The Museum
for Sepulchral Culture
in 10 Stations
deutsch|english
5
row – Zwei Tödlein / Two Little Deaths, late 17th cent. Death is seen as the
conqueror of human life, over which he triumphs.
Towards the end of the 18th century a change in attitude resulting from
the influence of the Enlightenment can be discerned. Whereas death as
a skeleton had terrified human beings so far, it now acquired consoling,
gentle attributes under the guise of a beautiful youth. The model for this was
Thanatos – Thanatos, about 1800 –, in Greek Antiquity considered to be
the twin brother of sleep (Hypnos). Unfortunately, the statue on display has
been deprived of its typical attributes. Originally, the figure supported itself
on an inverted torch, a symbol of fading life. In its hand it held a poppy
stalk signifying eternal sleep.
In 1769, Gotthold Ephraim Lessing in his publication ‘Wie die Alten den
Tod gebildet’ (How the Ancients Depicted Death) promoted Thanatos as a
more appropriate representation of death. Not only to him, the metaphor of
death as eternal sleep appeared more pleasant than the Christian concept
of eternal damnation, which lies hidden behind the imagery of skulls,
6
7
8
8
bones and skeletons. The bourgeoisie too, with its new self-image, followed
Lessing’s ideas, and little by little Ancient symbols and designs replaced the
drastic ‘vanitas’ illustrations on tombs.
The outer coffins from the mausoleum of the noble family of von Stockhausen (outer coffins 17th to 20th cent.) are testimonials of the common practice of church funerals in former times. 27 stacked coffins were
found in the mausoleum, each consisting of an outer and inner coffin. The
outer coffins were elaborately painted with ‘vanitas’ motifs (candle, hour
glass, skull, branch of roses) and assumed the memorial function of a grave
sign. These coffins display a peculiar contradiction. In agreement with the
protestant belief of the family, their lids were covered with New Testament
quotations pointing to the hoped for resurrection, while at the same time
the dead bodies in the inner coffins were secured with belts, tied in zigzag
or crosswise. The explanation for this practice is fear of a return of the
dead. This abrupt juxtaposition of Christian symbols and acts of supposedly
apotropaic motivation is an example of the inconsistencies in dealing with
dead bodies. Movie entertainment still employs these fears from popular
belief. In the horror movie genre vampires, zombies, and homunculi just
refuse to die.
7
Furthermore, changes in the domain of remembering and commemorating the dead have to be viewed against a background of changing
living conditions. Georg Pöhlein’s series of photographs Großvater geht
(Grandfather is leaving), which documents the life and death of his grandfather, is representative of general changes of living and dying. Whereas
formerly most people died at home and – according to survey data – most
people today wish to die there, this is hardly possible any more for a vari­
ety of reasons. Nowadays, people in general live to a much higher age
than previously and for this reason often complete the final phase of their
lives in nursing homes or hospitals, but no longer at home. Simultaneously,
the fact that in most cases both spouses are employed outside the home
makes caring for the old and dying within the framework of the family
almost impossible. Causes of death
have changed, infectious diseases
have been replaced by chronic degenerative diseases as the most common
cause of death.
The two black-and-white portraits of
a man who died in a hospice – Zwei
Portraits / Two Portraits of Heiner
Schmitz, 2003 –, complemented by
Beate Lakotta and Walter Schels with
thoughts of the dying man, point out
the trend of moving death away from
the home into professional caring
institutions, although palliative wards
also try to make dying at home possible by providing comparable care
for out-patients.
9
as for the grave signs, which nowadays are dissolved into landscapes or
gardens within the cemetery: Mourning, remembering, and commemorating become increasingly invisible in our everyday life.
10
The video installation by Ugo Dossi Eternal Recurrence – Danse Macabre (2007, duration 0:18:55, shown daily at 15h) subliminally
presents images and sounds to the viewer and listener. The images occur so
briefly and the sounds are so indifferent that their perception does not cross
the threshold of consciousness, they remain subliminal.
The video touches on the cyclical, the eternally recurring that also appears
in the motif of the danse macabre. Historical antecedents of the danse
macabre in the video are literary, pictorial and sculpted representations of
death dancing with the living (see also station 6).
Some of the ‘faces of death’ and ‘shapes of soul’ that flash up in the installation reappear on the grave sign that Hugo Dossi made for himself in the
artists' necropolis (Künstlernekropole) in Kassel.
9
7
These traditional mourning costumes from Schaumburg-Lippe (end of
the 19th cent. and later) exemplify the visualisation of mourning. The
women’s costumes differentiate three phases within the three year mourning
period, i. e. full, half and end of mourning. In accordance with these stages
the colours gradually change from black to lighter tones. These subtle colour distinctions underline the process character of mourning, during which
the mourner is gradually reintroduced to everyday social life.
The costume also protects the mourner. It signals to all outsiders at which
stage of mourning the wearer currently is and how much protection or
consideration is deemed necessary at that point. At the same time, wearing
these costumes was linked to restrictions of behaviour, which certainly contributed to the gradual falling into disuse of ‘wearing mourning’ to a point
where it is hardly seen any more.
With the disappearance of mourning costumes we have come full circle
back to the topic with which our tour began, namely to commemoration
mediated by the object of the grave sign. For the costumes the same applies
10
2
2
This photograph of a forest burial ground in the western Münsterland
region and the stones deposited in front of it represent the emergence
of forest burial grounds. The concept of such forest burials originated in
Switzerland. The first forest burial ground in Germany was established in
2001 in the Reinhardswald hills north of Kassel. The concept implies that
the forest burial should not interfere with the natural appearance of the
forest. Urn burials may only be marked with small signs taken from nature.
In response to this development many cemeteries offer so-called ‘natural
types of burial as well as landscaped communal burial grounds. However,
the manufacture of a diamond from the ashes of a dead person as well as
the wearing of a part from the ashes as an ornament, or the distribution
of some of the ashes in space (so-called space burial) are not permitted in
Germany. Apparently, an increasingly secularised society is searching for
new, emotionally attractive images for coming to terms with death.
3
However, the relationship between the concepts of grave and nature
is not a new invention. During the period of Enlightenment nature
was ­already felt to be a consoling symbol for dealing with death. Natural
images were used to inspire the design of graves and of the surrounding
cemetery. They can be found in pictorial representations of 19th century
graves and cemeteries, in three-dimensional in-door memorials of tombs
made of hair, and in the design of mourning ornaments (see surroundings
of station 9).
During the 19th century, park cemeteries developed in which for the first
time grave signs were subordinated to an image of nature. This development continues via the wood cemeteries (early 20th century) to today’s
forest burial grounds and cemetery areas designed as miniature landscapes
or gardens, where graves are integrated to be all but invisible.
3
s­ imple manner, as is illustrated by this representation of a cemetery in a historical map of Kassel from the 16th century – Town map by M. Müller, 1547.
Arbeitsgemeinschaft Friedhof und Denkmal e. V.
Zentralinstitut und Museum für Sepulkralkultur
Weinbergstraße 25–27
34117 Kassel
Telefon: ++49 (0)561 91893 0
Telefax: ++49 (0)561 91893 10
[email protected]
www.sepulkralmuseum.de
5
The tour along the inner perimeter of the museum illustrates the further
development of grave signs, the development of wooden, stone and
metal signs, in the course of which artisan manufacture is increasingly
superseded by industrialised production as is the case with grave signs
made from cast iron or by electrotyping (electrotype ‘Erinnerung’ – ‘Remembrance’, around 1900). Complementary to this exhibition of grave signs,
the origin and development of grave plantings have been recreated in the
outdoor area of the museum, next to the terrace.
Öffnungszeiten Museum
Dienstag – Sonntag 10.00 bis 17.00 Uhr
Mittwoch
10.00 bis 20.00 Uhr
Öffnungszeiten Bibliothek
Dienstag – Donnerstag 10.00 bis 15.00 Uhr
Freitag
10.00 bis 13.00 Uhr
6
Changes in the areas of remembering and commemorating have to be
viewed against the background of changing images of death.
During the Middle Ages and the Baroque period death was depicted as
a skeleton – often equipped with an hour glass, a scythe or bow and ar-
Die Arbeitsgemeinschaft Friedhof und Denkmal ist
Mitglied im Arbeitskreis selbstständiger Kulturinstitute,
Bonn (AsKI).
Das Museum für Sepulkralkultur wird gefördert von
Gestaltung: asandmann.de/sign
�
On the stairs leading down into the basement an installation by
Marlies Poss Ray of hope (1993) introduces the visitors to the theme
of the museum. The exhibit is reminiscent of an ancient skin, but is in fact
made from plant fibres and glue. Opposite this empty shell a translucent
figure is stretched between bars. This work of art prompts questions such
as: What happens when someone dies? Does an immaterial body leave
the material one?
Some cultures have developed the idea of a journey of the dead. For this,
the dead were carefully prepared, while at the same time it was important
to protect the living from potential dangers they might represent. This ambivalent attitude in dealing with the dead or with death informs many rituals
which refer to the dead person. Frequently, they have an ‘apotropaic’
character, i. e. they are supposed to ward off evil.
In the matter of the ‘empty shell’ the question can be asked: What happens
with the dead body? In principle, European cultures employ two types
of funeral, the burying of the body in a coffin or its cremation. Over the
centuries the burying of bodies shaped the cemeteries. However, today the
increasing number of cremations is changing the appearance of cem­eteries
to a point where there is a surplus of cemetery space. The burial forms
described in the following are all based on cremation. In the matter of the
translucent figure the question arises: Which images of the last journey or
of death, respectively, have been developed? Again, some of the exhibits in
the following will touch on this.
3
4
2
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Main entrance on the ground floor
1
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6
WC
10
7
9
7
8
N

outdoor area
1
5
Permanent
exhibition in
the basement
4
1
Up to now though, the norm in most cemeteries is a grave identified
with a grave sign and grave plantings. During the first half of the
16th century the Reformation generated an impulse towards the separation
of grave yards and church buildings. Thus, the increasingly individualised
grave had its origin. Initially, graves were probably only marked in a
Evangelische Kirche
in Deutschland
Verband der Diözesen Deutschlands
sowie den Ländern Berlin und Bremen
4
Fotos: AFD-Archiv (Frank Hellwig)
A warm welcome to the Museum of Sepulchral Culture. The museum was
founded in 1992 as an institute of the Study Group for Cemeteries and
Memorials (Arbeitsgemeinschaft Friedhof und Denkmal e. V. – AFD).
The name ‘sepulchral culture’ is derived from the Latin word ‘sepulcrum’
meaning ‘grave’. Sepulchral culture is concerned with all cultural manifestations which have developed in relation to the end of life. The Central
Institute for Sepulchral Culture does basic research regarding historical and
contemporary developments of cemeteries. A specialised library is situated
on the upper floor.
The museum building is the refurbished and extended coach house of the
Henschelvilla, the mansion of a well-known family of Kassel industrialists.
Today, spacious glass fronts illuminate the exhibits within and provide the
visitor with vistas of the southern part of Kassel. The basement is the home
of the permanent exhibition, which is complemented by changing temporary exhibitions in the storeys above.
A public guided tour of the temporary exhibitions is offered every Wednesday at 6 p. m.
The stations of this tour show a selection of exhibits that from different
angles illuminate the topics of living, dying, burying, remembering.
Main entrance on the ground floor
The Museum for Sepulchral
Culture in 10 Stations
The Museum
for Sepulchral Culture
in 10 Stations
deutsch|english
5
row – Zwei Tödlein / Two Little Deaths, late 17th cent. Death is seen as the
conqueror of human life, over which he triumphs.
Towards the end of the 18th century a change in attitude resulting from
the influence of the Enlightenment can be discerned. Whereas death as
a skeleton had terrified human beings so far, it now acquired consoling,
gentle attributes under the guise of a beautiful youth. The model for this was
Thanatos – Thanatos, about 1800 –, in Greek Antiquity considered to be
the twin brother of sleep (Hypnos). Unfortunately, the statue on display has
been deprived of its typical attributes. Originally, the figure supported itself
on an inverted torch, a symbol of fading life. In its hand it held a poppy
stalk signifying eternal sleep.
In 1769, Gotthold Ephraim Lessing in his publication ‘Wie die Alten den
Tod gebildet’ (How the Ancients Depicted Death) promoted Thanatos as a
more appropriate representation of death. Not only to him, the metaphor of
death as eternal sleep appeared more pleasant than the Christian concept
of eternal damnation, which lies hidden behind the imagery of skulls,
6
7
8
8
bones and skeletons. The bourgeoisie too, with its new self-image, followed
Lessing’s ideas, and little by little Ancient symbols and designs replaced the
drastic ‘vanitas’ illustrations on tombs.
The outer coffins from the mausoleum of the noble family of von Stockhausen (outer coffins 17th to 20th cent.) are testimonials of the common practice of church funerals in former times. 27 stacked coffins were
found in the mausoleum, each consisting of an outer and inner coffin. The
outer coffins were elaborately painted with ‘vanitas’ motifs (candle, hour
glass, skull, branch of roses) and assumed the memorial function of a grave
sign. These coffins display a peculiar contradiction. In agreement with the
protestant belief of the family, their lids were covered with New Testament
quotations pointing to the hoped for resurrection, while at the same time
the dead bodies in the inner coffins were secured with belts, tied in zigzag
or crosswise. The explanation for this practice is fear of a return of the
dead. This abrupt juxtaposition of Christian symbols and acts of supposedly
apotropaic motivation is an example of the inconsistencies in dealing with
dead bodies. Movie entertainment still employs these fears from popular
belief. In the horror movie genre vampires, zombies, and homunculi just
refuse to die.
7
Furthermore, changes in the domain of remembering and commemorating the dead have to be viewed against a background of changing
living conditions. Georg Pöhlein’s series of photographs Großvater geht
(Grandfather is leaving), which documents the life and death of his grandfather, is representative of general changes of living and dying. Whereas
formerly most people died at home and – according to survey data – most
people today wish to die there, this is hardly possible any more for a vari­
ety of reasons. Nowadays, people in general live to a much higher age
than previously and for this reason often complete the final phase of their
lives in nursing homes or hospitals, but no longer at home. Simultaneously,
the fact that in most cases both spouses are employed outside the home
makes caring for the old and dying within the framework of the family
almost impossible. Causes of death
have changed, infectious diseases
have been replaced by chronic degenerative diseases as the most common
cause of death.
The two black-and-white portraits of
a man who died in a hospice – Zwei
Portraits / Two Portraits of Heiner
Schmitz, 2003 –, complemented by
Beate Lakotta and Walter Schels with
thoughts of the dying man, point out
the trend of moving death away from
the home into professional caring
institutions, although palliative wards
also try to make dying at home possible by providing comparable care
for out-patients.
9
as for the grave signs, which nowadays are dissolved into landscapes or
gardens within the cemetery: Mourning, remembering, and commemorating become increasingly invisible in our everyday life.
10
The video installation by Ugo Dossi Eternal Recurrence – Danse Macabre (2007, duration 0:18:55, shown daily at 15h) subliminally
presents images and sounds to the viewer and listener. The images occur so
briefly and the sounds are so indifferent that their perception does not cross
the threshold of consciousness, they remain subliminal.
The video touches on the cyclical, the eternally recurring that also appears
in the motif of the danse macabre. Historical antecedents of the danse
macabre in the video are literary, pictorial and sculpted representations of
death dancing with the living (see also station 6).
Some of the ‘faces of death’ and ‘shapes of soul’ that flash up in the installation reappear on the grave sign that Hugo Dossi made for himself in the
artists' necropolis (Künstlernekropole) in Kassel.
9
7
These traditional mourning costumes from Schaumburg-Lippe (end of
the 19th cent. and later) exemplify the visualisation of mourning. The
women’s costumes differentiate three phases within the three year mourning
period, i. e. full, half and end of mourning. In accordance with these stages
the colours gradually change from black to lighter tones. These subtle colour distinctions underline the process character of mourning, during which
the mourner is gradually reintroduced to everyday social life.
The costume also protects the mourner. It signals to all outsiders at which
stage of mourning the wearer currently is and how much protection or
consideration is deemed necessary at that point. At the same time, wearing
these costumes was linked to restrictions of behaviour, which certainly contributed to the gradual falling into disuse of ‘wearing mourning’ to a point
where it is hardly seen any more.
With the disappearance of mourning costumes we have come full circle
back to the topic with which our tour began, namely to commemoration
mediated by the object of the grave sign. For the costumes the same applies
10