Fall 2 012
The Penguin Press
The
Penguin
Press
Fall 2 012
Interventions/Kofi Annan with Nader Mousavizadeh............ 4
NW/Zadie Smith.................................................................... 6
Governing the World/Mark Mazower..................................... 8
The Signal and the Noise/Nate Silver.................................. 10
The Generals/Thomas E. Ricks............................................ 12
This Indian Country/Frederick E. Hoxie............................. 14
A Thousand Mornings/Mary Oliver...................................... 16
There Was a Country/Chinua Achebe................................. 18
Plutocrats/Chrystia Freeland............................................... 20
A Working Theory of Love/Scott Hutchins.......................... 22
What’s a Dog For?/John Homans....................................... 24
The Patriarch/David Nasaw................................................. 26
Excerpts: Fall 2012.............................................................. 29
The Penguin Press Authors................................................. 42
Reviewer Checklist............................................................... 44
Foreign Sub Rights.............................................................. 45
Ordering Information.......................................................... 46
interv entions
a life in war and peace
Kofi A nnan
w ith nader Mousav izadeh
A candid memoir of global statecraft during one of the most
consequential eras of recent history
Interventions is the inside story of a world at the
brink. After forty years of service in the United
Nations, former Secretary-General Kofi Annan
shares his unique perspective of the terrorist
attacks of September 11; the American invasions
of Iraq and Afghanistan; the wars among Israel,
Hezbollah, and Lebanon; the humanitarian
tragedies of Somalia, Rwanda, and Bosnia; and
the geopolitical transformations following the
Cold War. With eloquence and unprecedented
candor, Annan finally reveals his unique role
and unparalleled perspective on decades of
global politics.
The first sub-Saharan African national to
hold the position of secretary-general, Annan
has led an incredible life, an amazing story in
its own right. Annan’s idealism and personal
politics were forged in the Ghana independence
movements of his adolescence, when all of Africa
seemed to be waking from centuries of imperial
slumber. Schooled in Minnesota, Massachusetts,
and Europe, Annan ultimately joined the United
Nations in Geneva as the lowest level civil servant
in the still young organization. Yet Annan rose
rapidly through the ranks, and by the end of the
4
Cold War he was prominently placed in the rapidly
changing department of peacekeeping.
As Annan shows the successes of the United
Nations around the world, he also reveals the
organization’s missed opportunities and ongoing
challenges—thwarted actions in the Rwanda
genocide, continuing violence between Israelis and
Palestinians, the endurance of endemic poverty,
and much else. Yet Annan’s great strength in this
book is his ability to embed these tragedies within
the context of global politics; demonstrating
how, time and again, the nations of the world
have retreated from the UN’s radical mandate.
Ultimately, Annan shows readers a world in which
solutions are always available, in which all we lack
is the will and courage to see them through.
A personal biography of global statecraft,
Annan’s Interventions is as much a memoir as it is a
guide to world order—past, present, and future.
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infor m ation
isbn: 978-1-59420-420-3
price: $36.00/$38.00 can.
Photo © UN Photo/Sergey Bermeniev
K O F I A N N A N was the seventh secretary-general of
the United Nations—serving two terms between 1997
and 2006—and was the first to emerge from the ranks of
the UN staff. In 2001, Kofi Annan and the United Nations
were jointly awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace with the
citation praising his leadership for “bringing new life to
the organization.” Born in Ghana in 1938, Annan is the
first sub-Saharan African national to hold the post of
secretary-general.
ean: 9781594204203 53600
category: biography
pages: 512
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NW
A Novel
Z adie Smith
A new novel from Zadie Smith, set in Northwest London
Somewhere in Northwest London stands Caldwell
housing estate, relic of 70s urban planning. Five
identical blocks, deliberately named: Hobbes,
Smith, Bentham, Locke, and Russell. If you grew
up here, the plan was to get out and get on, to
something bigger, better. Thirty years later exCaldwell kids Leah, Natalie, Felix, and Nathan
have all made it out, with varying degrees of
success—whatever that means. Living only streets
apart, they occupy separate worlds and navigate an
atomized city where few wish to be their neighbor’s
keeper. Then one April afternoon a stranger comes
to Leah’s door seeking help, disturbing the peace,
and forcing Leah out of her isolation. . . .
From private houses to public parks, at work
and at play, in this delicate, devastating novel of
encounters, the main streets hide the back alleys,
and taking the high road can sometimes lead to
a dead end. Zadie Smith’s NW brilliantly depicts
the modern urban zone—familiar to city dwellers
everywhere—in a tragicomic novel as mercurial as
the city itself.
6
PRAI S E
fo r
z a d i e
sm ith
“Ambitious, earnest and irreverent . . . Smith has a real talent for
comedy and a fond eye for human foibles.”
— the wall street journal
“Smith has an astonishing intellect. She writes sharp dialogue for
every age and race—and she’s funny as hell.”
—newsweek
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changing my mind
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on beauty
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infor m ation
isbn: 978-1-59420-397-8
price: $25.95/ncr
ean: 9781594203978 52595
category: fiction
pages: 320
Photo © Roderick Field
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Z A D I E S M I T H was born in Northwest London in
1975. She is the author of White Teeth, The Autograph Man,
On Beauty, and the essay collection Changing My Mind.
on sale: 9/4/12
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G ov erning the Wor l d
T h e R i s e a n d Fa l l o f a n I d e a , 1815 to t h e P r e s e n t
M ark M azow er
A history of the project of world government, from the
first post-Napoleonic visions of the brotherhood of man to the
current crisis of global finance
The Napoleonic Wars showed Europe what sort of
damage warring states could do. But how could
sovereign nations be made to share power and learn
to look beyond their own narrow interests? The old
monarchs had one idea. Mazzini and the partisans
of nationalist democracy had another, and so did
Marx and the radical Left.
It is an argument that has raged for two hundred
years now, and Mark Mazower tells its history
enthrallingly in Governing the World. With each era, the
stakes have grown higher as the world has grown
smaller and the potential rewards to cooperation
and damage from conflict have increased.
As Mark Mazower shows us, each age’s dominant
power has set the tune, and for nearly a century
that tune has been sung in English. He begins with
Napoleon’s defeat, in 1815, when England, Russia,
Austria, and Prussia formed the Concert of Europe.
Against this, there emerged many of the ideas
that would shape the international institutions
of the twentieth century–liberal nationalism,
communism, the expertise of the scientist and
the professional international lawyers. Mazower
traces these ideas into the Great War through to
the League of Nations. He explains how the League
8
collapsed when confronted by the atrocities of the
Third Reich, and how a more hard-nosed approach
to international governance emerged in its wake.
The United Nations appeared in the aftermath
of Pearl Harbor, and a war-fighting alliance led by
Great Britain and the United States was ultimately
what transformed into an international peacetime
organization. Mazower examines the ideas that
shaped the UN, the compromises and constraints
imposed by the Cold War and its transformation
in the high noon of decolonization. The 1970s
ushered in a sea change in attitudes to international
government through the emergence of a vision of
globalized capitalism in the 1970s that marginalized
the UN itself and utilized bodies like the World
Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the
World Trade Organization—the final acts of AngloAmerican institution-building.
But the sun is setting on Anglo-American
dominance of the world’s great international
institutions. We are at the end of an era, Mazower
explains, and we are passing into a new age of global
power relations, a shift whose outcome is still very
much in question.
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hitler’s empire
978-0-14-311610-3
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Photo © Sarah Lee
infor m ation
M A R K M A Z O W E R is the Ira D. Wallach Professor
of History at Columbia University. He is the author
of Hitler’s Greece: The Experience of Occupation, 1941-44,
Dark Continent: Europe’s Twentieth Century, The Balkans: A
Short History (which won the Wolfson Prize for History),
Salonica: City of Ghosts (which won both the Duff Cooper
Prize and the Runciman Award), and Hitler’s Empire: Nazi
Rule in Occupied Europe. He has also taught at Birkbeck
College, University of London, Sussex University and
Princeton. He lives in New York.
isbn: 978-1-59420-349-7
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ean: 9781594203497 52595
category: history/world
pages: 304
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on sale: 9/13/12
the signa l and
the noise
W h y m o s t P r e d i c t i o n s Fa i l—b u t S o m e D o n ’ t
N ate Si lv er
Statistician, political analyst, and FiveThirtyEight.com founder
Nate Silver debunks the myths of prediction in subjects ranging from
the financial market to weather to sports to politics
Nate Silver built an innovative system for
predicting baseball performance, predicted the
2008 election within a hair’s breadth, and became
a national sensation as a blogger—all by the time
he was thirty. The New York Times now publishes
FiveThirtyEight.com, where Silver is one of the
nation’s most influential political forecasters.
Drawing on his own groundbreaking
work, Silver examines the world of prediction,
investigating how we can distinguish a true signal
from a universe of noisy data. Most predictions
fail, often at great cost to society, because most of
us have a poor understanding of probability and
uncertainty. Both experts and laypeople mistake
more confident predictions for more accurate
ones. But overconfidence is often the reason for
failure. If our appreciation of uncertainty improves,
our predictions can get better too. This is the
“prediction paradox”: The more humility we have
about our ability to make predictions, the more
successful we can be in planning for the future.
In keeping with his own aim to seek truth
from data, Silver visits the most successful
forecasters in a range of areas, from hurricanes to
baseball, from the poker table to the stock market,
10
from Capitol Hill to the NBA. He explains and
evaluates how these forecasters think and what
bonds they share. What lies behind their success?
Are they good—or just lucky? What patterns have
they unraveled? And are their forecasts really
right? He explores unanticipated commonalities
and exposes unexpected juxtapositions. And
sometimes, it is not so much how good a
prediction is in an absolute sense that matters but
how good it is relative to the competition. In other
cases, prediction is still a very rudimentary—and
dangerous—science.
Silver observes that the most accurate
forecasters tend to have a superior command of
probability, and they tend to be both humble and
hardworking. They distinguish the predictable
from the unpredictable, and they notice a
thousand little details that lead them closer to the
truth. Because of their appreciation of probability,
they can distinguish the signal from the noise.
With everything from the health of the
global economy to our ability to fight terrorism
dependent on the quality of our predictions, Nate
Silver’s insights are an essential read.
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isbn: 978-1-59420-411-1
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ean: 9781594204111 52795
Photo © Robert Gauldin
category: economics/
philosophy/politics
N A T E S I L V E R is a statistician, writer, and founder of
pages: 352
The New York Times political blog FiveThirtyEight.com. Silver
also developed PECOTA, a system for forecasting baseball
performance that was bought by Baseball Prospectus. He
was named one of the world’s 100 Most Influential People
by Time magazine. He lives in Brooklyn, New York.
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the G enera l s
A m e r i c a n M i l i t a r y c o m m a n d f r o m w o r l d w a r II t o t o d a y
T homas E . R icks
From the #1 bestselling author of Fiasco and The Gamble, an epic
history of the decline of American military leadership
from World War II to Iraq
History has been kinder to the American generals
of World War II—Marshall, Eisenhower, Patton,
and Bradley—than to the generals of the wars that
followed. Is this merely nostalgia? In The Generals,
Thomas E. Ricks answers the question definitively:
No, it is not, in no small part because of a widening
gulf between performance and accountability.
During the Second World War, scores of American
generals were relieved of command simply for not
being good enough. Today, as one American colonel
said bitterly during the Iraq War, “As matters stand
now, a private who loses a rifle suffers far greater
consequences than a general who loses a war.”
In The Generals we meet great leaders and
suspect ones, generals who rose to the occasion
and those who failed themselves and their soldiers.
Marshall and Eisenhower cast long shadows over
this story, but it has no more inspiring single figure
than Marine General O. P. Smith, whose fighting
retreat from the Chinese onslaught into Korea in
the winter of 1950 snatched a kind of victory from
the jaws of annihilation. But Smith’s courage and
genius in the face of one of the grimmest scenarios
the marines have faced in their history only cast
the shortcomings of the people who put him there
12
in sharper relief.
If Korea showed the first signs of culture that
neither punished mediocrity nor particularly
rewarded daring, the Vietnam War saw American
military leadership bottom out. The My Lai
massacre, Ricks shows us, is the emblematic event
of this dark chapter of our history.
In the wake of Vietnam a battle for the soul of
the U.S. Army was waged with impressive success.
It became a transformed institution, reinvigorated
from the bottom up. But if the body was highly
toned, its head still suffered from familiar problems,
resulting in tactically savvy but strategically obtuse
leadership that would win battles but end wars
badly from the first Iraq War of 1990 through to
the present.
Thomas E. Ricks has made a close study of
America’s military leaders for three decades,
and in his hands this story resounds with larger
meaning: about the transmission of values, about
strategic thinking, about the difference between an
organization that learns and one that fails. Military
history of the highest quality, The Generals is also
essential reading for anyone with an interest in the
difference between good leaders and bad ones.
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the gamble
978-0-14-311691-2
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Photo Courtesy of Foreign Policy Magazine
infor m ation
T H O M A S E . R I C K S is a fellow at the Center for
isbn: 978-1-59420-404-3
a New American Security and a contributing editor
of Foreign Policy magazine, in which he writes the blog
The Best Defense. Ricks covered the U.S. military for The
Washington Post from 2000 through 2008. Until the end
of 1999 he had the same beat at The Wall Street Journal,
where he was a reporter for seventeen years. A member
of two Pulitzer Prize-winning teams, he has covered
U.S. military activities in Somalia, Haiti, Korea, Bosnia,
Kosovo, Macedonia, Kuwait, Turkey, Afghanistan, and
Iraq. He is the author of several books, including The
Gamble and the #1 New York Times bestseller Fiasco, which
was a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize.
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ean: 9781594204043 53600
category: history/
military/general
pages: 576
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T his I ndian C o u ntry
American Indian Activists and the Place They Made
Penguin History of A merican Life
F rederick e . Hox ie
A history of Indian political activism told through the inspiring stories
of the men and women who defined and defended American Indian
political identity
In the newest volume of the award-winning
Penguin History of American Life series, Frederick
E. Hoxie forms a bold counternarrative to the
typical understanding of Native American history.
This is not a tale of bloody and doomed battles with
settlers and the U.S. Army, which casts Native
Americans as mere victims of U.S. expansionism.
Instead, This Indian Country describes how, for more
than two hundred years, Native American political
activists have petitioned courts and campaigned for
public opinion, seeking redress and change from
the American government.
Hoxie focuses each of his chapters on people
who advanced this struggle in important ways.
These figures—some famous, many unknown—
hoped to bridge the distance between indigenous
cultures and the republican democracy of the
United States through legal and political debates.
Many of these figures wielded no political power in
their own time, but the cumulative product of their
efforts has profoundly shaped the modern political
14
landscape. They defined a new language of “Indian
rights” and created a vision of American Indian
identity. In the process, they entered into a dialogue
with other activist movements, from African
American civil rights movements to women’s
rights and other progressive organizations.
Hoxie weaves a compelling narrative that
connects the individual to the tribe, the tribe to
the nation, and the nation to broader historical
processes. He asks readers to think deeply about
how a country based on the republican values
of liberty and equality managed to adapt to the
complex cultural and political demands of people
who refused to be ignored. As we grapple with
contemporary challenges to national institutions,
from inside and outside our borders, and as
we reflect on the array of shifting national and
cultural identities across the globe, This Indian
Country provides a context and a language for
understanding our present dilemmas.
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Photo Courtesy of University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
agent: university of illinois
F R E D E R I C K e . H O X I E is the Swanlund Professor
of History and a professor of law at the University of
Illinois, where he specializes in Native American history.
He is the author of several books, most recently Talking
Back to Civilization. He served as the general editor of
The American Indians, a twenty-three-volume series
that has sold more than two million copies, and as the
series editor (with Neal Salisbury) for Cambridge Studies
in American Indian History. Professor Hoxie is a founding
trustee of the Smithsonian Institution’s National
Museum of the American Indian and a former president
of the American Society for Ethnohistory. He received
his undergraduate degree from Amherst College and his
Ph.D. from Brandeis University.
infor m ation
isbn: 978-1-59420-365-7
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category: history/
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pages: 496
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a tho u sand M ornings
poems
M ary Ol i v er
Mornings with the Pulitzer Prize-winning poet Mary Oliver
In A Thousand Mornings, Mary Oliver returns to the
imagery that has come to define her life’s work,
transporting us to the marshland and coastline of
her beloved home, Provincetown, Massachusetts.
In these pages, Oliver shares the wonder of
dawn, the grace of animals, and the transformative
power of attention. Whether studying the leaves
of a tree or mourning her adored dog, Percy, she
is ever patient in her observations and open to the
teachings contained in the smallest of moments.
Our most precious chronicler of physical
landscape, Oliver opens our eyes to the nature
within, to its wild and its quiet. With startling
clarity, humor, and kindness, A Thousand Mornings
explores the mysteries of our daily experience.
16
Pr a ise
fo r
M a ry
O liver
“Oliver’s poems are thoroughly convincing—as genuine, moving,
and implausible as the first caressing breeze of spring.”
— the new york times book review
“[Mary Oliver] teaches us the profound act of paying attention—a
living wonder that makes it possible to appreciate all the others.”
—renée loth, the boston globe
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Photo © Rachel Glese Brown
isbn: 978-1-59420-477-7
Born in a small town in Ohio, M ary O liver
published her first book of poetry in 1963 at the age
of twenty-eight. Over the course of her long career,
she has received numerous awards. Her fourth book,
American Primitive, won the Pulitzer Prize for Poetry in
1984. She has led workshops and held residencies at
various colleges and universities, including Bennington
College, where she held the Catherine Osgood Foster
Chair for Distinguished Teaching. Oliver currently lives
in Provincetown, Massachusetts.
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Also available as an e-book
T here Was a C o u ntry
A Personal History of Biafra
C hin ua Ache be
From the legendary author of Things Fall Apart comes a longawaited memoir about coming of age with a fragile new nation, then
watching it torn asunder in a tragic civil war
The defining experience of Chinua Achebe’s life was
the Nigerian civil war, also known as the Biafran
War, of 1967–1970. The conflict was infamous for
its savage impact on the Biafran people, Chinua
Achebe’s people, many of whom were starved to
death after the Nigerian government blockaded
their borders. By then, Chinua Achebe was already
a world-renowned novelist, with a young family
to protect. He took the Biafran side in the conflict
and served his government as a roving cultural
ambassador, from which vantage he absorbed the
war’s full horror. Immediately after, Achebe took
refuge in an academic post in the United States,
and for more than forty years he has maintained
a considered silence on the events of those terrible
years, addressing them only obliquely through
his poetry. Now, decades in the making, comes
a towering reckoning with one of modern
Africa’s most fateful events, from a writer whose
words and courage have left an enduring stamp on
world literature.
18
Achebe masterfully relates his experience, both
as he lived it and how he has come to understand
it. He begins his story with Nigeria’s birth pangs
and the story of his own upbringing as a man and
as a writer so that we might come to understand
the country’s promise, which turned to horror
when the hot winds of hatred began to stir. To read
There Was a Country is to be powerfully reminded
that artists have a particular obligation, especially
during a time of war. All writers, Achebe argues,
should be committed writers—they should speak
for their history, their beliefs, and their people.
Marrying history and memoir, poetry and
prose, There Was a Country is a distillation of vivid
firsthand observation and forty years of research
and reflection. Wise, humane, and authoritative, it
will stand as definitive and reinforce Achebe’s place
as one of the most vital literary and moral voices
of our age.
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infor m ation
Photo © Jerry Bauer
C hinua A chebe was born in Nigeria in 1930. He
has published novels, short stories, essays, and children’s
books. His volume of poetry Christmas in Biafra was the
joint winner of the first Commonwealth Poetry Prize.
Of his novels, Arrow of God won the New Statesman-Jock
Campbell Award, and Anthills of the Savannah was a finalist
for the 1987 Booker Prize. Things Fall Apart, Achebe’s
masterpiece, has been published in fifty different
languages and has sold more than ten million copies
internationally since its first publication in 1958. Achebe
is the recipient of the Nigerian National Merit Award,
Nigeria’s highest award for intellectual achievement. In
2007, he won the Man Booker International Prize.
isbn: 978-1-59420-482-1
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ean: 9781594204821 52795
category: history/africa/
general & biography/
autobiography/
personal memoirs
pages: 352
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Pl u tocrats
The Rise of the New Global Super- Rich
a n d t h e Fa l l o f E v eryo n e El s e
C hrystia F ree l and
A deeply researched and profoundly timely exposé
of income inequality
Alarmingly insightful and refreshingly nonpartisan, Plutocrats is the missing piece in our
political conversation, a groundbreaking
examination of wealth disparity. There has always
been some gap between rich and poor in this
country, but in the last few decades what it means
to be rich has changed dramatically. While the
wealthiest 10 percent of Americans now receive
half the nation’s income—the largest percentage in
our history—the real money flows even higher up.
Forget the 1 percent; it’s the wealthiest .1 percent
who are outpacing the rest of us at breakneck speed.
What’s changed is more than numbers.
Instead of inheritance, today’s colossal fortunes
are amassed by the diligent toiling of smart,
perceptive businesspeople who see themselves
as deserving victors in a cut-throat international
competition. As a transglobal class of highly
successful professionals, today’s self-made oligarchs
often have more in common with one another
than with their countrymen back home.
Cracking open this tight-knit world is Chrystia
Freeland, an acclaimed business journalist on both
sides of the Atlantic. At ease in Davos or Dubai,
Freeland has reported on the lives and minds
20
of these new super elites for nearly a decade.
Grounding her interviews in the economics and
history of modern capitalism, Freeland provides
countless examples of the new wealth and its
consequences. She reveals the internal Citigroup
memo that urges clients to design portfolios
around the international “Plutonomy” and not
the national “rest”; discusses the auction of a
massive ex-Soviet steel mill contested between
a Luxembourg company, an Indian company
registered in the Netherlands, and a consortium of
Russians and Ukranian companies; showcases the
three-million-dollar birthday party of a New York
financier months before the financial meltdown;
and details the closed-door 2005 SEC meeting in
which the U.S. government allowed investment
banks to write their own regulatory laws, with
devastating consequences.
A consummate journalist and industry
specialist, Freeland dissects the lives of the
world’s wealthiest individuals with empathy,
intelligence, and deep insight. Brightly written and
powerfully researched, Freeland’s Plutocrats will be
a lightning rod event in the midst of this contested
election season.
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C hrystia F reeland is the global editor at large
at Reuters news agency, following years of service at the
Financial Times both in New York and London. She was
the deputy editor of Canada’s The Globe and Mail and
has reported for the Financial Times, The Economist, and The
Washington Post. Freeland’s last book was Sale of a Century:
The Inside Story of the Second Russian Revolution. She lives
in New York City.
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A Working T heory
of Lov e
Scott H u tchins
A wildly inventive, major literary debut about a disaffected man
who learns—with the help of a sentient computer that speaks
in his deceased father’s voice—to make peace not just with his past
but with his future
Settled back into the San Francisco singles scene
following the implosion of his young marriage just
months after the honeymoon, Neill Bassett is going
through the motions. His carefully modulated
routine, however, is soon disrupted in ways he
can’t dismiss with his usual nonchalance.
When Neill’s father committed suicide ten
years ago, he left behind thousands of pages of
secret journals, journals that are stunning in
their detail, and, it must be said, their complete
banality. But their spectacularly quotidian details,
were exactly what artificial intelligence company
Amiante Systems was looking for, and Neill was
able to parlay them into a job, despite a useless
degree in business marketing and absolutely no
experience in computer science. He has spent
the last two years inputting the diaries into what
everyone hopes will become the world’s first
sentient computer. Essentially, he has been giving
it language—using his father’s words. Alarming to
Neill—if not to the other employees of Amiante—
the experiment seems to be working. The
computer actually appears to be gaining awareness
and, most disconcerting of all, has started asking
questions about Neill’s childhood.
22
Amid this psychological turmoil, Neill meets
Rachel. She was meant to be a one-night stand,
but Neill is unexpectedly taken with her and
the possibilities she holds. At the same time, he
remains preoccupied by unresolved feelings for
his ex-wife, who has a talent for appearing at the
most unlikely and unfortunate times. When Neill
discovers a missing year in the diaries—a year that
must hold some secret to his parents’ marriage
and perhaps even his father’s suicide—everything
Neill thought he knew about his past comes into
question, and every move forward feels impossible
to make.
With a lightness of touch that belies pitchperfect emotional control, Scott Hutchins takes us
on an odyssey of love, grief, and reconciliation that
shows us how, once we let go of the idea that we’re
trapped by our own sad histories—our childhoods,
our bad decisions, our miscommunications with
those we love—we have the chance to truly be
free. A Working Theory of Love marks the electrifying
debut of a prodigious new talent.
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S cott H U T C H I N S , a Truman Capote Fellow in
the Wallace Stegner Program at Stanford University,
received his MFA from the University of Michigan. His
work has appeared in StoryQuarterly, The Rumpus, The New
York Times, and Esquire. He currently teaches at Stanford.
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What ’ s a D og F or ?
T h e S u r p r i s i n g H i s to r y, S c i e n c e , P h i l o s o p h y,
and Politics of Man’s Best Friend
John Homans
A Lab mix named Stella inspires an investigation into the complex
world of dogs, from battles over animal rights and designer breeds to
the ever-evolving nature of the human-canine relationship
John Homans adopted his dog, Stella, from a
shelter for all the usual reasons: fond memories
of dogs from his past, a companion for his son, an
excuse for long walks around the neighborhood.
Soon enough, she is happily ensconced in the daily
workings of his family. And not only that: Stella
is treated like a family member—in ways that
dogs of his youth were not. Spending humanlike
sums on vet bills, questioning her diet and exercise
regimens, contemplating her happiness—how
had this all come to pass, when the dogs from
Homans’s childhood seemed quite content living
mostly out in the yard?
In What’s a Dog For?, Homans explores the dog’s
complex and prominent place in our world and
how it came to be. Evolving from wild animals
to working animals to nearly human members
of our social fabric, dogs are now the subject of
serious scientific studies concerning pet ownership,
evolutionary theory, and even cognitive science.
From new insights into what makes dogs so
appealing to humans to the health benefits
associated with owning a dog, Homans investigates
why the human-canine relationship has evolved so
24
rapidly—how dogs moved into our families, our
homes, and sometimes even our beds in the span
of a generation, becoming a $53 billion industry in
the United States in the process.
As dogs take their place as coddled family
members and their numbers balloon to more
than seventy-seven million in the United States
alone, it’s no surprise that canine culture at large
is also undergoing a massive transformation. They
are now subject to many of the same questions of
rights and ethics as people, and the politics of dogs
are more tumultuous and public than ever—
with fierce moral battles raging over kill shelters,
puppy mills, and breed standards. Incorporating
interviews and research from scientists, activists,
breeders, and trainers, What’s a Dog For? investigates
how dogs have reached this exalted status and why
they hold such fascination for us. With one paw
in the animal world and one paw in the human
world, it turns out they have much to teach us
about love, death, and morality—and ultimately,
in their closeness and difference, about what it
means to be human.
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pages: 256
J ohn H omans has been the executive editor of
New York magazine since 1994, and previously worked
at Esquire, Details, Harper’s, and the New York Observer. He
lives with his wife, son, and dog, Stella, in Manhattan.
This is his first book.
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T he Patriarch
t h e r e m a r k a b l e l i f e a n d t u r b u l e n t t i m e s o f j o s e p h p. k e n n e d y
Dav id N asaw
Celebrated historian David Nasaw brings to life the story of Joseph
Patrick Kennedy, in this, the first and only biography based on
unrestricted and exclusive access to the Joseph P. Kennedy papers
Joseph Patrick Kennedy—whose life spanned
the First World War, the Roaring Twenties, the
Great Depression, the Second World War, and
the Cold War—was the patriarch of America’s
greatest political dynasty. The father of President
John F. Kennedy and senators Robert and Edward
Kennedy, “Joe” Kennedy was an indomitable and
elusive figure whose dreams of advancement
for his nine children were matched only by his
extraordinary personal ambition and shrewd
financial skills. Trained as a banker, Kennedy was
also a Hollywood mogul, a stock exchange savant,
a shipyard manager, the founding chairman of
the Securities and Exchange Commission, and
ambassador to London during the Battle of Britain.
Though his incredible life encompasses the very
heart of the American century, Joseph Kennedy
has remained shrouded in rumor and prejudice
for decades.
Drawing on never-before-published material
from archives on three continents, David Nasaw—
the renowned biographer of Andrew Carnegie
and William Randolph Hearst—unearths a man
far more complicated than the popular portrait.
Was Kennedy an appeaser and isolationist, an
26
anti-Semite and Nazi sympathizer, a stock swindler,
a bootlegger, and a colleague of mobsters? Did he
push his second son into politics and then buy his
elections for him? Why did he have his daughter
Rosemary lobotomized? Why did he oppose the
Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, the Korean
War, and American assistance to the French in
Vietnam? What was his relationship to J. Edgar
Hoover and his FBI? How did he influence his
son’s politics and policies in the White House? In
this groundbreaking biography Nasaw ignores the
tired old answers surrounding Kennedy, starting
from scratch to discover the truth behind this
misunderstood man.
Though far from a saint, Joseph Kennedy
in many ways exemplifies the best in American
political, economic, and social life. His ragsto-riches story is one of exclusion and quiet
discrimination overcome by entrepreneurship,
ingenuity, and unshakable endurance. Kennedy’s
story deserves to be told in full, with no holds
barred, and Nasaw’s magnificent The Patriarch is the
first book to do so.
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D avid N asaw is the author of Andrew Carnegie,
category: biography
which was a New York Times Notable Book of the Year
and a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize, and The Chief: The
Life of William Randolph Hearst, a finalist for the National
Book Critics Circle Award for Biography and winner
of the Bancroft Prize in History. He is the Arthur M.
Schlesinger, Jr. Professor of History at the Graduate
Center of the City University of New York.
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Excer pts
from
interv entions
Kofi Annan
with nader mousaviz adeh
I had, in my own way, been disabused of the notion
that the international community could fully understand the forces at play in closed societies, during
a visit to Pakistan in 2000, which coincided with the
Taliban’s destruction of the Bamiyan Buddha statues. I was in Islamabad meeting with the man who
represented the Taliban to outsiders as “its foreign
minister,” Wakil Ahmad Mutawakil.
I was staying at the Marriot Hotel
(which, in 2008, was destroyed in
an Al Qaeda bombing), and as the
Taliban delegation entered my suite,
I knew that we were dealing with
an entirely new phenomenon in
international affairs.
Six young men, several of
them barely out of their twenties,
bearded and wearing traditional
Afghan robes, walked in, seemingly
engaging in their first meeting with
a diplomat of any kind. A few of
them appeared barely to understand even the translation of the
conversation, and Mutawakil himself had only one,
tellingly bizarre, reply to my different appeals for a
halt to the destruction of the Buddhas: “Under our
laws, nothing we do can be considered illegal.” And
when I warned them that their behavior could lead
to further sanctions, including a ban on international
travel by their leaders, Mutawakil looked puzzled
and responded: “Travel? Why would we travel? We
30
don’t want to go anywhere.”
The Buddhas were only an element of our
meeting, however. Having long provided crucial
humanitarian assistance to the Afghan population,
the UN needed assurances that we could continue
our work without being attacked. Mutawakil, in
this case, pledged his support, and this gave me the
opening for what I knew would be a
sensitive issue—just how sensitive, I
was about to discover.
I had been asked—in a highly
sensitive and confidential request—
to inquire of Mutawakil about the
presence in Afghanistan of a man
still in those days referred to as
UBL—Osama bin Laden. Were there
any circumstances under which the
Taliban leadership would agree to an
exchange involving this individual? I
made clear that this was a high priority and that meaningful goodwill
would accrue to the Taliban if such
an arrangement could be arrived at.
From Mutawakil’s response—and his look, combining fear and outrage in equal measure—the extent of
UBL’s influence in Afghanistan became clear. There
was no question whatsoever of an exchange involving
their “honored guest,” he said, as plainly as he could
manage. The meeting came to an abrupt end, but the
memory stayed with me.
from
NW
Zadie Smith
1
The fat sun stalls by the phone masts. Anticlimb paint turns
sulfurous on school gates and lampposts. In Willesden people
go barefoot, the streets turn European, there is a mania for
eating outside. She keeps to the shade. Redheaded. On the
radio: I am the sole author of the only dictionary that defines
me. A good line—write it out on the back of a magazine. In
a hammock, in the garden of a basement flat. Fenced in, on
all sides.
Four gardens along, in the estate,
a grim girl on the third floor screams
Anglo-Saxon at nobody. Juliet balcony,
projecting for miles. It ain’t like that. Nah
it ain’t like that. Don’t you start. Fag in
hand. Fleshy, lobster red.
I am the sole
I am the sole author
Pencil leaves no mark on magazine
pages. Somewhere she has read that the
gloss gives you cancer. Everyone knows
it shouldn’t be this hot. Shriveled blossom and bitter little apples. Birds singing
the wrong tunes in the wrong trees too
early in the year. Don’t you bloody start!
Look up; the girl’s burned paunch rests on the railing like a
separate animal. As Michel has it: not everyone can be invited
to the party. Not this century. Cruel opinion—she doesn’t
share it. In marriage not everything is shared. Yellow sun
high in the sky. Blue cross on white stick, clear, definitive.
Michel is at work. He is still at work.
I am the
the sole
Ash drifts into the garden below, then comes the butt,
then the box. Louder than the birds and the trains and the
traffic. Sole sign of sanity: a tiny device tucked in the ear. I
told im stop takin liberties. Where’s my check? And she’s in
my face chattin breeze. Fuckin liberty.
I am the sole. The sole. The sole
She unfurls her fist, lets the pencil roll. Takes her liberty. Nothing else to listen to but this bloody girl. At least with
eyes closed there is something else to
see. Viscous black specks. Darting water
boatmen, zigzagging. Zig. Zag. Red river?
Molten lake in hell? The hammock tips.
The Sundays flop to the ground. World
events and property and film and music
lie in the grass. Also sport and the short
descriptions of the dead.
2
Doorbell! She stumbles through
the grass barefoot, sun-huddled, drowsy.
The back door leads to a poky kitchen,
tiled brightly in the taste of a previous
tenant. The bell is not simply being rung.
It is being held down.
In the double glazing, a body,
blurred. Wrong collection of pixels to be Michel. Between
her body and the door, the hallway, golden in reflected sun.
Floorboards like wheat fields seen from a plane.
This hallway can only lead to good things. Yet a woman
is screaming PLEASE and crying. A woman thumps the front
door with her fist. Pulling the lock aside, she finds it stops
halfway, the chain pulls tight, and the woman’s hand flies
through the gap.
from
G OV E R N I NG T H E WOR L D
M ark M a zower
A fascinating argument between Karl Marx and
Giuseppe Mazzini, so important for understanding
developments in international affairs through the
Cold War, begins in the vigorous intellectual jousting of Victorian radical politics. In their arguments,
one sees the outlines of two visions of internationalism, the one based on the principle of national selfdetermination within a capitalist
system, the other on Communist
internationalism. Each would
find superpower backing in the
twentieth century.
Something like a real exchange
of opinions between the two
men only emerged following the
bloody suppression of the Paris
Commune in May 1871. At the
time of the actual fighting in the
French capital between forces loyal
to the Commune and the army of
the new Third Republic, Marx had
had little to say; but his subsequent
pamphlet eulogizing the Commune
was very widely read. Marx had concluded that
the Commune’s failure illustrated the dangers of
premature revolution. But the finer details of his
analysis escaped the new French minister of foreign
affairs, Jules Favre, who immediately gave Marx and
the International Working Men’s Association valuable publicity by calling on his colleagues to help
stamp out the International—“a society breeding
war and hatred.” As a result, Marx’s revolutionary
32
proletarian internationalism was now in the spotlight, even though it had had nothing really to do
with the Commune and certainly did not propose to
emulate its example.
Mazzini saw the Paris Commune as an antinational and fragmentary autonomist movement that
had and would lead to moral catastrophe. The civil
war between the French horrified
him. Marx and the International,
he agreed with Favre, were part of
the problem. In 1872 his anger and
concern spilled over into a public denunciation in the Contemporary Review.
Mazzini argued that “the only rational method of organization among
the working classes of Europe would
be one which would recognize the
sacredness of Nationality,” and
claimed he had refused to join the
International because it violated this
principle. Not surprisingly, Marx
laughed when an American journalist suggested that Mazzini was
an influence, saying he “represented nothing better
than the old idea of a middle-class republic.”
The struggle of ideas between Mazzini and
Marx is important because the principles they stood
for shaped the rivalry that began in 1917 between
Woodrow Wilson and Lenin for leadership of a
postimperial world. But history rarely proceeds in
straight lines, and in fact both creeds dropped in
popularity from their mid-century heyday.
from
the signa l and
the noise
N at e Si lver
When you’re dealing with fields like sports or politics
that depend on human behavior, nothing is ever
absolutely certain. First, you must think about the world
probabilistically: in percentages rather than absolutes.
How likely is a candidate to win, for instance, if he’s
ahead by five points in the polls?
It turns out the answer depends significantly on
the type of race that he’s involved
in. The farther down the ballot you
go, the more volatile the polls tend
to be: polls of House races are less
accurate than polls of Senate races,
which are in turn less accurate than
polls of presidential races. Polls of
primaries are also considerably less
accurate than general election polls.
And polls become more accurate the closer you get to Election
Day. A Senate candidate with a
five-point lead on the day before
the election, for instance, should
win his race about 95 percent of the
time. By contrast, a five-point lead a
year before the election translates to just a 59 percent
chance of winning—barely better than a coin flip.
It’s very easy to look at an election, see that one
candidate is ahead in all or most of the polls, and determine that he’s the favorite to win. What becomes
much trickier is in determining exactly how much of
a favorite he is. Our brains, wired to detect patterns,
are always looking for a signal, when this instead
requires an appreciation of how noisy the data is.
Second, a model should adapt to new information. The
FiveThirtyEight forecasts are revised every week, and
sometimes every day, based on new polling and other
data that comes in.
That doesn’t necessarily mean that there are
wild shifts from day to day. On the contrary, a
well-designed forecasting model
will often be fairly stable. But to
be as accurate as possible, you
must account for as much new
information as possible. Although
the media often overreacts to new
developments—forgetting that an
election is a marathon rather than a
sprint—professional forecasters are
hesitant to swallow their pride and
change their forecast even when
the information demands it.
Third, cast a wide net. Rather than
rely on any one particular piece
of evidence, incorporate different
types of information together.
Simply taking an average of polls, for instance—
rather than relying on any one of them—can reduce
your error by about 25 percent. Also incorporate
nonpolling information, such as demographic data,
economic data, or past election results, especially in
cases where polls are known to be less reliable.
from
the GE N E R A Ls
Thomas E. Ricks
It is forgotten now that for the United States, World
War II had begun with a series of dismissals across
the top ranks of the military. Less than two weeks
after the attack on Pearl Harbor, Admiral Husband
Kimmel and Army Lieutenant General Walter Short
were jettisoned from their posts in the Pacific, along
with Major General Frederick Martin, Short’s air
commander. Even less remembered
is that Kimmel, who had been an
aide to Assistant Secretary of the
Navy Franklin D. Roosevelt, held
the post only because his predecessor, Admiral James Richardson, had
been fired by the president a year
earlier. The following year, the 32nd
Division’s Major General Edwin
Harding was relieved by General
Douglas MacArthur, along with
many of his regimental and battalion commanders. When Lieutenant
General George Kenney arrived to
take over the air operation in the
Pacific in mid-1942, his first act was to
remove five generals he deemed to be “deadwood,”
along with forty colonels and lieutenant colonels.
The officer presiding over this ruthless system
of personnel management was General George C.
Marshall, who back in Washington was winnowing
the ranks of the army, forcing dozens of generals
into retirement because he believed they were too
old and slow to lead soldiers in combat. “I hate to
think that fifty years from now practically nobody
34
will know who George Marshall was,” President
Franklin Roosevelt once remarked to General
Dwight Eisenhower. Though hardly remembered by
the public today, George C. Marshall not only was
the senior American general of World War II, he was
also, effectively, the founding father of the modern
American military.
Marshall formally became
chief of staff of the U.S. Army on
September 1, 1939, the day that
Germany invaded Poland. On that
day, the U.S. military was “not even
a third-rate military power”—the
phrase he actually used later in an
official Pentagon report to illustrate
its prewar state. Under Marshall’s
leadership the American armed
forces became the modern, expeditionary, mechanized military that
it is today. Far more than Patton,
MacArthur, or even Eisenhower,
this “coolly impersonal” man, as
his subordinate Albert Wedemeyer
called him, shaped the military of his time so profoundly that his work lives into the twenty-first
century. Specifically, Marshall’s unusual and very
American concept of what sort of person constitutes
a good general still influences the promotions today’s
leaders bestow on younger officers. It would be difficult to understand today’s army without knowing
about Marshall’s career and especially his powerful
sense of duty and honor.
from
T H I S I N DI A N COU N T RY
Frederick E. Hoxie
At the end of the eighteenth century, the Choctaws
were the first tribe to abandon their southeastern
homeland in exchange for new lands in the west.
They were also the first to see older, negotiated agreements with the United States replaced with new treaties that resembled commercial contracts. The tribe
recognized that it needed something more to protect
itself than the wisdom of elders.
They no longer needed a chief; they
needed a lawyer. For a brief moment
in 1824, James McDonald was that
lawyer. His short career marks the
birth of a new approach to federal power, and the beginning of an
American Indian political activism
that would inspire tribal leaders
across the continent.
In 1824, McDonald guided a
Choctaw delegation in negotiations
with the U.S. government. In three
months, the delegates accomplished
their principal mission of protecting
their Mississippi homeland and of
extracting the highest possible price for the Arkansas
territory forced on them five years earlier. Despite
their success, the Choctaw delegates realized that
the larger predicament of Indian tribes had grown
more dangerous. The 1824 presidential election had
proven that Andrew Jackson, while unsuccessful,
was a popular candidate. And both President-elect
Adams and vice president, Calhoun, made it clear
that they would not oppose a program of Indian removal. In February 1825, with an eye to this uncertain
landscape, the Choctaw delegates, probably led by
McDonald, crafted an open letter to Congress.
The letter was a plea for sympathy and support,
but it articulated ideas that would become central
to Native American political activists for the next
180 years. The Choctaw memorial
argued that the American state and
the tribe shared a common set of
political values: “those principles of
liberty and equality which have ever
been dear to us.” As a consequence,
the American government and
American laws—the embodiments
of the young nation’s commitment
to “liberty and equality”—should
protect the tribe from greedy settlers and politicians who pandered
to them. The delegates argued that
the nation’s deepest political commitments would inspire its leaders
to recognize the Choctaws’ “rights.”
This central assertion marked a stunning shift
in political consciousness. The Choctaw leaders
were staking their future on the proposition that
American “civilization” itself could underwrite the
Native American future. For the first time, a political thinker had defined a space for Indians within the
boundaries of the U.S. nation-state.
from
a thousand MOR N I NG S
Mary Oliver
The First Time Percy Came Back
The first time Percy came back
he was not sailing on a cloud.
He was loping along the sand as though
he had come a great way.
“Percy,” I cried out, and reached to him—
those white curls—
but he was unreachable. As music
is present yet you can’t touch it.
“Yes, it’s all different,” he said.
“You’re going to be very surprised.”
But I wasn’t thinking of that. I only
wanted to hold him. “Listen,” he said,
“I miss that too.
And now you’ll be telling stories
of my coming back
and they won’t be false, and they won’t be true,
but they’ll be real.”
And then, as he used to, he said, “Let’s go!”
And we walked down the beach together.
36
from
T H E R E WA S A COU N T RY
Chinua Achebe
The Nigeria-Biafra War was arguably the first fully
televised conflict in history. It was the first time
scenes and pictures—blood, guts, severed limbs—
from the war front flooded into homes around the
world through television sets, radios, newsprint, in
real time. It probably gave television evening news its
first chance to come into its own and invade without
mercy the sanctity of people’s living
rooms with horrifying scenes of children immiserated by modern war.
One of the silver linings of
the conflict (if one can even call it
that) was the international media’s
presence throughout the war. The
sheer amount of media attention on
the conflict led to an outpouring of
international public outrage at the
war’s brutality. There were also calls
from various international agencies
for action to address the humanitarian disaster overwhelming the
children of Biafra.
Said Baroness Asquith in the
British House of Lords, “Thanks to the miracle of television we see history happening before our eyes. We
see no Igbo propaganda; we see the facts.” Following
the blockade imposed by the Nigerian government,
“Biafra” became synonymous with the tear-tugging
imagery of starving babies with blown-out bellies,
skulls with no subcutaneous fat harboring pale,
sunken eyes in sockets that betrayed their suffering.
Someone speaking in London in the House of
Commons or the House of Lords would talk about
history’s happening all around
them, but for those of us on the
ground in Biafra, where this tragedy
continued to unfold, we used a different language . . . the language
and memory of death and despair,
suffering and bitterness.
The agony was everywhere.
The economic blockade put in
place by Nigeria’s federal government resulted in shortages of every
imaginable necessity, from food
and clean water to blankets and
medicines. The rations had gone
from one meal a day to one meal
every other day—to nothing at all.
Widespread starvation and disease of every kind soon
set in. The suffering of the children was the most
heart-wrenching.
from
PLU TOC R ATS
Chrystia Freeland
You might say that the American plutocracy is
experiencing its John Galt moment. Libertarians
(and run-of-the-mill high-school nerds) will recall
that Galt is the plutocratic hero of Ayn Rand’s 1957
novel Atlas Shrugged. Tired of being dragged down by
the parasitic, envious, and less talented lower classes,
Galt and his fellow capitalists revolted, retreating to
“Galt’s Gulch,” a refuge in the Rocky
Mountains. There, they passed their
days in secluded splendor while the
rest of the world, bereft of their
genius and hard work, collapsed.
That was, of course, a fiction,
with as much bodice ripping as
economics. But versions of Galt’s
Gulch are starting to show up in
more sober venues. On December
6, 2011, the day Barack Obama made
income inequality the theme of a
speech in Osawatomie, Kansas, Ed
Yardeni, an economist and investment adviser, devoted his influential
daily post to a 1 percent fantasy of
extraterrestrial immigration:
“We may need an escape plan if Europe blows
up and if President Barack Obama spends the next 11
months campaigning rather than presiding.
Just in the nick of time, NASA . . . has found a
new planet, Kepler-22b. It is the most Earth-like
yet. . . . Those of us who favor fiscal discipline, small
governments, and low taxes might consider moving
38
there and starting over.”
Meanwhile, a few plutocrats are actually trying
to build a real Galt’s Gulch here on earth. The
Seasteading Institute hopes to construct man-made
islands in the international waters of the ocean,
beyond the legal reach of any national government.
These oases, where the rich would be free to prosper
unrestrained by the grasping of the
99 percent, are the brain child of
Milton Friedman’s grandson.
Some plutocrats are worried
about the eventual political consequences of the intellectual divide
between them and everyone else.
Mohamed El-Erian, the Pimco
CEO, is a model member of the super-elite. But he is also a man whose
Egyptian father grew up in a house
without running water, and he
has studied nations where the gaps
between the rich and the poor have
had violent resolutions. “No nation
can tolerate for long excessive shifts
in income and wealth inequalities as they tear at the
fabric of society,” he wrote to me in an e-mail. “Think
of this simple analogy—that of an increasingly fancy
house in a poor and deteriorating neighbourhood.”
El-Erian worried that his fellow plutocrats
weren’t paying enough attention to the foreclosures
down the block, though: “Some elites live astonishingly sheltered lives.”
from
A WOR K I NG T H EORY
OF LOV E
scott hutchins
At home, my mind spinning with hours of talk, I
definitely wouldn’t say I feel good. I feel on edge. I feel
lonely. I feel like I’ve spent the day lying—to whom,
I’m not sure.
Of course, lying is the game. We lie to Dr. Bassett
so he’ll lie to a judge who will, we hope, fall for it.
That’s the definition of intelligence: deception.
Successful deception. Modestly successful deception. Thirty percent! That’s
where our patron saint Alan Turing
set the bar when he invented the
test. He pulled the number out of
the air, but it’s an argument about
human relations. I always attributed
this soft cynicism to his biography:
first he was the finest code breaker
for the British during World War
II—a kind of spy—then in the 1950s
he became a broken code himself.
They prosecuted him for homosexuality and then took away everything. His career, his independence,
his masculinity (he was ordered by
the court to undergo estrogen therapy, i.e., chemical
castration), his ability to travel. It’s hard not to imagine Turing, a brilliant man, stripped of everything, his
athlete’s body growing fat around the waist, growing
breasts, thinking of the others he knew, the men like
him who still managed to survive in the world, and
admiring deceit as the highest human art.
But maybe I’ve oversimplified. After all, Turing
proposed the test long before he was prosecuted.
He saw something important in that number, some
benchmark of success. If you can give a person just
enough so that 30 percent of the time they believe
you’re who they want you to be—intelligence. I can’t
say he’s wrong. If Erin and I could have managed 30
percent we’d still be married. In
fact, 30 percent looks demanding.
We’d have made it with 15 or 20. My
father? We’d have made it with 5.
What percentage did he and
Libby have?
As for me and Rachel, maybe I
was setting the bar too high. Was I
aiming for 40 percent? Fifty? Eight?
It’s possible I was striving in the
wrong direction. Maybe I should
seek more delusion, self and other.
That way I can tumble in safety—
like some Mr. Magoo of the spirit—
through life’s dangers.
Poor Turing—if he could have
just launched fifty years into the future. Right now
he could be down in the Castro, sipping a gin and
tonic at Moby Dick’s. I wonder if he would change his
definition of intelligence.
from
W H AT ’ S A DOG FOR ?
John Homans
There is plenty of found comedy in the cognitive
dissonance of treating Stella as if she were a human
being; it is a sitcom we are constantly in the process
of rewriting, but the laughter is of the slightly uncomfortable variety, because underneath, we mean
it—she’s treated as a person, part of our human
group, in some ways, and as a dog in others. But the
boundaries of these categories were
unclear, and constantly shifting.
Over time, I came to think that what
seemed like a mistake—your dog is
not a human being!—was actually a
mystery, giving rise to a series of cascading questions that were never far
from my thoughts. Who, or what,
is she? What went on in her head?
And what was going on in my head
that I couldn’t help but treat her as
something she clearly wasn’t?
As time went on, I learned that
the dog’s honorary personhood was
a kind of battleground, and not just
in my thoughts. The fact that the
dog is a dog and not a person, but is treated like a
person in many ways is, to start with, a recipe for misunderstanding, miscommunication, and interspecial
neurotic interchange. With Stella’s arrival, I started
to pay attention to the vast people-are-from-Mars,
dogs-are-from-Venus industry, trainers and books
and TV shows, devoted to addressing this issue, all
40
with different prescriptions but trying to bridge the
same gap. The dominant mode of dog literature these
days is not about dog training, necessarily, but about
how to better understand your dog.
And there’s an even bigger industry trying to
confuse the issue, because what’s considered partly
a person gets a better—and more expensive—brand
of dog food than one that isn’t.
Beneful, that doggie junk food,
even has an ad that’s directed specifically at dogs, using insidious dogwhistle-type sounds to attract your
dog’s attention. In New York, there
are dog bakeries, haberdashers, and
luxury kennels, everything that the
marketing mind can dream up—a
vast and ever-growing junkyard of
kitsch, with names (“paw-tisserie,”
etc.) that are more annoying than
the products themselves, if that’s
even possible. I don’t think there is
anything wrong with buying your
dog all this stuff—it’s nothing more
dire than a game of dress-up—though it’s probably
prudent to ask whom it’s being bought for. The dog
doesn’t care if it’s wearing a funny hat or traveling
in a sequined dog purse—no one loses anything but
their dignity. Treating your dog as a person can be a
kind of aesthetic error—one that’s becoming ever
more common.
from
T H E PAT R I A RC H
Davi d Nasaw
“The last three nights in London have been simply
hell,” Joseph Kennedy wrote home on September
10, 1940. “Last night I put on my steel helmet and
went up on the roof of the Chancery and stayed up
there until two o’clock in the morning watching
the Germans come over in relays every ten minutes
and drop bombs, setting terrific fires. You could see
the dome of St. Paul’s silhouetted
against a blazing inferno that the
Germans kept adding to from time
to time by flying over and dropping
more bombs. 14 Prince’s Gate [the
American ambassador’s residence]
has just missed being hit . . .”
That day and the next, Kennedy
hurriedly dictated letters to friends,
business associates, and Rose and
the children. As had become his
habit now, he broke his tale of life in
London into pieces and advised the
children to swap letters with one
another to get the whole story. He
was, he assured them all, neither
frightened nor alarmed. “I am completely a fatalist
about bombing accidents,” he wrote Rose. “I don’t
think anything is going to happen to me, and for
that reason it doesn’t worry me the slightest bit . . . ”
He held tight to his earlier promise to himself that
he would not leave England with its short-term fate
undecided. “With all my desire to get home, I feel I
must see this through.”
He reported truthfully to the children on the
devastation caused by the daily bombing, but did so
with a light touch so as not to frighten them into
thinking that their father was in mortal danger. “For
a man with a weak stomach these
last three days have proven very
conclusively that you can worry
about much more important things
than whether you are going to have
an ulcer or not,” he wrote Jack. “I
am feeling very well. Haven’t the
slightest touch of nervousness. . . .
The only thing I am afraid of is that
I won’t be able to live long enough
to tell all that I see and feel about
this crisis. When I hear these mental
midgets talking about my desire
for appeasement and being critical
of it, my blood fairly boils. What is
this war going to prove? And what
is it going to do to civilization? The answer to the first
question is nothing; and to the second I shudder even
to think about it . . . Good luck to you Boy, and I hope
to see you soon.”
the peng u in press
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or call:
Special sales : 212-366-2612
Mail order catalogs : 212-366-2751
Canadian Sales and Editorial
Penguin Books Canada
90 Eglinton Ave., Suite 700
Toronto, Ontario m4p 2y3
Canada
Phone : 416-925-2249
Fax : 416-925-0068
Toll free : 800-810-3104
Canadian Orders, Customer Service, and Returns
Penguin Books Canada
195 Harry Walker Parkway North
Newmarket, Ontario l3y 7b3
Canada
Phone : 800-399-6858
Fax : 800-363-2665
International Sales
Penguin Group (USA), Inc.
Attn: International Sales
375 Hudson Street
New York, NY 10014
Phone : 212-366-2000
Fax : 212-366-2816
International Orders and Customer Service
Penguin Group (USA), Inc.
Order Processing/Exports
405 Murray Hill Parkway
East Rutherford, NJ 07073-2136
Fax: 201-256-0009
Returns Policy
Books published by Penguin Group (USA), Inc.
may be returned for credit if they were ordered
from Penguin Group (USA), Inc. on a returnable
basis, are in salable condition, and are returned
at the customer’s expense no sooner than 90 days
after the publication date and no later than 180
days after they are declared out of print. For more
details on credits for returns, contact your sales
representative or Inside Sales at 800-847-5515.
Credits may be used for future purchases only.
Address for Returns
Penguin Group (USA), Inc.
Returns Dept.
One Grosset Drive
Kirkwood, NY 13795-1042
Co-op Advertising Policy
For co-op advertising on adult titles, direct
requests to your Penguin Group (USA), Inc. adult
sales representative or to:
Penguin Group (USA), Inc.
Attn: Sales Department
375 Hudson Street
New York, NY 10014
Penguin Group Express
• Guaranteed next-day shipping
• Our most popular frontlist and backlist titles!
• For retail and wholesale accounts only
• Call toll free (800) 527-9703 or fax to
201-256-0010 or e-mail to PGI Order
Department at [email protected]
Advise the customer service representative that
you are placing an express order.
Orders received by 1:00 p.m. est will be
shipped by the next business day provided
books are available and your account is in
good credit standing.
• Minimums per order:
Retail (all warehouses): 25 units
RDC (all warehouses): 300 units
Wholesale:
Lebanon—for DK product—50 units
Pittston and Kirkwood—for PGI product—
96 units
• We will accept backorders for 5 days. If stock
comes in within this 5-day period, order will
release immediately as an express order.
• Penguin Express orders cannot be combined
with other orders.
•
•
Delayed Billing Program
Offer open to all retail and wholesale accounts in
good credit standing.
• Orders can be placed anytime between
May 18, 2012, and September 21, 2012.
Invoice due December 14, 2012.
• One order only. Excludes NYP titles and those on
the New York Times bestseller list.
• Contact your sales representative or our Inside
Sales Department for qualifying minimums.
• Penguin Group (USA), Inc. will ship on any date
specified with above guidelines.
• All orders are subject to the final approval of the
Penguin Group (USA), Credit Department.
•
key to territory codes
Sap Code Definitions
aoo
US, dependencies, Philippines
boo
No rights anywhere
coo
US, dep., Phil., Canada
doo
Public Domain in the US
d05
Public Domain throughout the world
excluding European Union
dw
Public Domain throughout the world
e00
US, dep., Phil., Canada, Open Market
f00
US, dep., Phil., Open Market excluding
European Union
f25
US, dep., Phil., No Canada, More
Restricted Open Market without Europe
g00
US, dep., Phil., Canada, Open Market
excluding European Union
g12
US, dep., Phil., Canada, More Restricted
Open Market without European Union
k00
US, dep., Phil., S. America,
Trinidad, Tobago
l00
US, dep., Phil., Open Market, No Israel
m00
US only
n00
US, dep., Phil., Open Market
n43
US, dep., Phil., No Canada, More
Restricted Open Market with
European Union
n44
US, dep., Phil., No Canada, Open Market
with European Union, No India
q00
US and Canada only
p00
US, dep., Phil., nonexclusive Canada,
Open Market
s00
US, dep., No Phil.
t00
US, dep., Phil., nonexclusive Canada
u00
World except Japan
v00
World except Australia and New Zealand
w00World
100
U.S., dep., Phil., Canada, Australia,
New Zealand, Open Market
200
World except Canada
300
World except South Africa
500
US, dep., Phil., nonexclusive Canada,
Aus, NZ, Open Market
600
World except UK
700
World except India
900
World except Israel
notes Rights/Territory codes apply to English-language .
distribution of finished copies of the ISBN only.