leader regions—where the most advanced and demanding customers normally are found. These large urban regions also contain the different types of advanced specialists skills that are needed to develop and design new service concepts. But, as with manufacturing products, many (but not all!) service products tend to become standardized over time and so does the manner in which they are produced and thus provided to customers. Generally, this means that the set-up costs will decline as will the variable production costs. Competition among service producers now increases, as new service producers enter the market and the prices of services tend to decline. When this happens, service production will tend to decentralize, i.e. to filter down, from the large urban regions to mediumsized and smaller regions—the follower regions. Such a decentralization might also be stimulated by a more general increase in the demand for the actual services when they become established in the market place and when real incomes increase in the follower regions, and hence, the market threshold will be passed in more regions. The market size in the follower regions might also increase due to improved accessibility to surrounding smaller regions due to infrastructure improvements. For service production it is also important to acknowledge another type of decentralization based upon a new type of organization and spatial division of labor within service industries. Due to developments within communication technology and improvements of the transportation system—in particular, the air transportation system5—since the early 1970’s, it has become possible to break out routine functions within service production and locate them either in the outskirts of the large urban regions or often in very peripheral regions offering low labor and land costs. The location chosen will, in line with the spatial product life cycle theory, mainly be determined by the location advantages offered by different regions. This kind of decentralization might also be stimulated by increasing land and labor costs in the leader regions. However, there also exist factors that tend to stimulate a centralization of at least some service activities. One example of this is technological changes that SPATIAL INDUSTRIAL DYNAMICS 195 automate routine service work or make it possible to transfer routine work to the service customers, e.g. automatic teller machines and personal bank transactions via the Internet. Hence, it seems reasonable to expect patterns of spatial decentralization for many service activities that have a close resemblance with those observed for many manufacturing activities, but probably a greater tendency for decentralization of the filtering-down type. However, one should also in some cases expect to find patterns of spatial centralization for some kind of services and, in particular, for those services with a high potential to computerize the service production. The Spatial Industrial Dynamics of Urban Growth Industries In this section the spatial industrial dynamics within a set of industries, that Karlsson (1997) has defined as urban growth industries, is explored. The set consists of 19 industries that were selected from a larger set of 107 industries covering all gainful employment in Sweden. The 19 industries have two common characteristics: (i) using the location quotient as a criterion they had a strong overrepresentation in the Stockholm labor market region in the year 1980 (in total 35 industries showed a strong over-representation that year),6 (ii) they had a positive employment growth in the rest of Sweden, i.e. in Sweden outside the Stockholm labor market region, during the period 1980-93 (in total 28 industries exhibited a positive employment growth). A major reason for studying the development of these industries in more detail is that the Stockholm region is a leading region not only in Sweden but also within the Nordic countries. Industries that have expanded and reached a strong over-representation in the Stockholm region can generally be expected to be industries that will have a strong growth potential in other Swedish regions in the future (Forslund 1997). As a first step, some basic information about the 19 urban growth industries is presented in Table 1. The industries are ranked in descending order after the value of their location quotient for the Stockholm labor market region in 1980. One might observe that only two industries from the manufacturing sector— drugs and medicines, and professional and scientific instruments—show up among the urban growth industries. The growth record for most of the urban growth industries during the period 1980-1993 is quite impressive, in particular, in comparison with the development of total employment in Sweden that fell by over 7 percent during the same period. The table also shows the importance of the urban growth industries, as defined here, for the total employment in Sweden. In the year 1993 they accounted for almost 16 percent of all employment in Sweden. 196 GROWTH AND CHANGE, SPRING 1999 TABLE 1. U RBAN GROWTH INDUSTRIES IN SWEDEN. SOME BASIC DATA. Industrial code Industry (SNI) 8103 713 8102 932 8325 8323 3522 6112 3851 8321 7112 8329 8324 82 94 92004 6310 8322 8101 Employment 1993 Employment growth 1980-1993 (%) Financial services Air transport services Other financial institutions R&D institutes Advertising and market research services Data processing and consulting Drugs and medicines Wholesaling of machinery Professional and scientific instruments Legal services Urban, suburban and interurban passenger transportation Other business services Engineering and technical consulting Insurance services Recreational and cultural services Char and similar cleaning Restaurants and cafés Accounting and auditing services Monetary institutions All urban growth industries All industries 12,620 16,102 5,549 23,181 16,388 31,550 12,046 60,569 12,649 8,096 25,661 + 95.9 + 57.2 + 35.7 + 164.4 + 60.8 + 191.1 + 55.5 + 40.3 + 19.1 + 55.0 + 0.2 49,516 49,421 42,493 68,781 32,810 47,604 24,355 46,402 585,793 + 48.0 + 15.3 + 9.0 + 0.7 + 74.3 + 25.0 + 47.1 + 13.9 +32.9 3,670,745 - 7.2 Source: Statistics Sweden The urban growth industries were selected based upon their degree of overrepresentation in the Stockholm region. In the next step the spatial concentration of the urban growth industries over all 70 labor market regions in Sweden is studied. As different concentration measures give somewhat different results, three different concentration measures are used here. The first concentration measure used is the sum-of-squared-shares measure or Herfindahl index, which is defined below as H (Wheaton and Shishido 1981): n Hi = Σ ( Eij / Ei ) 2 , j =1 (1) where Eij is the employment in industry i in region j, Ei total employment in industry i, and n the number of regions. The maximum value of H is 1 and is achieved when all employment in an industry is concentrated to one region. Its minimum value in the actual case when n = 70 is equal to 0.0144. The second concentration measure used is the entropy measure of diversity D (E1,E2,…..En), which is defined as follows using the same symbols as in definition (3.1) (Attaran and Zwick 1989): SPATIAL INDUSTRIAL DYNAMICS 197 n Di ( E1 , E2 ,..... En ) = − Σ Eij log 2 Eij . j =1 (2) When all employment in an industry is concentrated to one region the entropy measure becomes equal to 0. When the employment in an industry in the case with 70 regions is evenly spread over all the regions the entropy measure gets the value 6.1293. The third concentration measure used is the Gini coefficient (Krugman 1991; Hay and Morris 1979), which is calculated as a summary statistic that can be derived from the Lorenz curve. The Lorenz curve plots cumulative percentages of employment in a given industry against cumulative percentages of employment in the same industry in different regions, starting with the region with the smallest employment. The Gini coefficient measures the deviance of the Lorenz curve from the line of absolute equality. The deviance area is compared with the double area of the triangle created by the line of absolute equality. The Gini coefficient gets the value 0 when the employment is evenly distributed over all regions and the value 0.5 when the employment is concentrated to one region. The results of computing the three concentration measures are presented in Table 2. What should be observed, in particular, is that the spatial concentration varies vary significantly between the different industries and also that a very high spatial concentration is rather unusual. One can see that a strong overrepresentation in the Stockholm labor market region in the year 1980 as measured by the location quotient (LQ) has a strong correlation with the three concentration measures used for the year 1993. Even if the different rankings differ to a slight extent, there is, as is shown in Table 3, a high rank correlation between the different rankings. It should be observed that, in particular, the HI-measure is strongly influenced by an industry’s location quotient in the Stockholm region. Now the main stage for the empirical investigation in this paper has been set. In the following, the main research questions of this paper are discussed. The first question asked is, what happened with the spatial concentration of the urban growth industries during the period 1980-1993? Are there signs of the expected decentralization of employment? A first answer is given in Table 4. In the table, a + indicates an increasing spatial concentration and a – a decreasing one. To test the statistical significance of the change in concentration, a simple linear regression equation was fitted to the time series for the different concentration measures for the 19 urban growth industries for the period 19801993: t = 1980, 1985, 1990, 1992, 1993, (3) Cit = ai + bit , where Cit is the measure of concentration for industry i in year t. ai and bit are parameters to be estimated. A t-test of the slope parameter bit is used to determine 198 GROWTH AND CHANGE, SPRING 1999 TABLE 2. THE SPATIAL CONCENTRATION OF URBAN GROWTH INDUSTRIES 1993 Industrial code Industry (SNI) 8103 713 8102 932 8325 8323 3522 6112 3851 8321 7112 8329 8324 82 94 92004 6310 8322 8101 Financial services Air transport services Other financial institutions R&D institutes Advertising and market research services Data processing and consulting Drugs and medicines Wholesaling of machinery Professional and scientific instruments Legal services Urban, suburban and interurban passenger transportation Other business services Engineering and technical consulting Insurance services Recreational and cultural services Char and similar cleaning Restaurants and cafés Accounting and auditing services Monetary institutions Hi Di Gi (rank) (rank) (rank) 0.899 (1) 0.437 (2) 0.350 (3) 0.325 (4) 0.475 (1) 2.272 (3) 3.123 (7) 2.709 (4) 0.389 (1) 0.311 (3) 0.250 (8) 0.288 (4) 0.321 (5) 0.298 (7) 0.320 (6) 0.229 (8) 2.884 (5) 3.040 (6) 2.196 (2) 3.657 (9) 0.255 (7) 0.262 (6) 0.366 (2) 0.194 (9) 0.217 (9) 0.178 (10) 3.446 (8) 3.993 (10) 0.276 (5) 0.162 (11) 0.177 (11) 0.163 (12) 4.052 (12) 4.193 (13) 0.155 (12) 0.141 (14) 0.162 (13) 0.149 (14) 0.148 (15) 0.142 (16) 0.139 (17) 0.122 (18) 0.103 (19) 4.033 (11) 4.325 (15) 4.346 (17) 4.213 (14) 4.344 (16) 4.552 (18) 4.740 (19) 0.168 (10) 0.130 (15) 0.120 (17) 0.153 (13) 0.122 (16) 0.105 (18) 0.078 (19) Source: Computations by the author based upon data from Statistics Sweden TABLE 3. RANK CORRELATION BETWEEN THE DIFFERENT CONCENTRATION MEASURES 1993 LQ H D G LQ 1 H 0.998 1 D 0.947 0.954 1 G 0.911 0.918 0.984 1 Source: See Table 2. whether the trend towards larger or smaller spatial concentration is statistically significant or not. A + or a - with a * in Table 4 indicates that the slope parameter is statistically significant at the 0.95-level. Looking at Table 4 there is no doubt that the dominating trend for urban growth industries in Sweden has been a decreasing spatial concentration. More than two-thirds of the industries in Table 4 exhibit a decreasing spatial concentration, and in the majority of cases the decentralization trend is statistically SPATIAL INDUSTRIAL DYNAMICS 199 TABLE 4. TRENDS IN 1980-1993 THE SPATIAL CONCENTRATION OF URBAN GROWTH INDUSTRIES Industrial code (SNI) Industry 8103 713 8102 932 8325 Financial services Air transport services Other financial institutions R&D institutes Advertising and market research services Data processing and consulting Drugs and medicines Wholesaling of machinery Professional and scientific instruments Legal services Urban, suburban and interurban passenger transportation Other business services Engineering and technical consulting Insurance services Recreational and cultural services Char and similar cleaning Restaurants and cafés Accounting and auditing services Monetary institutions 8323 3522 6112 3851 8321 7112 8329 8324 82 94 92004 6310 8322 8101 Hi Di Gi -* + -* -* -* + - -* + + -* + -* -* + -* -* -* -* -* + +* + + -* + -* + -* + -* + -* -* -* -* +* -* -* -* -* +* +* Source: See Table 2. * indicates significance at the 95 %-level significant. In the group of industries with a decreasing spatial concentration one finds financial services, air transport services, advertising and market research services, data processing and consulting, wholesaling of machinery, urban, suburban and interurban passenger transportation, engineering and technical consulting, recreational and cultural services, char and similar cleaning, restaurants and cafés, and accounting and auditing services. For four industries, namely R&D institutes, drugs and medicines, professional and scientific instruments, and insurance services, the three concentration measures do not give the same sign for the trend in the spatial concentration, i.e. the results are ambiguous. Four industries seem to have been experiencing an increasing spatial concentration during the period. These industries are other financial services, legal services, other business services, and monetary institutions, i.e. banks. However, of the industries showing signs of an increasing spatial concentration, only one industry—monetary institutions—presents a statistically significant positive trend for all the three concentration measures. In the table one can see that the different concentration measures in almost all cases give similar 200 GROWTH AND CHANGE, SPRING 1999 indications of the sign of the time trend. In only four cases the results are somewhat ambiguous. To summarize the results, one can say that the dominating trend among the urban growth industries as defined here is a trend towards decreasing spatial concentration. Given the results presented in Table 4, a natural follow-up question concerns how the developments of different industries in terms of decentralization and in some cases centralization have affected different types of regions. To answer this question the 70 labor market regions in Sweden are ranked in descending order based upon their total employment in the year 1980. These 70 regions are then aggregated into 10 groups with seven regions in each group, ranking from the seven largest regions to the seven smallest regions. To complement the analysis, the Stockholm labor market region and the three metropolitan regions (Stockholm, Gothenburg, and Malmö) as a group are kept distinct in the analysis, but are also included in the group of regions containing the seven largest regions. To analyze the differences in development of the different industries covered by the analysis, in the Swedish system of regions a traditional shiftshare analysis was carried through, whereby the total employment change in each industry in each region was divided into three components (Markusen et al. 1991): ∆Eij0,t = Eij0 e + Eij0 (ei - e ) + Eij0 (eij - ei ) (4) where ∆ represents the change, E the employment, j the region, i the industry, 0 the initial time period, t a subsequent time period, and e the growth rate from 0 to t. In the following, the interest is concentrated on the third part of (4)—the so called competitive shift component, which reflects differences in the industrial growth rate between different regions when the general national growth rate and the growth rate of the actual industry have been accounted for. The results are gathered in Table 5 and in the Appendix and illustrated in Figure 1. As regards the overall magnitudes of the competitive shift components, it is obvious that Sweden during the period 1980-1993 did not experience a drastic change in the spatial distribution of its urban growth industries. At the bottom of the table in the Appendix, in the row named All, one finds, for example, that for the Stockholm region the shift component is negative and equals a competitive loss of 21,362 jobs, which is equal to 2.72 percent of all jobs in the region in the year 1980. The other large regions in the group Reg. 1-7 have done somewhat better and reduced the net shift component by 1,174 jobs. The big winner in the game has been the second largest group of regions— Reg. 8-14—with a high positive shift component equal to 12,401 jobs, which is equal to 2.44 percent of all jobs in these regions in the year 1980. This is in line with what is predicted by the filtering down theory—the larger regions should Table 5. The Sign of the Competitive Shift Component for the Period 1980-1993 Indust. code 8103 713 8102 932 8325 8323 3522 6112 3851 8321 7112 8329 8324 82 94 92004 6310 8322 8101 No of + StockHolm Metro politan Reg 1-7 + + + + + + 6 + + + + + + 6 + + + + + + 6 Source: See Table 2. Reg 8-14 Reg 15-21 Reg 22-28 Reg 29-35 Reg 36-42 Reg 43-49 Reg 50-56 Reg 57-63 Reg 64-70 + + + + + + + + + + + + + 13 + + + + + + + + + + 10 + + + + + + + + + + 10 + + + + + + + + + + + + + 13 + + + + + + + + + + + 11 + + + + + + + + 8 + + 0 0 + + + + + + + 9 + + + + 0 + + + + + 9 + + 0 + + + + + + + 9 202 GROWTH AND CHANGE, SPRING 1999 benefit first when jobs are decentralized from the largest urban regions. For the smaller regions the fortunes have been mixed. For them there seems to be no systematic connection between the size category of a region and the size of the shift component. The percentage figures—computed as the total shift component’s percentage share of the total number of employed in the actual group of regions in the year 1990—show this. Figure 1 illustrates the competitive shift component’s percentage share of the total number of employees in each labor market region in the year 1980. The map shows that Northern Sweden, i.e. the sparsely populated part of Sweden, has been gaining together with the western part of Southern Sweden, with Malmö metropolitan region as a major exception. The losing regions, on the other hand, are mostly found in the eastern part of Southern Sweden including the Stockholm metropolitan region. It is, however, difficult to find any obvious reasons for this spatial pattern. Turning to the different industries in Table 5, one can see that even for those industries that exhibited a significant decreasing spatial concentration in Table 4 there is not a single decentralization pattern but instead several patterns. The most uniform decentralization pattern is found for the industry SNI 8325 (Advertising and market research services) where all groups of regions outside the seven largest regions gain, except the size group Reg. 50-56 where the shift component is zero. Uniform decentralization patterns are also found for SNI 8103 (Financial services) and SNI 7112 (Urban, suburban and interurban passenger transportation), which exhibit a positive shift component for all size groups except the largest and the smallest. SNI 94 (Recreational and cultural services) also exhibits a rather uniform pattern, with a positive shift component for regions in all size groups except the largest and the size group Reg. 36-42. For the remaining two industries with a significant decreasing spatial concentration SNI 6112 (Wholesaling of machinery) and SNI 8324 (Engineering and technical consulting) positive and negative shift components are mixed without any clear pattern. The same is true for the other industries with a decreasing (but statistically not significant) spatial concentration, i.e. SNI 713 (Air transport services), SNI 8323 (Data processing and consulting), SNI 92004 (Char and similar cleaning), SNI 6310 (Restaurants and cafés) and SNI 8322 (Accounting and auditing services). Turning now to the industries exhibiting an increasing spatial concentration the most clear pattern is found for SNI 8321 (Legal services) and SNI 8102 (Other financial institutions) where all size groups of regions except the largest group (Reg. 1-7) show a negative shift component. For SNI 8329 (Other business services) the two largest size groups Reg. 1-7 and Reg. 8-14 together with the size group Reg. 36-42 present a positive shift component, while for SNI 8101 (Monetary institutions) there is no clear-cut pattern. 204 GROWTH AND CHANGE, SPRING 1999 For the remaining industries the pattern for SNI 82 (Insurance services) is quite interesting. It displays a positive shift component for the Stockholm region and for the six smallest size groups while the largest regions (except the Stockholm region) show a negative shift component. This pattern mirrors the transformations going on within the insurance industry where the larger regional offices lose their functions mainly due to the developments within information technology that makes it possible to centralize the more advanced functions to the head office in the Stockholm region, with employment growth there as a result. During the same period a number of mergers and acquisitions have also taken place within the insurance industry that, in particular, have resulted in a takeover of regionally controlled insurance companies by companies with their head office in Stockholm. The positive shift component for the smaller regions probably indicates an ongoing decentralization of routine jobs from the larger regions to peripheral, low-cost regions. SNI 3522 (Drugs and medicines) shows a clear pattern of employment growth in the very largest regions. For SNI 932 (R&D institutes) and SNI 3851 (Professional and scientific instruments) there are no clear-cut patterns. The competitive shift component is, as was mentioned above, simply a residual capturing all that cannot be explained by the overall national rate of change of employment and the rate of change of the actual industry. To at least partly overcome this weakness, a regression exercise is carried out in an attempt to explain variations in the competitive shift component between different regions. The dependent variable in this exercise is the value of the competitive shift component for each region for the period 1980-1993. The model is a simple linear model and the regression is carried out by means of a stepwise regression procedure. Four explanatory variables are tested: (i) the total number employed in each region in the year 1980, (ii) the total number employed in each region in the year 1980 squared, (iii) employment density, i.e. the total number employed in each region in the year 1980 divided by the area of the region in square kilometers, and (iv) the share of knowledge-handlers7 among the employed in each region in the year 1985. Each of these variables can be related to the theoretical discussion in second section above. The results of the regression exercise can be found in Table 6. The first impression of Table 6 is that the variation explained is quite high in the majority of cases. In thirteen cases R2 (Adj.) is higher than 50 percent and in nine cases it is higher than 75 percent. The estimations for individual industries are not discussed here. Instead the discussion is concentrated on the overall patterns. All plusses and minuses in the table indicate an estimate that is significant at the 0.95 percent level. In eight cases the total employment in 1980 exerted a significant positive influence on the competitive shift component, indicating the presence of a positive scale factor. However, the scale factor is characterized by diminishing returns. This is shown by the sign for the second SPATIAL INDUSTRIAL DYNAMICS 205 TABLE 6. TOWARDS AN EXPLANATION OF THE COMPETITIVE SHIFT COMPONENT 1980-1993 Industry code (SNI) 8103 713 8102 932 8325 8323 3522 6112 3851 8321 7112 8329 8324 82 94 92004 6310 8322 8101 Industry Financial services Air transport services Other financial institutions R&D institutes Advertising and market research services Data processing and consulting Drugs and medicines Wholesaling of machinery Professional and scientific instruments Legal services Urban, suburban and interurban passenger transportation Other business services Engineering and technical consulting Insurance services Recreational and cultural services Char and similar cleaning Restaurants and cafés Accounting and auditing services Monetary institutions All 19 industries Total employment 1980 + + + Total employment 1980 squared EmployShare of ment per knowledge 2 square km handlers R 1980 1985 (Adj.) - + - + - 0.96 0.44 + 0.47 0.45 - + 0.84 - - 0.59 + + - - - 0.28 0.76 + + 0.46 + - 0.24 + - 0.94 - + 0.86 + - + 0.73 0.58 - - 0.90 - 0.85 0.61 + - + + - Number of observations = 70 All variables included are significant at the 95 %-level. Source: See Table 2. - + 0.27 0.94 + 0.87 206 GROWTH AND CHANGE, SPRING 1999 variable—total employment 1980 squared—that exerts a significant negative influence in thirteen cases, and, in particular in all cases when the scale parameter was positive. The influence of the employment density variable— employment per square kilometer 1980—varies, being negative in six cases and positive in five cases. The idea behind this variable is that it should act as a proxy variable for the quality of the economic milieu (cf. Ciccone and Hall 1996). Obviously, its importance varies substantially between different industries considering the simultaneous influence of the other explanatory variables. Also the knowledge intensity variable—share of knowledge handlers among the employees in 1985—has a mixed influence, being positive in three cases and negative in two. Conclusions and Suggestions for Future Research This paper started with an overview of important aspects of the theory of spatial industrial dynamics. In that overview one of the more conventional stories within spatial industrial dynamics theory was told. To recapitulate the story goes as follows: large regions with a “rich” economic milieu, so called leading regions, create the new growth products and the new growth industries based upon intense R&D efforts and rich import flows of new knowledge from other leading regions. Smaller regions with a less “rich” economic milieu, the so-called follower regions, on the other hand, wait for the production of the new products to become standardized so that their production can be relocated from the leader regions to the follower regions to create new employment in these regions. This is the standard spatial product life cycle story. However, in real life some industries do not relocate. In the theoretical part of this paper it is shown how improvements of the economic milieu in the leader regions may delay or even completely stop the relocation of the production within a certain industry. In the empirical part of the paper the spatial dynamics of a group of Swedish industries with an expected high potential for employment decentralization is analyzed. These industries, which in the paper are termed urban growth industries, are characterized by a strong over-representation in the leading urban region in Sweden—the Stockholm labor market region—in terms of employment, and by employment growth in the rest of Sweden, i.e. outside the Stockholm region. Nineteen such urban growth industries have been identified among a total of 107 industries covering all gainful employment in Sweden. When studying patterns of centralization and decentralization, three different concentration measures are used. They give somewhat different results for the period 1980-1993. However, for seven of the 19 cases, all three indicate a significant decentralization pattern. For five more cases, all three indicate a decentralization pattern, although not always significant. In one case they indicate a significant centralization pattern, and in three more cases a SPATIAL INDUSTRIAL DYNAMICS 207 centralization pattern that only is significant in one out of nine estimations. In three cases the different measures give contradictory results. The important conclusion from this exercise is that an over-representation in the Stockholm labor market region and employment growth outside the Stockholm region are not sufficient conditions to guarantee a pattern of employment decentralization for an industry. In a couple of cases the pattern is the opposite. But at the same time the analysis shows that there is clear evidence of employment decentralization in many cases, not least in several service industries. In the empirical part an attempt is also made to illustrate how regions in different size classes are affected by the spatial redistribution of employment among the urban growth industries. A shift-share analysis shows that the overall magnitudes of the competitive shift components are rather small and that, hence, Sweden during the period 1980-1993 did not experience a drastic change in the spatial distribution of its urban growth industries. However, the same analysis shows that while the Stockholm labor market region has been a loser when measured by the competitive shift component, the larger medium-sized regions seem to be the winners. The net effect of the employment decentralization seems in particular to have been in favor of these regions that are not the largest, but in the second tier of the Swedish size hierarchy of regions. The smaller regions seem much less affected by the employment decentralization, and that could be seen as an indicator that the filtering down theory is pointing in the right direction. New production first diffuses from the larger regions to the large medium-sized regions and probably first in later time periods to medium-sized and small regions. This is confirmed by a regression analysis trying to explain the competitive share component. A step-wise regression analysis for the different industries shows that size measured by total employment often turns up as an explanatory variable with a positive sign, while total employment squared in many cases turns up with a negative sign. This means that size is important but that there are decreasing returns to scale. The empirical results presented here are derived from Swedish data. Are the results then only valid for Sweden? Probably not. One should expect to find similar patterns in other small countries with a dominating capital region, like Norway, Finland, and Denmark. Perhaps not only small countries, but also large countries like the UK with a distinct urban hierarchy should be expected to exhibit similar patterns of decentralization (and centralization) since the driving forces to a high degree are the same in different countries. In a country like Germany, on the other hand, with a less distinct urban hierarchy one might find different patterns. However, in some states in Germany, like Bavaria, one might again find similar patterns. As regards the U.S. there are probably strong similarities with Germany. Hence, it is unclear whether the patterns detected here apply at the national level but they might very well apply at the state level. 208 GROWTH AND CHANGE, SPRING 1999 In indicating areas for future research, it seems safe to argue that more efforts must be devoted to understanding the spatial dynamics of industries from a theoretical point of view. In the empirical analysis within the field of spatial industrial dynamics more insights might be gained if gross changes instead of net changes in employment could be studied. In this connection it would be interesting also to make a distinction between the actual mobility of jobs and the endogenous growth and decline of work places in different regions. To understand the productivity issues involved, one should, of course, need to analyze value-added figures, preferably at the level of the plant or the firm. This could then open up various production function approaches. An industrial organization perspective also seems warranted, bringing in aspects like vertical and horizontal integration and disintegration (outsourcing), market structure, and the rate of innovation and technical change. It would also be of great value to replicate this study using data for other countries and also, in some cases such as Germany and the U.S., parts of countries, i.e. states. NOTES 1. The concept is “the spatial equivalent” of the concept of industrial dynamics used within industrial economics (see, e.g. Carlsson 1992). 2. Ciccone and Hall (1996) present econometric results indicating that productivity differentials between regions can be attributed to differences in economic density. They employ two models for which spatial density results in increasing returns overall. In one of the economic models this outcome is based upon local geographical externalities. A second model refers to the density of local intermediate service deliveries. 3. 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The hierarchy model of the size distribution of centres, Papers of the Regional Science Association 20, 65-80. Vernon, R. 1960. Metropolis 1985, Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press. ———. 1966. International investment and international trade in the product cycle, Quarterly Journal of Economics 80, 190-207. Wheaton, W.C., and H. Shishido. 1981. Urban concentration, agglomeration economies, and the level of economic development, Economic Development and Cultural Change 3, 17-30. Appendix 1. THE COMPETITIVE SHIFT COMPONENT FOR THE PERIOD 1980-1993 Indust. code 8103 713 8102 932 8325 8323 3522 6112 3851 8321 7112 8329 8324 82 94 92004 6310 8322 8101 All Shift % Stockholm -3041 -255 132 -5093 -1036 -2366 423 -2037 -1274 75 -1336 2386 -3159 333 -3768 -2852 -556 -61 2120 -21362 -2.72 Source: See Table 2. Metropolitan -2100 54 719 -4425 -1435 -2106 1986 -1144 -635 306 -1627 2289 -3375 -443 -4389 -3853 -1774 -466 1517 -20898 -1.53 Reg 1-7 Reg 8-14 Reg 15-21 Reg 22-28 Reg 29-35 Reg 36-42 Reg 43-49 -1683 49 733 -4143 -905 -2133 1786 -305 -877 497 -1355 1755 -3465 -562 -4343 -3890 -1847 -489 989 -20188 -1.17 691 -96 -48 4567 131 2333 -1664 283 1431 -91 354 627 2111 -159 1164 555 359 393 -542 12401 +2.44 140 -52 -20 9 164 -858 -51 -12 320 -80 263 -1284 418 141 1181 -47 761 -60 80 1012 +0.25 249 128 -149 -42 195 383 4 -49 -451 -78 148 -21 -87 -25 672 1153 427 38 -240 2254 +0.72 299 -166 -164 46 25 223 -8 -86 89 -67 250 -507 332 132 562 1039 88 135 24 2248 +0.87 54 161 -81 -519 188 383 -49 92 -214 -31 5 179 -658 165 -18 494 133 72 -52 306 +0.15 118 -48 -73 -219 68 9 -18 -193 -161 -26 142 -434 430 107 183 317 -31 -44 -141 -13 -0.00 Reg 50-56 81 -33 -117 128 0 -44 0 213 -61 -59 98 -95 15 112 355 292 138 -84 -67 870 +0.59 Reg 57-63 53 12 -44 180 75 -14 0 -28 -14 -45 121 -31 775 28 28 -82 -80 3 -28 910 +0.70 Reg 64-70 -3 45 -39 -7 58 -282 0 85 -62 -20 -26 -190 128 61 217 169 52 36 -22 201 +0.20
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