The Inca civil war and the establishment of Spanish power in Peru Author(s): John H. Rowe Source: Ñawpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology, No. 28 (2006), pp. 1-9 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27977824 Accessed: 30-12-2016 08:12 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Ñawpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology This content downloaded from 76.120.77.94 on Fri, 30 Dec 2016 08:12:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms The Inca civil war and the establishment of Spanish power in Peru John h. Rowe To understand what was involved in establishing Spanish power in Peru, one must compare the official dis patches sent to Spain by Pizarro with the unofficial accounts of other Spaniards who were present. The political turmoil caused by the death of Huayna Capac provided the material Pizarro needed to acquire control. By lying and manipuUtion he engineered the murder of Atau Huallpa and the naming of one of his own allies as Inca. Contrary to common belief the Spaniards did not conquer the Inca Empire by force, but rather seized it through subversion and treachery. Para entender como se estableci? el dominio espa?ol en el Per?, hay que comparar los informes oficiales de Pizarro al Rey con los no oficiales escritos por otros espa?oles tambi?n presentes. La muerte de Huayna Capac result? en una situaci?n apta para la colusi?n de Pizarro con los Incas enemigos de Atau Huallpa. Por medio de mentiras y manipulaciones Pizarro logr? la muerte del Inca, resultando en el nombramiento de uno de sus propios aliados a la sucesi?n. Al contrario de la creencia com?n, los espa?oles no conquistaron a los Inca por fuerza de armas, sino por subversi?n y subornaci?n. Introduction civil war over the imperial succession. The Spaniards walked in and kidnapped the winner, Atau Huallpa. The establishment of Spanish power in Peru is a problem for those of us interested in the history of the area. The Inca Empire, which the Spaniards called Peru, was probably the greatest military power in the New World when the Europeans arrived, yet a The leaders of the losing side, who had supported his brother Hu?scar, asked the Spaniards for help. The Spaniards demanded submission as the price of the alliance, and the losers were so desperate that they agreed. There is nothing new in recognizing the Inca small company of only 168 Spanish adventurers un der the command of Francisco Pizarro succeeded in civil war as an important factor in the establishment taking control of it with little opposition. Two-and a-half years later, the Incas revolted and then there of Spanish power. What has not been adequately stud ied is the effect of the civil war on the way Inca lead was heavy fighting. The Incas sometimes won and sometimes lost; in the end the rebellion was quelled. ers dealt with the Spaniards.1 We have been too ready to believe Francisco Pizarro. Pizarro had two secre The revolt is not a problem. Spanish greed provoked taries, Francisco de J?rez and Pedro Sancho, who it, and its outcome can be understood in military terms. The problem is the original establishment of control. Why was there so little Inca resistance? It so happens that the Incas had just fought a 1 Edmundo Guillen advised that we take note of the activity of the Hu?scar side in the deaths of Atau Huallpa and Challcu Chima (Guillen Guillen 1978: 47-48, note 1). This content downloaded from 76.120.77.94 on Fri, 30 Dec 2016 08:12:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms ?awpa Pacha 28 as successor. There was, however, an order of prece wrote the official accounts of the expedition. These reports present the version of the story that Pizarro dence that he was supposed to respect. The Incas wanted people to believe, a version in which some practiced divination to determine whether a proposed action would be fortunate or unfortunate, and such important facts are omitted and others distorted, in divination was also a factor in decisions about the succession. order to present Pizarro in the most favorable light. Fortunately, there are several independent accounts, written by other members of the company, which Huayna Capac chose his successor on his death can be used to correct deficiencies in the official ver sions. I refer in particular to those by Hernando bed, but the first son he named died in the same epi demic that claimed his father. His second choice was a Pizarro, Juan Ruiz de Arce, Diego de Trujillo, Pedro Pizarro, and Pedro Cata?o, as well as the anonymous son named Hu?scar, who was in Cuzco, but the result of the divination was that he would be unfortunate. ones wrongly attributed to Cristobal de Mena and Miguel Estete.2 There are also some other writers (Gonzalo Fern?ndez de Oviedo, Juan de Betanzos, and Pedro de Cieza de Le?n) who had sources close The high priest who went to report this result to Huayna Capac found him already dead. In spite of to the events. There is enough agreement among the (Sarmiento de Gamboa, cap. 62; 1906: 111 [1572]). independent witnesses on the key points to justify a critical revision of Pizarro's official version. Hu?scar was barely nineteen years old in 1528, the adverse omens, the priest then sent a messenger to tell Hu?scar that his father had named him heir and had no experience in either civil administration or military command. His friends, equally inexperi enced youths, encouraged him to take power imme The Prelude diately and rule by his own authority without await ing any instructions that his father might have left The Inca civil war was in part a consequence of the for him. As no new governors had been named to arrival of the first European disease. An epidemic of replace those who died in the epidemic, there was no smallpox or measles erupted in the Inca Empire in constituted authority in the capital to intervene. 1528. Inca informants told Cieza de Le?n that more Hu?scar let himself be persuaded. He had himself crowned immediately, and chose as advisors two of than 200,000 people died in this epidemic (Cieza de Le?n, 2a pte., cap. LXIX; 1985: 199-200 [1553]). his half-brothers who had no more experience than Its victims included the Inca emperor, Huayna Capac, he did. He distributed gifts and appointments to his young friends and to those who had shown him fa and other important government figures. Huayna Capac had spent the last eleven years of his reign campaigning in the area of Quito. When he left vor during his fathers life. When his fathers counse lors arrived from Quito he had them killed, without seeing them or listening to what they had to say. Cuzco, the Inca capital, for the last time, he named two governors there. Both of them died in the epi Hu?scar simply seized power, in open rebellion demic and Huayna Capac had no time to name oth against his fathers establishment. ers before he, too, died. In that part of Huayna Capac s army that had The epidemic also disrupted the imperial suc cession. In theory, the Inca emperor had absolute officers. When news of the happenings in Cuzco power, including that of naming any one of his sons reached them, these men soon realized that the new remained in Quito were many able and experienced government was not likely to appreciate their ser 2 Hernando Pizarro 1855 [1533]; Ruiz de Arce 1933 [1543]; Trujillo 1948 [1571]; Pedro Pizarro 1978 [1571]; Busto vices. They sought out another son of Huayna Capac, Atau Huallpa, who had stayed in Quito with the army, and offered to support him if he would assume the gov Duthurburu 1964, for Cata?o; Fajse Mena 1929 [ 1534] ; False Estete 1918 [c. 1535-1540]. Better and more informative ernorship of the province. Atau Huallpa was about five editions of False Mena, False Estete, and of J?rez may be found years older than Hu?scar and had some military expe in Salas and others 1987. rience. He accepted the officers' proposal, sending 2 This content downloaded from 76.120.77.94 on Fri, 30 Dec 2016 08:12:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Rowe: The Inca civil war and the establishment of Spanish power word to Hu?scar that he was governing Quito in Hu?scar s name. After his capture, Atau Huallpa offered an im mense ransom for his life and freedom. Pizarro ac Hu?scar was infuriated by Atau Huallpas ac cepted the offer and had the conditions written down. tion but did not feel secure enough to take immedi Atau Huallpa, who had become valuable as a source ate action against his brother. He made an ambigu ous answer to the first message, an answer that Atau of wealth, was well treated and allowed to continue to govern. One of his first steps was to order that Hu?scar Huallpa interpreted as a commission to govern. Later, be killed to eliminate the danger of his brothers mak when Hu?scar felt stronger, he ordered his brother ing a separate agreement with the Spaniards. In Cuzco, meanwhile, Atau Huallpas captains to present himself in Cuzco. Atau Huallpa ignored were busy killing Huascar's relatives and principle the summons, but sent gifts and protestations of loy supporters with the object of leaving his party with out leaders to continue the resistance. These officers alty. Hu?scar refused the gifts and dispatched an army to bring Atau Huallpa in by force. There was a battle in Ambato, not far from Quito, which Atau Huallpa tried to find and kill the other sons of Huayna Capac won. His commander-in-chief, Challcu Chima, was who might have some claim to the succession, but a military genius who was never defeated in battle. several survived by hiding. In a six-month campaign, this general destroyed Hu?scar was dead, but his cause lived on. People Hu?scar s armies one after another, finally capturing of all the provinces of the empire, as far north as Hu?scar himself. Atau Huallpa hardly had time to Tumipampa, had fought for him against Atau Huallpas company of adventurers reached Cajamarca where Atau Huallpa awaited them. had stood against him. This policy, naturally, did not celebrate this success when Francisco Pizarro and his armies. The new monarch wanted to punish all who turn enemies into loyal followers, and there were many disposed to follow whoever came forward as Enter the Spaniards Huascar's legitimate heir, if there was any hope of Pizarro did not go to Cajamarca to fight the Inca but they were not likely to be interested in support army, but rather to kidnap Atau Huallpa, a plan in ing Atau Huallpas opponents as long as the captive spired by the success of the tactics used by Cortes in ruler was their source of gold and silver. success. The Spaniards just might provide that hope, Mexico. Pizarro laid an ambush on the occasion of Among the conditions of the ransom, Pizarro his first meeting with the Inca ruler, on November had included one that the treasure comprising the ransom was for the members of his company who 15, 1532. Atau Huallpa entered Cajamarca for this had participated in the abduction of the Inca. When new adventurers arrived to reinforce the company, meeting accompanied by a large retinue. Pizarro kept his men concealed in the buildings surrounding the plaza while a priest invited the Inca to come and dine they naturally wanted a share in the treasure that was with the Spanish commander. Atau Huallpa refused, obtained after their arrival. The ransom treasure, demanding that the Spaniards give up all the booty however, was still coming in, and the original mem bers of the company held that the newcomers had they had taken. Thereupon, the Spaniards erupted from their places of concealment. Pizarro, leading a no share in it by the terms of the ransom agreement. party of men on foot, rushed Atau Huallpas litter There was so much animosity between the two groups and dragged him out of it while the Spanish horse that Pizarro decided to declare the ransom fully paid, men charged into the ranks of his attendants. The leaving the treasure that came in later to be divided surprise was complete; the attendants panicked and among all the adventurers present. Although he ac tried to flee. There was no combat. Francisco de J?rez knowledged publicly that the ransom had been paid, wrote afterward, "in all this, no Indian raised a Pizarro kept Atau Huallpa in custody, saying that it weapon against a Spaniard" (Jerez 1983: 20 [1534]). The Spanish horsemen amused themselves by kill would be too dangerous for the Spaniards to release him. Atau Huallpa was no longer a source of treasure, ing hundreds of unresisting fugitives. just a royal hostage. 3 This content downloaded from 76.120.77.94 on Fri, 30 Dec 2016 08:12:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms ?awpa Pacha 28 The Murder and How It Was Achieved other authorities of the company to consider the evi dence against Atau Huallpa. This tribunal sentenced At this point, two young men who claimed to be Atau Huallpa to death. On the assumption that the sons of Huayna Capac slipped into the Spanish camp. alleged hostile army would not attack if Atau Huallpa One of them was Tupa Huallpa, who, they said, was was dead, the sentence was carried out that very day. Hu?scar s legitimate heir. Pizarro treated them with honor and hid them in his own quarters. The time Pizarro managed to persuade many of his followers that he went along with the decision only reluctantly. was now right, and the leader of Atau Huallpas op ponents had come to seek the support of the only The Aftermath people who could improve his condition. What hap pened next was the death of Atau Huallpa, a death that has remained, in some sense, a sixteenth cen tury murder mystery. Shortly after the arrival of the Inca princes, Following Atau Huallpas death, Tupa Huallpa emerged from hiding and presented himself to the Inca nobles, who accepted him as Huascar's legiti mate successor. A coronation ceremony was held, Carhuarayco, the lord of Cajamarca and a Hu?scar supporter, came to tell the Spaniards that, on Atau Huallpas orders, a large Inca army was marching to followed directly by another ceremony in which Tupa Huallpa and his nobles swore allegiance to the Span ish crown. attack them. Instead of treating this information as Hernando de Soto and his companions returned military intelligence and sending out a Spanish party to reconnoiter, as he had done some months earlier, after Atau Huallpas execution had taken place, to report that there was no attacking army; on the con Pizarro treated it as an accusation that Atau Huallpa trary, the whole countryside was peaceful. They were was plotting against the Spaniards, and ordered a le angry when they found that Atau Huallpa had been gal inquiry to be made among the native nobles killed in their absence. Pizarro, who was wearing present in Cajamarca. All the witnesses confirmed mourning, said, "I see now that they fooled me."4 It the charge made by Carhuarayco. Pizarro then con was an acknowledgement that all the reports of an fronted Atau Huallpa with the accusation; the Inca attacking army had been lies, obviously lies told to denied everything. Pizarro ordered him chained by bring about Atau Huallpas death. the neck and then sent two native spies to see if the In spite of Pizarro's efforts to persuade his fol menacing army was on land level enough to employ cavalry to attack it. The spies reported that the army the death sentence reluctantly, he must have been lowers that he had been deceived and had agreed to was in very rough terrain. Pizarro "ordered the camp placed on high alert" (Jerez 1983: 35 [1534]). involved in the conspiracy that produced the lies. Pizarro was the man who gave the orders. For the Since Pizarro had sent no Spaniards to look for the hostile army, Hernando de Soto and some other the right time. For example, he had to avoid sending Spanish friends of Atau Huallpa asked permission to out a Spanish party to look for the alleged attacking go and look for themselves. Pizarro granted the per army until he could arrange to execute Atau Huallpa before that party returned. scheme to work, he had to give the right orders at mission, and Atau Huallpas friends left the camp. Before Sotos party returned, in the afternoon All the reports and testimony about the attack of July 26, 1533, two of the Indians who were serv ing the Spaniards came running in, saying that they ing army were provided by natives, obviously ones who were hostile to Atau Huallpa. The leader of the were fleeing from the attacking army, which was only party opposing Atau Huallpa was Tupa Huallpa, who three leagues away.3 Pizarro thereupon convoked a was living in Pizarros quarters at the time. Atau military tribunal composed of his officers and the 4 Oviedo Vald?s, lib. XLVI, cap. XXII; 1850-1855: tomo IV, p. 250 [1535-1547]; Trujillo 1948: 59 [1571]; Cieza de Le?n, 3apte., cap. LIV; 1987: 165-171 [c. 1553]. 3 The date is that of the death of Atau Huallpa, as clarified by Cook (1969: 73-74). 4 This content downloaded from 76.120.77.94 on Fri, 30 Dec 2016 08:12:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Rowe: The Inca civil war and the establishment of Spanish power Huallpa's death led to Tupa Huallpa's coronation. He continued his march, leaving the question of the al was clearly Pizarro's partner in the conspiracy. liance open until Tupa Huallpas brother appeared. The death of Atau Huallpa meant different There were military confrontations on four oc casions on the way to Cuzco before the Spaniards things to Pizarro and to Tupa Huallpa. To Pizarro, met Tupa Huallpas brother. The army that Challcu Chima had commanded had been in the Jauja area; who wanted to take control of the Inca Empire, it meant that he had exchanged an unwilling hostage it now tried to march to Cuzco to join the army that for a friend and ally. Furthermore, through the cere was occupying the capital. Its commanders wanted mony of allegiance, he had acquired legal title to the empire for the Spanish Crown. To Tupa Huallpa, whose pressing problem was the Inca civil war, it to stay ahead of the Spanish company and avoid fight ing it as long as the Spaniards had Challcu Chima in their power. Pizarro, on the other hand, wanted to meant that his side, Hu?scar s side, which had lost everything, once again had a chance. He could count fight this army before it could join the one in Cuzco. on Spanish help to deal with Atau Huallpas support There were two encounters near Jauja, another at Vilcas, and the last and most serious on the climb to ers, who no longer had a leader. The oath of alle the Vilcacunca Pass, only two days' march from giance was the price he had to pay for Atau Huallpas Cuzco. In the first action near Jauja, mounted Span iards scattered a group of Inca warriors who were death and the Spanish alliance. At the time of his coronation, Tupa Huallpa was still far from enjoying the effective power of an Inca marching on level ground. In the second, Pizarro ruler. The only Inca armies that still existed were those ordered eighty of his horsemen to try to get ahead of of Atau Huallpas party, and one of them occupied Cuzco. Even in the Spanish camp the new ruler had the Inca army and stop it. The Spaniards failed to do a potential enemy. Pizarro held another hostage of take some plunder. Pizarro was not pleased. At Vilcas, Atau Huallpas party, the general Challcu Chima, who a Spanish advance party of forty horsemen surprised was also held prisoner. Challcu Chimas prestige was the Inca camp when most of the fighting men were so, managing only to cut up the Inca rear guard and so great that, after the death of Atau Huallpa, he be away on a hunt. The Spaniards took the Inca service came leader of the party. Atau Huallpa had shown personnel prisoner. When the Inca fighting men re himself ungrateful to his general, so Challcu Chima initially said that he was pleased by his leader s death turned from their hunt, there was a fight in which, for the first time, the Incas killed a horse. The next and was disposed to accept Tupa Huallpa as the new day, the Incas attacked again, carrying the horse's tail ruler. It soon became evident, however, that the great as a standard. There was heavy fighting until the Span general had no respect for Hu?scar s heir. He began to undermine Tupa Huallpas authority. iards let their prisoners go; thereupon the Incas re tired and resumed their march. The Spaniards set out for Cuzco with their new The Spanish advance party was almost annihi allies and Challcu Chima. Shortly after they reached lated on the climb to the Vilcacunca Pass. The slope Jauja, about halfway to the Inca capital, Tupa Huallpa was so steep and the drop so sheer that the riders had died. Many of the Spaniards believed that Challcu dismounted and were leading their horses. When the Chima had poisoned him, but there was no investi Incas attacked, the Spaniards lost five dead and sev enteen wounded of their total of forty men. The rest gation. In Challcu Chimas mind, Tupa Huallpas death undid the alliance of the Spaniards with were saved by darkness. In the night, a party of Span ish reinforcements arrived and the Incas withdrew. Hu?scar s faction. The Inca general tried, therefore, to convince Pizarro that one of Atau Huallpas sons, The Spanish survivors stayed where they were for a youth who was in Quito, would be the most ap four days until Pizarro and the rest arrived. The Inca propriate heir. The supporters of Tupa Huallpa, on army did succeed in joining the army that controlled Cuzco. the other hand, said that there was another legiti mate prince, a brother of Tupa Huallpa, whom they Shortly thereafter, Tupa Huallpa's brother ap could produce. Pizarro encouraged both parties and peared, a young man named Manco Inca. He accepted 5 This content downloaded from 76.120.77.94 on Fri, 30 Dec 2016 08:12:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms ?awpa Pacha 28 the same conditions that Tupa Huallpa had agreed encomienda corresponded to an Inca administrative to, and demanded the death of Challcu Chima as his unit (Betanzos, IIa pte., cap. XXVIII; 1987: 289 price. The death of Challcu Chima would cut 290 [1551-1557]). As the holders of encomiendas Pizarro's last tie to the party of Atau Huallpa. To pro took possession of their districts, the Inca govern vide the Spaniards with justification for condemn ment lost first economic and then political control of them. ing Challcu Chima, Manco accused the general of sending messengers to Quizquiz, commander of the Pizarro s Version army that was occupying Cuzco, with information about the Spaniards and how to fight them. Pizarro had Challcu Chima burned to death in the plaza of So far I have presented a reconstruction of what hap the first town they reached after meeting Manco Inca.5 pened, a narrative of events assembled from the in Quizquiz tried to stop the Spaniards from en dividual reports of the participants. It is instructive tering Cuzco. There was an indecisive encounter from to look also at Pizarro's official reports written by his two secretaries, Jerez and Sancho, to see what it was which the Spaniards withdrew to a flat place to spend that the Spanish leader wanted to cover up. Most the night, while Quizquizs forces camped on a hill side not far off. After dark there was a disturbance in obviously he wanted to conceal his part in the death the Spanish camp caused by some horses breaking loose (Pedro Pizarro, cap. 14; 1978: 86-87 [1571]). of Atau Huallpa. Both secretaries' accounts tell the story of the attacking army in great detail but say nothing of Soto's finding that it did not exist. Quizquiz s men feared a night attack and withdrew, Pizarro also covered up his dealings with Tupa leaving the way to Cuzco open. Manco and Pizarro Huallpa on that occasion. The Inca prince is not mentioned in the official reports until after Atau block the Spanish advance was the only effort Quizquiz made to fight them. Later, when Manco Huallpas death, when it is noted that Pizarro pre entered the city as liberators. This single attempt to and Pizarro sent their forces to attack him, Quizquiz withdrew and marched away to Quito. Manco was crowned in Cuzco with all the tra sented him to the people of Cajamarca as the legiti mate heir to the throne. In addition, by manipulating Tupa Huallpas ditional ceremonies and with Pizarro's patronage. As had Tupa Huallpa, he swore allegiance to the king of name, Pizarro covered up the fact that he had changed sides in the Inca civil war. Both secretaries' accounts Spain. The alliance with Manco, who still needed Spanish help to deal with what remained of Atau give Tupa Huallpas name as "Atabaliba," which is what Pizarro called Atau Huallpa; and Sancho says Huallpas armies, enabled Pizarro to subvert Inca rule and take control of the country. The subversion was misleading. Neither secretary explains that the prince carried out through that peculiar Spanish institution, who was crowned was Atau Huallpas enemy. This that he was Atau Huallpas brother, which is true but the encomienda. In the form in which it was used by subterfuge confused even Prescott, who thought that Pizarro, the encomienda was a grant of service. Pizarro Tupa Huallpa belonged to Atau Huallpas party granted the service of a certain number of natives to (Prescott 1942: 303). The person who says that Tupa an individual Spaniard, who could demand what Huallpa was Atau Huallpas enemy is Hernando ever tribute or labor he wanted from the people in Pizarro who, although he had left Cajamarca before cluded in his grant. Pizarro created the first grants the Inca sovereign's death, had received a letter from on the basis of information provided by Manco Inca his brother (Hernando Pizarro 1855: 213 [1553]). Sancho also misrepresented the relationship regarding the names of the curacas [local lords] and between Pizarro and Manco Inca, hiding the fact that the number of people they governed, so that each it was Manco who demanded the death of Challcu Chima. Sancho reversed the order of events, placing the death of Challcu Chima on the day before 5 Witness Juan de Pancorvo (Villanueva Urteaga 1971: 162? 165). Mancos appearance rather than the day after. Sanchos 6 This content downloaded from 76.120.77.94 on Fri, 30 Dec 2016 08:12:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Rowe: The Inca civil war and the establishment of Spanish power narrative attributes the charges against Challcu Chima and Challcu Chima, that destroyed the leadership of to Pizarro and to members of the Spanish advance party, who blamed their defeat at Vilcacunca on the and got submission to the Spanish crown as the price Inca general (Sancho, cap. X; 1938: 154 [1534]). of this alliance. There is little glory for anyone in the party that had won. The Spaniards demanded this story. The Spaniards were called viracocha in the Inca Meanwhile, in Spain language, and the term is used for whites in Peru to this day. Viracochas were emissaries of the Inca cre ator god. Polo de Ondegardo explained that, when The Spanish crown was not pleased with the way in which Pizarro had dealt with Atau Huallpa, because Atau Huallpas generals captured Hu?scar, the latter s it was illegal. Under the laws of Alfonso the Wise, followers made a great sacrifice to the Creator and the Siete Partidas, a ruler captured by a Spanish cap prayed to him to save them. Almost immediately tain was the property of the Spanish king. By con thereafter, word came that the Spaniards had arrived vening a court and sentencing Atau Huallpa to death, and had taken Atau Huallpa prisoner; they were, Pizarro had usurped a royal prerogative. The ransom therefore, beings sent by the Incas god in response was also a problem. By law, all of a royal ransom belonged to the king, but Pizarro had set aside only to prayer (Polo de Ondegardo 1940: 154 [1561]). The name viracocha remained, in memory of that a fifth of the ransom of Atau Huallpa for the crown. miracle, even after the Incas had learned to hate their new lords. Hernando Pizarro had gone to Spain to report to the king on the Spanish actions in Peru; the king sent him back to Peru to demand that the members of Acknowledgments Pizarro s company who had received shares of Atau Huallpas ransom contribute to a large donation to The original version of this material was presented at the University of California, Berkeley, on Novem the crown to make up for what had been taken. The ber 7, 1990, as the Bernard Moses Memorial Lec surviving adventurers now held encomiendas, so they could and did extort the treasure for the donation from ture. Rowe subsequently revised it for presentation the people who served them, thus helping to provoke in Spanish at the Fourth International Congress of Ethnohistoria, held in Lima, June 23-27, 1996. The the great Inca rebellion that took place in 1536.6 Spanish version was published in 1998 as follows: Rowe, John H. Conclusions 1998 Como Francisco Pizarro se apoder? del Per?. Actas del IV Congreso Inter nacional de Etnohistoria, tomo II: 517 534. Pontif?cia Universidad Cat?lica del The establishment of Spanish dominion in Peru was, then, a consequence of the Inca civil war. What made Per?, Fondo Editorial. Lima. it possible was the desperate need of Hu?scar s party, defeated in the civil war and persecuted by a victori When the original English version was misplaced, ous Atau Huallpa. Spanish dominion was established, Patricia J. Lyon translated the Spanish version into not by military victories, but by an alliance with the faction that had lost the war, an alliance cemented English, which was checked by Rowe. After the origi nal reappeared the two English texts were compared by the two political killings, those of Atau Huallpa and edited into the present version. The dates of origi nal publication or composition of colonial sources have been added in brackets by Catherine Julien. 6 Siete Partidas, 2a partida, tit. XXVI, ley V y ley VIII; 1829: 650 and 653 [1256-1263]. Royal instruction to Hernando Pizarro concerning a servicio (Porras Barrenechea 1944: 204 206). The King's displeasure, Royal c?dula to Francisco Pizarro, 21 May 1534 (Porras Barrenechea 1944: 191-192). 7 This content downloaded from 76.120.77.94 on Fri, 30 Dec 2016 08:12:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms ?awpa Pacha 28 References Cited de Marcelo Grota. Cr?nicas del Espejo, serie fo lio I. El Crotal?n [facsimile of the first edition], Madrid. Betanzos, Juan de 1987 Suma y narraci?n de los Incas [1551-1557]. Pr? Oviedo y Vald?s, Gonzalo Fern?ndez de logo, transcripci?n y notas por M.a del Carmen Mart?n Rubio. Ediciones Atlas, Madrid. 1850-55 Historia general y natural de las Indias, islas y tierra firme del Mar Oc?ano [1534-1547]. 4 tomos. 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