THE
ECONOMIC
WEEKLY
A p r i l 2, 1960
Parliamentary Democracy in India
Procedural Improvements Not Enough
CVH
W H I L E parliamentary democracy
in India, as a political ideal, is
s t i l l exposed to hazards arising f r o m
the attitudes of certain political parties and criticisms f r o m others, the
mechanism of the system functioni n g through Parliament
is being
progressively
perfected. The mechanism can be an important factor
contributing to the success of the
system, but it cannot be the sole
factor.
The distinction between the two is
evident. We may evolve satisfactory and even precise rules and procedures to guide the work of parliamentary institutions, as in fact we
are doing, and thereby enable Parliament to carry on its work smoothly and efficiently. But the roots of
the parliamentary system lie in the
democratic ideal, and they have to
be fostered outside the confines of
Parliament and among the
masses
of people. Unless the
roots are
vitalised and made to acquire selfdeveloping potentialities, the branches of the system represented by
Parliament and the
State Legislatures cannot
draw the
necessary
sustenance.
A n attempt w i l l be made in this
article to analyse, in broad outline,
the situation w i t h regard to both the
branches and roots of the system.
The analysis w i l l he confined broadly to the w o r k i n g of Lok Sabha,
which is the most important branch
of Parliament.
CONGRESS P R E P O N D E R A N C E
Because of the preponderant position of the party in power, the inevitable i m p l i c a t i o n of which is that
a l l — o r most—Government decisions
are decisions, of the Congress party,
Parliament's instrumentality in decision-making as such is restricted.
The Opposition parties express their
points of view, and on some issues
on which they feel strongly they
express themselves strongly, as the
P S P d i d on the China issue and
the Communists on the Kerala issue.
A p a r t from that, consultations may
go on through Special Committees,
as on food. But the Opposition, us
such, cannot be considered to have,
much part, except inperceplibly,
and in an indirect way, in shaping
Government's p o l i c y .
side the purview of Parliament
(and are, therefore, as regularly
disallowed),
it is not because those
There is, however, a number of
indications to show that Parliament who attempt to b r i n g f o r w a r d these
is becoming a more effective instru- motions are unaware of their inadment for expressing public opinion m i s s i b i l i t y : the only explanation for
and voicing p u b l i c grievances. It is it. is that members probably find
also becoming increasingly effective this an effective method of d r a w i n g
in restraining the executive and en- attention to themselves, of demontheir protest
against the
suring the Iatter's response and ac- strating
countability to national sentiment monolithic Government majority.
and w i l l , which finds expression—in
SPEAKER'S RULINGS M U S T BE
a broad
manner—in the House
RESPECTED
through elected
representatives of
Refusing permission for a large
organised
political
parties and
others. Through the evolution of number of notices for adjournments
various mechanical devices and en- must be embarrassing to the presidforcement of rules of procedure, the i n g officer, because of the inevitable
day-to-day w o r k i n g of Parliament is protest in the f o r m of a walk-out
that follows his r u l i n g . Some membeing better regulated.
bers persist even after the Speaker's*
FREQUENT ADJOURNMENT MOTIONS
warning that a motion is inadmissiThe
Opposition groups try to ble, in b r i n g i n g it up again under
make up for their i n a b i l i t y to influ- the guise of a point of order or by
ence policy by resorting to frequent interrupting the proceedings after
adjournment
motions and protest question hour when the next item
walks out. T i m e and again the pro- on the agenda is called or is about
cedure by which and the purposes to be called. Parliamentary profor which adjournment motions can cedure demands that members show
be brought f o r w a r d have been spel- due respect to the chair's rulings.
led out by the Speaker.
This, unhappily, is not always forthThe criteria for admission of ad- coming. So persistent was the atto move an adjournment
journment motions are. only too well tempt
motion
last session that the protestknown—among other things, adjournment motions should relate to ing member had to be suspended
occasion,
matters of urgent public importance for a day. On another
member
for w h i c h the Central Government the persistence of another
is responsible. But a
count of in questioning the chair's r u l i n g
motions attempted in any
session compelled Prime Minister Nehru to
House,
w o u l d , however, indicate that a l l suggest, as Leader of the
the time something very serious or the removal of the member from
very extraordinary is happening the chamber.
w i t h i n the sphere of the
Central
The Speaker's rulings on differGovernment's
responsibility, that
ent matters, as they arise, are valurequires to be drawn attention to or
able because they create precedents
for which the Government should be
and precedents serve to eliminate
censured. It is strange that this prowaste of time.
Resides
adjourncedural device should be so popular,
ment motions, the Speaker's observdespite it being self-evident that even
ations on two other matters during
if an adjournment motion is admitthe last couple of sessions on raisted, it would not be possible for
ing points of order f a l l in
this
the Opposition groups, disparate as
category. W h i l e the inherent right
they are, to muster the support of
of members to a point of order for
the prescribed number of members
putting objections to something
for its being moved.
which is being said in debate or
on some
Nevertheless, if in every session for seeking clarification
adjournment motions are given no- point is undisputed, it does not
tice of w i t h monotonous regularity justify raising too frequent points
on matters w h i c h obviously are out- of order by one or more members
553
THE
April
2,
ECONOMIC
WEEKLY
1960
AIDING
INDIA'S
PROGRESS
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
o n p o i n t s w h i c h d o not
obviously
call
f o r any
clarification.
Too
m a n y u n j u s t i f i e d points o f
order
i n t e r r u p t the proceedings,
a n d enable members to make observations,
w h i c h are themselves i r r e l e v a n t to
the business on h a n d .
It is difficult
to prevent a p o i n t of o r d e r f r o m bei n g raised when it can be done s p o n taneously
and
without
previous
notice, but it is essential 'for m e m b ers to realise that it s h o u l d be relevant
and should be designed to
secure
c l a r i f i c a t i o n of a specific
position or to object to an i r r e l e v a n t
point b e i n g made i n debate.
PARTY
WHIP
The place of p a r t y w h i p s in the
w o r k i n g of the p a r l i a m e n t a r y system
came up p r o m i n e n t l y in the last
session
of Lok Sabha.
It
has
a n i m p o r t a n t b e a r i n g o n the funct i o n i n g o f the p a r t y system, t h r o u g h
w h i c h the P a r l i a m e n t w o r k s .
The
w h i p i s the i n s t r u m e n t f o r k e e p i n g
party
members on the
qui vive,
especially w h e n an i m p o r t a n t debate is in progress, on w h i c h votes
may be taken. T h e issue came up
s h a r p l y d u r i n g the
debate on the
m o t i o n to a m e n d the C o n s t i t u t i o n to
extend the p e r i o d of reservation of
seats in P a r l i a m e n t and the
legislatures f o r
scheduled
castes and
scheduled tribes.
The motion
had
been
i n t r o d u c e d by
Government.
T h e Congress
Parliamentary party
was a p p a r e n t l y d i v i d e d on the issue
a n d at least a section of the p a r t y
was r e l u c t a n t to s u p p o r t the amendment.
H o w e v e r , a p o l i c y decision
h a v i n g been taken, the G o v e r n m e n t
c o u l d not risk a defeat t h r o u g h the
abstention of its o w n supporters at
the time o f v o t i n g .
An urgent w h i p
was issued c a l l i n g f o r the presence
o f every m e m b e r i n the H o u s e i f
a n d w h e n a d i v i s i o n was c a l l e d . It
evoked inadequate response a n d i f
at the m o m e n t of
r e c o r d i n g the
votes, the mechanical v o t e - r e c o r d i n g
device h a d not gone out of o r d e r ,
the amendment
w o u l d have been
v o t e d out, r e s u l t i n g not o n l y i n loss
o f Government's prestige
but prob a b l y in a d e m a n d f o r its resignation.
T h e episode'has, however, a w i d e r
significance f o r
the w o r k i n g
of
parliamentary government,
because
it raises questions of p a r t y
discip l i n e o n the one h a n d a n d f r e e d o m
of conscience of members
on the
other.
While
the
parliamentary
system depends f o r its
successful
A p r i l 2 , 1960
w o r k i n g o n the enforcement o f r i g i d
d i s c i p l i n e on p a r t y members,
the
question is whether the tyranny, of
the p a r t y w h i p s h o u l d be such that
even when members
honestly feel
t h a t a p a r t i c u l a r p a r t y p o s i t i o n or
decision is not in the p u b l i c interest
or is wrong f r o m their
standpoint,
they should r i g i d l y obey it.
The
recalcitrants i n the Congress P a r t y
h a d t o pay d e a r l y f o r i g n o r i n g the
three line w h i p on this,
particular
occasion, b y f o r e g o i n g p a r t o f t h e i r
emoluments as a fine'.
ACCOUNTABILITY
OF
THE
EXECUTIVE
One o f the c a r d i n a l r i g h t s and p r i vileges of P a r l i a m e n t is to enforce
the a c c o u n t a b i l i t y of the Executive to
P a r l i a m e n t . T h i s is done efficiently
by the L o k Sabha t h r o u g h v a r i o u s
d e v i c e s — i n t e r p e l l a t i o n s , c a l l i n g att e n t i o n motions, h a l f h o u r , one h o u r
a n d t w o h o u r discussions on specific
issues raised by m e m b e r s w h i c h the
Speaker
admits at his
discretion.
By f a r the most
i m p o r t a n t of the
agencies t h r o u g h w h i c h P a r l i a m e n t
ensures that the
r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of
the m i n i s t r i e s to it is discharged are
the Estimates and the
P u b l i c Accounts
Committees.
Representative
of a l l sections of the House,
these
t w o Committees p r o v i d e an effective
check on G o v e r n m e n t policies
and
programmes.
T h e y scrutinise
not
o n l y the estimates o f
expenditure
p r e p a r e d by m i n i s t r i e s but also the
methods of s p e n d i n g f u n d s voted by
P a r l i a m e n t , so that there is neither
mis-spending
nor
unauthorised
spending.
Their
f u n c t i o n s were
explained
by the Speaker of the
L o k Sabha
w h i l e i n a u g u r a t i n g the a n n u a l meetings of the Estimates and the P u b l i c
Accounts Committees f o r
1959-60.
A b o u t the
Estimates
Committee,
the Speaker
said t h a t
"whatever
p o l i c y i s l a i d d o w n b y the P a r l i a ment, y o u r business is to see
that
that p o l i c y i s c a r r i e d o u t — n o t i n dependently o r d i v o r c e d f r o m its
financial implications".
He pointed
out that it was m a i n l y a financial
c o m m i t t e e a n d " i t is o n l y where a
policy
involves
expenditure
and
while
g o i n g i n t o the
expenditure
y o u find the p o l i c y has not w o r k ed
properly,
you
are
entitled
a n d competent t o g o i n t o i t " .
On
the w o r k o f the
P u b l i c Accounts
C o m m i t t e e the
Speaker said that
" o n y o u r w o r k depends f u r t h e r economies that c o u l d be achieved in
this c o u n t r y . "
Especially w h e n w e
555
consider the m a n n e r in w h i c h we
have u n d e r t a k e n a l a r g e n u m b e r of
p r o j e c t s in the
Second Five Y e a r
P l a n , he s a i d , " e v e r y p i e that y o u
w i l l save w i l l g o towards m a k i n g
the f u t u r e P l a n successful".
COMMITTEE
ON GOVERNMENTAL
ASSURANCES:
AN
INNOVATION
Another body t h r o u g h w h i c h Parliament exercises its r i g h t of v e n t i l a t i n g p u b l i c grievances a n d g e t t i n g
them redressed is the C o m m i t t e e on
Governmental
Assurances.
T h i s is
a purely Indian innovation.
This
c o m m i t t e e functions as a w a t c h d o g
of P a r l i a m e n t to ensure that assurances given by Ministers on matters
b r o u g h t to their notice on, the floor
of the L o k Sabha are a c t u a l l y i m p l e m e n t e d . T h i s committee
places
M i n i s t e r s o n t h e i r good b e h a v i o u r ,
as it were, by m a k i n g a report to
every session of the Sabha and pins
them d o w n to, t h e i r statements made
on the floor of the House.
T h e Speaker, as the g u a r d i a n of
the prestige
and dignity
of the
House
and the
custodian
of its
rights and privileges, plays a vital
r o l e i n e n a b l i n g the
parliamentary
m a c h i n e r y t o operate s m o o t h l y . B y
his observations on v a r i o u s matters
a r i s i n g in the course of a debate, by
his f o r m a l r u l i n g s o n p o i n t s o f order raised by members, w h i c h may
range f r o m efforts to secure s i m p l e
c l a r i f i c a t i o n s o f some r u l e o r procedure to matters i n v o l v i n g
interpretation of Constitutional
provisions,
by his
r i g h t to
regulate
debates a n d p r o n o u n c e on the
adm i s s i b i l i t y or otherwise of
various
motions—the
Speaker
exercises
enormous influence on the w o r k i n g
of the House. H i s observations in the
course of the debates and his r u l i n g s
on v a r i o u s issues, all of w h i c h
f o r m p a r t of the official proceedings,
become
precedents
in respect of
s i m i l a r situations w h i c h m a y
arise
i n the f u t u r e and i n course o f t i m e
acquire the status, significance and
sanctity of conventions a n d become
p a r t o f the p a r l i a m e n t a r y t r a d i t i o n .
T h u s is the base of the p a r l i a m e n t a r y system in I n d i a b e i n g broadened f r o m precedent to precedent and
f r o m convention t o c o n v e n t i o n .
RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN
AND
ITS
LEGISLATIVE
PARTY
WING
A s i g n i f i c a n t feature of the parl i a m e n t a r y situation in I n d i a is the
d o m i n a t i n g position of p a r t y organisation vis a vis their legislative
April
2,
THE
1960
wings. For the Congress p a r t y , this
has far-reaching effects not o n l y on
Government
policies
but on the
f u n c t i o n i n g of the Government. T h i s
extra constitutional relationship between the Government party and
its organisational w i n g is an inescapable o u t g r o w t h of the circumstances in w h i c h p a r l i a m e n t a r y democracy
has been established. A l l
i m p o r t a n t policies and programmes
are first mooted, discussed, a n d decided u p o n in the
p a r t y conclave
before becoming accepted official
policies. I f this procedure indicates
the
primacy
attaching to p a r t y
leadership of the Congress, it has
also been responsible f o r o b v i a t i n g
serious f r i c t i o n
between the two
wings of the p a r t y .
It remains, however, a matter for
conjecture whether this smooth relationship w i l l continue i f (a) the
chief of the Congress organisation
happens to be an assertive person,
w i t h a m i n d and w i l l of his own, or
( b ) i f the present P r i m e M i n i s t e r s
dominant
personality, w h i c h provides the connecting l i n k
between
the organisational and the
parliamentary wings, is removed. For the
time being,
the one
safeguard
against the p a r t y leadership, w h i c h
also
dominates
the
Government,
u t i l i s i n g its position for unconstitut i o n a l ends is the i n t r i n s i c predilect i o n of this leadership f o r democratic
ideals
and
its respect
for
constitutional
proprieties.
It
will
be a sad day for p a r l i a m e n t a r y system if this safeguard disappears f o r
any reason.
SUPREMACY OF LEGISLATIVE W L N G
T h i s relationship is, however, undergoing
a change the
extent of
w h i c h is at present imperceptible.
One clear i n d i c a t i o n of this is the
growing
importance
attached by
the Congress and also other parties,
excepting the
Communists, to the
p a r l i a m e n t a r y side of p a r t y a c t i v i ties. T h i s was one of the
points
made in a note prepared by
Shri
J Rameshwar Rao at the instance of
the Congress
Parliamentary party.
Generally speaking, in a parliamenta r y democracy, unless a p a r t y has
an effective legislative w i n g , its existence cannot be f e l l and the electorate—'and p u b l i c g e n e r a l l y — w i l l
have l i t t l e use for i t .
As p o l i t i c a l parties constitute the
bedrock of democracy and as respons i b i l i t y for r u n n i n g the Government
devolves o n l y o n that p a r t y w h i c h
commands a m a j o r i t y , a develop-
ment of the k i n d mentioned above
is inevitable.
In the relationship
that now exists between the B r i t i s h
Conservative and L a b o u r p a r t y organisations and their p a r l i a m e n t a r y
wings, the f o r m e r are m a i n l y electioneering agents f o r their respective
party candidates w h i l e policies are
decided by the latter. We can envisage in the next few years developments in I n d i a by w h i c h the
leaders
of p a r l i a m e n t a r y
parties
w o u l d be either the same as the chiefs
of the organisations or the latter w i l l
become more or less figure heads.
T h i s appears to be quite probable
at least in respect of the Congress,
when the present generation of top
leaders pass away, and m o r e espec i a l l y when Pandit N e h r u is no
longer on the scene.
TRUE ALSO OK OPPOSITION PARTIES
What is true of the Congress is
also largely true of the Praja Socialist Party. The leader of its p a r l i a mentary g r o u p has a more or less
decisive voice in d e t e r m i n i n g the
party line on any i m p o r t a n t issue in
Parliament, though the C h a i r m a n of
the p a r t y and the p a r t y executive
contribute to the f o r m u l a t i o n of the
broad outlines of p a r t y p o l i c y . The
Communist p a r l y , w h i c h is the other
organised p a r t y in the country has
also a strong p a r l i a m e n t a r y w i n g .
But it w o u l d not be w r o n g to say
that it regards p a r l i a m e n t a r y w o r k ,
despite the A m r i t s a r thesis, more
f r o m the propaganda and p u b l i c i t y
standpoint than f r o m its firm f a i t h
in its u t i l i t y as an instrument for
achieving the p o l i t i c a l and economic
objectives of the P a r t y . B o t h their
protests and their silences in the
House are significant. These are
p r i m a r i l y intended to expose the
weakness of other parties professing
socialism or to cover up its o w n
weaknesses
and
predilections
towards a p a r t y dictatorship or at least
extra constitutional action.
DISTURBING CRITICISM
W h i l e sound p a r l i a m e n t a r y procedures, precedents and conventions
are being evolved, doubts are i n creasingly being
raised about the
s u i t a b i l i t y of the p a r l i a m e n t a r y system to this c o u n t r y . The efficiency
and potency of the p r e v a i l i n g procedures f o r the realisation of nat i o n a l objectives of speedy economic
and social progress are also being
questioned.
The Sarvodaya g r o u p
led by S h r i Jai Prakash N a r a i n
have attacked it on fundamental,
m o r a l grounds.
Others are impa556
ECONOMIC
WEEKLY
tient of the procedure in P a r l i a ment,
because adherence to
them
holds up and slows d o w n the progress of the nation in an age of
r a p i d technological change.
What
is d i s t u r b i n g is that this k i n d of
sentiment, and the suggestion f o r
b r u s h i n g aside the rules and procedures of Parliament should come
f r o m Pandit N e h r u f r o m
time t o
time.
The p a r l i a m e n t a r y system is undoubtedly the best p o l i t i c a l system
for I n d i a . It is more w i d e l y understood
and appreciated
than any
other f o r m of democratic government l i k e the presidential system or
the system of indirect elections. It
w i l l nevertheless be conceded that
besides perfecting the rules of parliamentary procedure and the mechanics of the system, fundamental
modifications are necessary to vitalise and invigorate the roots of parliamentary democracy in this count r y . These modifications relate to
basic h u m a n
factors
because no
system can
f u n c t i o n successfully
unless those who are to w o r k it are
p r o p e r l y conditioned to make it
work.
A B A N D O N CASTEISM AND
COMMUNALISM
F i r s t l y , p o l i t i c a l parties should
display greater awareness than they
have done so far of the fact that
p o l i t i c a l democracy thrives o n l y
when the electorate is mature, informed, i n t e l l i g e n t and v i g i l a n t , a n d
that this can be done o n l y by intensive and continuous education of the
people of their obligations and rights
as citizens of a democratic r e p u b l i c .
It is p r i m a r i l y the task of p o l i t i c a l
parties to undertake this educative
c a m p a i g n . Members o f P a r l i a m e n t
can do this better than others by
keeping i n touch w i t h their constituencies and by e v i n c i n g m u c h greater interest in educating them than
they are i n c l i n e d to do at present.
As the recent r e p o r t of a committee
of the P a r l i a m e n t a r y Congress P a r t y
prepared by S h r i S N M i s h r a r i g h t ly u n d e r l i n e d Congress p a r t y members are p r o b a b l y the worst offenders in neglecting their constituencies.
T h i s results i n their losing touch w i t h
the currents o f p u b l i c o p i n i o n i n the
countryside and
f u n c t i o n i n g in a
sort o f v a c u u m .
As a c o r o l l a r y to this is the need
f o r parties to abandon the c r i t e r i a
of n a r r o w
casteism, sectionalism
and c o m m u n a l i s m f o r selection o f
THE
ECONOMIC
WEEKLY
candidates f o r election to P a r l i a ment and other legislative bodies
and to prescribe instead m i n i m u m
standards of education and general
competence.
If political parties
for reasons of their o w n , are reluctant to impose these qualifications
v o l u n t a r i l y , it w o u l d be desirable
and essential, in the interests of the
democratic system, w h i c h we have
deliberately opted for in our Cons t i t u t i o n , to prescribe them by law.
It should be remembered that undei; the existing system, membership of Parliament is a
stepping
stone to m i n i s t e r i a l office and executive r e s p o n s i b i l i t y .
W I D E R PARTICIPATION ESSENTIAL
Secondly, respect for and f a i t h in
p a r l i a m e n t a r y democracy w i l l grow
among the people in p r o p o r t i o n to
the c o n v i c t i o n they gain that their
elected
representatives
are
disc h a r g i n g t h e i r responsibilities w i t h
d i g n i t y , diligence and d i s c i p l i n e .
T h e a t r i c a l manoeuvres l i k e walks
out and frequent
i n t e r r u p t i o n s of
legislative proceedings by p o l i t i c a l
parties or i n d i v i d u a l members, and
repealed lack of q u o r u m d u r i n g sittings of the House may be amusing
and may occasionally provide some
excitement.
But this type of behav i o u r betrays p o l i t i c a l i m m a t u r i t y ,
exhibitionism,
excessive
fondness
for the
l i m e l i g h t and inadequate
a p p r e c i a t i o n of the need to utilise
the o p p o r t u n i t y that members are
given f o r serving the p u b l i c interest.
It should be made a r u l e that
every
member of the
legislature
should have spoken at least on a
prescribed number o f times i n the
course of his term as member, or
p a r t i c i p a t e d in the v o t i n g in at least
80 per cent of the divisions f o r being
e n t i t l e d to re-nomination. T r u e ,
a number of back-benchers do not
have the occasion to speak in debates
because the lists of speakers
prepared by p a r t y whips are conlined more or less to a few more
prominent members.
It should not
be difficult, however, for them to
secure change of speakers if members specialise in p a r t i c u l a r subjects and offer themselves as p a r t i cipants.
P a r l i a m e n t a r y business is
complicated and legislative w o r k
requires competence. It is f o r the
members to acquire the
necessary
competence t h r o u g h diligence and
i n d u s t r y and to participate f r u i t f u l l y
in the w o r k of Parliament and raise
its standard.
T h i s is not a propos i t i o n to be accepted m e r e l y in
April
theory but one that s h o u l d be enforced by the p a r t y machinery.
Even the fundamental r o l e of
Parliament as watchdog of public
finances can be discharged effectively o n l y when there is this i n t e l l i g e n t
p a r t i c i p a t i o n by
members in the
business before
the House.
This
responsibility is becoming more
and more heavy w i t h the increasing
number of p u b l i c corporations and
the enlargement of the rules to ensure that these undertakings
carry
on their w o r k efficiently and exped i t i o u s l y ; there is also the need to
ensure that there is no wastage of
p u b l i c funds or inefficiency and
maladministration
i n their funct i o n i n g , ft is the o r d i n a r y citizen's
v i t a l interests that are i n v o l v e d in
this exercise of continuous vigilance
by members of Par lament, f o r it is
he who pays for such inefficiency.
T h i r d l y . Parliament should not
be o n l y , or even m a i n l y , a f o r u m
for the p u b l i c i t y of the party or for
i n d i v i d u a l members to project themselves before the p u b l i c eye. Neither should it be a r i n g for fighting
out narrow regional, l i n g u i s t i c or
sectional conflicts. There are other
avenues and other agencies l i k e the
State legislatures for v e n t i l a t i o n of
such viewpoints.
P a r l i a m e n t is
essentially the national legislature.
W h i l e the Speaker heroically strives
t h r o u g h his rulings and admonitions
to prevent these essentially regional
or State matters f r o m beiiig brought
up before the L o k Sabha, his efforts
can succeed o n l y to the extent that
a l l sections of the House cooperate
w i t h h i m i n his endeavour.
PUBLIC
INTEREST M I S T BE CREATED
N o t h i n g is more i m p o r t a n t for
the next few years
than the continued p o l i t i c a l education of the
masses on the virtues, p r i n c i p l e s
and practices of p a r l i a m e n t a r y democracy. T h i s is the o n l y way in
w h i c h the challenges f r o m different sides to the very bases of p a r l i a mentary democracy can be effectively countered and subdued. It is
also the necessary pre-condition for
p a r l i a m e n t a r y democracy to strike
deep roots in the s o i l , w h i c h , according to critics, is not congenial for
the f u n c t i o n i n g of the western f o r m
of p a r l i a m e n t a r y government. Side
by side, healthy
precedents
and
conventions should be b u i l t up
w h i c h w o u l d keep the structure in
good shape and ensure its o r d e r l y
and h a r m o n i o u s f u n c t i o n i n g .
557
2.
1960
Besides the
political
parties,
various organised p u b l i c o p i n i o n
organisations, institutions of social
and p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , and other
organised groups and associations
should be able to contribute in their
own way to the creation of this
democratic t r a d i t i o n w h i c h in the
ultimate analysis may be equated
to constant and intelligent p u b l i c
discussion
and debate on
public
affairs at different levels. The part
w h i c h the press can p l a y in the
creation of
this t r a d i t i o n and in
keeping the debate on p u b l i c affairs
alive can hardly be over-estimated.
In his c o n t r i b u t i o n entitled "Decision M a k i n g i n I n d i a n Parliament".
Mr N o r m a n D Palmer observes that
despite various handicaps, traceable
to the p o l i t i c a l and social backg r o u n d of I n d i a , the parliamentary
system "is operating now and seems
to be
operating w i t h g r o w i n g
effectiveness, in spile of the m u l t i tude of problems and
obstacles".
He adds that 'unless a major reversal occurs in I n d i a n politics.
Parliament w i l l almost certainly
g a i n in prestige and influence"
It is. indeed, the hope of a l l those
who have laboured f o r the establishment of the p a r l i a m e n t a r y system, and are engaged in operating
i t , that favourable c o n d i t i o n s — p o l i t i c a l , social, economic, etc—for its
successful w o r k i n g should come into
existence so that it can strike deep
and procedures have to be evolved,
and healthy roots i n the soil. I f
in
this
process
certain
forms
and procedures have to be evolved.
w h i c h differ f r o m those prevalent
i n other countries w i t h s i m i l a r
p o l i t i c a l systems, because they are
called f o r on the special circumstances and traditions of India, that
should not affect adversely the basic
foundations
of
the structure of
I n d i a n democracy.
E x p o r t of Electric Fans
INDIA
exported 38,000 electric
fans valued at Rs 38.5 lakhs in
1959. In the previous year, 21,379
fans valued at Rs 21 lakhs
were
exported.
There were 24 large-scale
units
at the end
of 1959
engaged in
fan m a k i n g w h i c h produced
7.31
l a k h fans, as compared w i t h 6.36
l a k h fans p r o d u c e d in 1958 by 21
units.
T h e Development
Council f o r
L i g h t E l e c t r i c a l Industries has estimated the annual
requirement of
fans at 8.5 lakhs.